8182 866ὕ0 192 | Ϊ GREEK MELIC POETS . ΕΣ ᾿ GREEK MELIC POETS BY HERBERT WEIR SMYTH Pu. D. GOTTINGEN PROFESSOR OF GREEK AT BRYN MAWR COLLEGE, PENNSYLVANIA ws ae London MACMILLAN AND CO, LIMITED NEW YORK :. THE MACMILLAN COMPANY 1900 All rights reserved Ἶ ot : αἱ “FM Se sie. GLASGOW: PRINTED AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS BY _ -- 5 ROBERT MACLEHOSE AND CO τ : ; Co BASIL LANNEAU GILDERSLEEVE Digitized by the Internet Αγοῃίνθ᾽ in 2008 with funding from Microsoft Corporation http://www.archive.org/details/greekmelicpoetsOOsmytuoft PREFACE. Ir is usually the fate of the maker of an anthology to please none of the judicious because each is convinced that his taste is superior to that of the editor. The possibility of escaping this fate on the part of the author of the present volume, which aims at collecting those fragments of the song-writers of Greece that have a distinctly human interest, is all too great: an untoward chance has bequeathed to us such a meagre portion of the wealth of Greek song that the task of selection is comparatively easy. The triumphal odes of Pindar have indeed been handed down fairly complete and are elsewhere accessible. Only in the case of Bacchylides, who has now almost passed from his position as a fragmentary poet, is the material over abundant for the purpose of an anthology. If I have not included all that is best in him, it is because a few of his finer odes are mutilated in parts beyond all hope of certain restoration. Of the rest of the song-poetry of Greece only broken columns and ruined architraves remain to attest the beauty of the un- shattered edifice. Though I have refrained from inserting in the text much that is of importance to the student of mytho- logy, metre, and language—indeed the _ briefest fragments acquire a value incommensurate with their size when all we possess is so little—, I have not hesitated in the commentary to draw upon the whole vii Vili PREFACE. extant body of Greek lyric in the hope of making the work as comprehensive as possible within the limits of a single volume. The notes aim largely at illus- trating the poets from each other, and especially with reference to Pindar and Bacchylides. I have ‘also endeavoured to show at least in part the debt of all the melic poets to Homer. Theokritos has been often cited and still more frequently Horace. The parallel passages from ancient and from modern writers em- brace much that is less the result of conscious imitation than of happy coincidence, the natural expression of the language of poetry in all ages ; and their inclusion is partially intended to stimulate the student to notice for himself traces of the kinship between the poets of different climes and periods. Marked as is the individuality of the Greek lyrists, the economy of their vocabulary is largely conserva- tive; and purely verbal parallels have uot been disregarded when they point to the dependence of the later upon the earlier artist. Since the aim of the present edition is interpreta- tive rather than critical, the textual apparatus has been made as brief as possible. The text is based upon an examination of all the ms. evidence, but the fact that, apart from Bacch. i-x. and a few minor selections, the fragments in this volume are preserved, and that often in a very corrupt form because of their metrical and dialectal difficulties, in the Mss. of more than eighty different authors, grammarians, scholiasts, geographers, and the like, will, I trust, justify the complexion of the critical apparatus. The decision to restrict this part of the work was reached only with great unwillingness, but a conspectus of the various readings, to say nothing of the innumerable conjectures, would, I believe, have only served to embarrass the younger student for whom the book is primarily designed. Bergk’s Poetae PREFACE. ix Lyrici Graeci remains the indispensable guide to all thorough-going study of the text; but it is to be hoped that the new edition of the second and third volumes by Prof. Crusius, to whom the investigation of Greek lyric is already so greatly indebted, will remove the many defects that still disfigure Bergk’s monu- mental work. Except as regards the Aiolic forms, accents, and breathings, for “which Attic has been substituted hundreds of times in the MSs., marks of apostrophe, itacistic spellings, and the like, Ihave adopted no read- ing which involves a departure from the mss. without a statement to that effect ; and I have often included in the critical apparatus some of the more marked of the above-mentioned matters that the student might gain some acquaintance with the textual pr oblems at issue. The citation of readings unaccompanied by the name of a Ms. indicates that the readings in question are found in all or in the best MSs. ; specific mention is usually made of one or more MSS. only when they contain the best traditional reading. The names of the authors of emendations will be found in Bergk, except in the case of such as have appeared since the publication of his last edition (1882). These are duly recorded either in the margin or in the notes. In dealing with fragments often of the briefest compass it has not been found advisable to relegate all the critical notes to the marginal commentary. The Bibliography makes mention of the chicf books that have been used in the preparation of the text and notes. From these I have drawn freely. Of those that have been of most assistance I may mention the anthology of Michelangeli, which is especially valuable as regards the history of the text, Reitzen- stein’s Lpigram und Skolion, and the articles s by Crusius in Wissowa’s edition of Pauly’s Real-Encyclopidie. x PREFACE. I owe much to Jebb’s Sophocles and to the editions of Pindar’s epinikian odes, and I am especially indebted to the work on Pindar and Greek syntax by the distinguished scholar whose name I am privi- leged to associate with this book. The commentary on Bacchylides was begun shortly after the appearance of Kenyon’s edition, and no small part of the notes has, in consequence, been anticipated by the later editors. Blass’ text reached me after my work was well under way, the edition of Jurenka, the French and Italian translations of Desrousseaux and Festa respectively came into my hands after the printing had begun. The commentary has profited much from the contributions to the text and interpretation of the newly discovered poems that’ have appeared in the twelfth volume of the Classical Review and in other journals. To the authors of these articles I desire to make here acknowledg- ment of an indebtedness that has not been stated at every point in the notes. The difficulty of apportion- ing the credit of priority with regard to the emenda- tions of the text of Bacchylides is great, and in following the order of the articles in the Classtcal sd I have adopted what seemed the only feasible plan. As has been well said by Schroeder, the prospective editor of Bergk’s Pindar, the study of Greek metre is at present in a state of anarchy; and I am not certain that an attempt to grapple with the various theories put forward since the time of Westphal and J. H. H. Schmidt has tended to improve the book. In the case of poetry that is largely fragmentary uncertainty is the result of the best attempt. As regards Bacchylides I have contented’ myself with presenting the scansion of the lines as they stand in the papyrus, and in the main according to the doctrine of Westphal, which still holds its ground among a PREFACE. x1 large body of metrical scholars; and in general I have preferred, in a book of this character, to follow a conservative course rather than adopt the theories of Weil, who leans to the revival of the antispast, of Wilamowitz, or of Blass, which are still undeveloped in detail. The collection embraces, apart from the folk-songs, which are of uncertain date in many cases, only such poems as are the product of the classical period. As many will be glad to read the Anakreonteia in con- junction with the genuine poems of Anakreon, I have added a selection in the Appendix, which contains also the skolia attributed to the Sages, the paian of Isyllos, and several of the lyrics that have lately been discovered in the course of the excavations at Delphi by the French School. While the sheets were passing through the press I was able to find a place for the new poem of Sappho, though it has not been success- fully restored, and for the fragment attributed to Alkman, My sincere thanks are due to Dr. Mortimer Lam- son Karle, whose assistance has been of the greatest service both in the interpretation and emendation of several passages and in the reading of the proofs. AMERICAN SCHOOL OF CLASSICAL STUDIES, ATHENS, Nov. 27/15, 1899. yD ilies 1 ' Εις fa λ wht CONTENTS. PAGE INTRODUCTION, - - - - - - - - xvii Hymn, - - Ξ - - - 2 = - XXVii PROSODION,~ - - - - - - Ξ XXXlil PAIAN, - - - - - = - - XXXVI DITHYRAMB, - - - - - - - - ΧΙΠῚ ΝΟΜΕ, - - - - - - - - - lviii ΑΡΟΝΊΡΙΟΝ, - - - - - - - Ixvili IoBACCHOS, - - - - - - - - Ixix HYyPorcHeEME, - - - - - - - - lxix ENKOMION,~ - - - - - - - - Ιχχν ΕΡΙΝΊΚΙΟΝ, - - - - - - - - xxx SKOLION, - - : - = - - a cy: EROTIKON, - - - - - - Ξ - evii HyYMENAIOS, - - - - 3 - - - ΟΧΙ EPITHALAMIUM, - - - - - - - ΟΧΙ THRENOS, - - - - - - - = CXx EPIKEDEION, - - - - - - - Ξ ΟΣ Σ PARTHENEION, - - - - : : : OXXVill DAPHNEPHORIKON, - - = - : - ΟΧΧΧΙΙ ΟΒΟΗΟΡΗΟΘΈΙΚΟΝ, - - - - - - CXXXili VOTIVE Sones, - - - Ξ - - CXXXiv BIBLIOGRAPHY, - - - - = - Ξ CXXXV ABBREVIATIONS, - Ξ - - - - - exlili xii ΧΙν EUMELOs, TERPANDER, - ALKMAN, - ARION, - - ALKAIOS, SAPPHO, - ERINNA, - STESICHOROS, - Ipykos, - - PyYTHERMOS, ANAKREON, Lasos, - TELESILLA, SIMONIDES, TIMOKREON, KORINNA, - LAMPROKLES, - PRATINAS, PHRYNICHOS, - DIAGORAS, KyDIAs, - PRAXILLA, - PINDAR, - BACCHYLIDES, - MELANIPPIDES, ARIPHRON, LIKYMNIOS, ΤΟΝ, - EURIPIDES, PHILOXENOS, - TIMOTHEOS, TELESTES, - LYKOPHRONIDES, ARISTOTLE, - Metic ADESPOTA, SKOLIA, - - CONTENTS. Text. PAGE 53 53 72 73 Notes. PAGE 163 164 170 205 210 226 254 254 268 280 280 299 301 301 332 337 340 341 345 345 347 347 349 381 453 456 458 459 460 CONTENTS. HyYBRrias, = : - : Fouk-Sones, - : Ξ : APPENDIX— SKOLIA ATTRIBUTED TO THE SAGES, ANAKREONTEIA, - - Detprnic PAIAN ΤῸ Dionysos, - PATAN OF ΑΒΙΒΤΌΝΟΟΒ, - PATAN oF ISYLLOS OF ErrpAavurRos 3 Hymn To Aporto (1.), Hymn To APOLLO (ii.), - GREEK Inpex, : : . INDEX oF SUBJECTS, - : Text. PAGE 153 154 INTRODUCTION. For that broad department of poetry coordinate with the epic and the drama which we call lyric, the Greeks had no comprehensive name. ‘To the writers of the Alexandrian age,! who introduced and gave currency to the expression, lyric meant primarily what the name imports—poetry sung to the accompaniment of the lyre. By an inexact but natural extension of the range of the word, lyric came to include all verse sung to music without prejudice to the supremacy of the lyre, 1 λυρικός appears for the first time in the Ars Gramm. (p. 6. 1. 10 Uhlig) of Dionysios Thrax, the pupil of Aristarchos, who speaks of λυρικὴ ποίησις. Plut. de liberis educ. 13 B has λυρικὴ τέχνη ; the later introduction to the pseudo-Anakreontic collection (2 B, 2), λυρικὴ μοῦσα. Cicero Orat. 55. 183 uses the Greek λυρικοί (cf. Plut. Numa 4), and his contemporary Didymos Chalkenteros wrote a treatise περὶ λυρικῶν ποιητῶν that was a storehouse of information to later students of literature. A tractate of no importance in Boissonade’s Anecdota has the title περὶ λυρικῶν (cf. Schmidt Didymi Frag. 395). Clem. Alex. (about 200 A.p.) quotes from Bacch. as a λυρικός (Strom. 5. 731). The title of the work by Euphorion (born 276 B.c.)—zrept jeNoro.dy—is in agreement with the usage of the classical period and of later inscriptions. Plato sometimes (Phaidr. 243 a, Gorg. 449 D) uses μουσική, μουσικός where the modern equivalent is ‘lyric.’ Horace, Ovid, Quin- tilian and other Roman writers use /yricus to denote the melic poet. λυρικός appears under the name Anakreon in C. J. Sie. et Ital, 1132; and in a late inser. from Egypt (C. 1. G. 4716 add. ὦ 44). b xvii xviii MELOS. which was the first instrument employed in the his- tory of Greek poetry. Besides the numerous other stringed instruments used by the Greek poets to accompany their songs, the flute was adopted in the instrumentation of many lyrical poems, such as the processionals, dirges, paians, partheneia, and some of the hyporchemes; and both flute and lyre were employed by Pindar in giving an instrumental setting to several of his triumphal odes. More appropriate therefore than lyric, as an exact and comprehensive designation of all poetry that was sung to a musical accompaniment, is melic, the term in vogue among the Greeks of the classic age. Melos consists of three elements—words, melody, and rhythm.! In the meaning ‘song,’ μέλος is later than Homer,? in whom the word denotes a ‘member’; and melic poetry is, in fact, so called not because of any connection with μέλπω," but because it is divided into members.* Just as ποιεῖν embraces the creative activity of poet and of musical composer, so μέλος comprehends the text and the melody, both of which are divided into members.® The term melic was not 1Plato Rep. 398 D τὸ μέλος ἐκ τριῶν ἐστὶ συγκείμενον, λόγου τε καὶ ἁρμονίας καὶ ῥυθμοῦ, cf. Arist. Quint. 1. 6 χρὴ γὰρ καὶ μελῳδίαν θεωρεῖσθαι καὶ ῥυθμὸν καὶ λέξιν, ὅπως ἂν τὸ τέλειον τῆς ᾧδῆς ἀπεργάζηται. 2 Hymn 19. 16, Archil. 77, Alkm. i. 9 Euripides’ alliteration μολπὰν μελέων (Alk. 454) possibly points to the poet’s belief in the etymological connection of the words. 4Mar. Vict. 184. 8 (cf. 54. 13) hints at this explanation : sicut et corporis nostri partes Grraece μέλη appellantur. Gilied and Lied (L. and. 8.) is a specious parallel. 5 μέλος is cognate with Skt. marman ‘joint.’ The reason for the musical connotation of the word is not perfectly clear. Allen, Harvard Stud. in Class. Philol. 4. 207, suggested that it came into use from the singing-school (cf. Plato Protag. 325 & ff.) and with special reference to the phrases (members) MELOS. xix extended to cover _elegiac, iambic, and even epic, poetry because the musical accompaniment was not so vital a feature of these forms of poetical composi- tion (so long as they were still sung, either in part or entire) as it was in the case of melic verse, which was marked by flexibility of rhythm and melody. It is in the strophe of choral poetry, where the members are not uniform as in the epic hexameter, which pre- ceded melic, that we may best observe the arrange- ment of the words in members (κατὰ μέλη) which mark the movement of the air in its several phrases.’ It is, however, questionable whether μέλος was first used with special reference to the strophe. The nome, when provided with a text, was composed in hexa- meters, and it is included under μέλος. We may therefore assume that the name melic is due, not to the articulations of the strophe, but to the complete musical setting which was the essential feature of the numerous species of verse that fall under this class. The general name for ‘song’ is dopa. In so far as the words of a poem have been set to music from beginning to end the poem is a μέλος." di), on the other hand, in its strictest application is a poem that is sung merely, and is therefore the specific name for a folk-song, which is only then called μέλος when it has been adapted and transformed by the artist who sets it to music. Sometimes 6) appears to designate lyric as opposed to other species of poetry, and thus to usurp the place of μέλος ; but only when of the four-line stanza. So in Sanskrit, pdda, ‘foot,’ denotes 9, line of a tetracolic stanza and ‘verse.’ Cf. πούς and κῶλον. In the meaning ‘tune,’ μέλος occurs as early as Alkman (ν].). Cf. γλῶσσα καὶ μέλος Kur. Alk, 357. 1In his carmina divides Horace (1. 15. 15) has possibly preserved a trace of this conception. 2A single, definite poem is called μέλος in Hdt. 5. 95, dona Plato Protag. 339 B, ΧΕ CANON OF THE MELIC POETS. no stress is laid upon the fact of musical composition. Our use of ‘ode’ in speaking of a poem of Sappho or Pindar is derived from the employment of δή to signify a single, definite poem. CANON OF THE MELIC POETS. The Alexandrian scholars included in their Canon the following nine melic poets’: Alkman, Alkaios, Sappho, Stesichoros, Ibykos, Anakreon, Simonides, Pindar, and Bacchylides. This number was increased by the addition of the name of Korinna; so that, whereas Quint. 10. 1. 61 says novem lyricorum longe Pindarus princeps, Petron. Satir. 2 has Pindarus novemque lyrici. The existence of a more exclusive list has been wrongly concluded from Statius Silv. 5. 3. 94 quosque orbe sub omni ardua septena numerat sapientia fama. MONODIC AND CHORAL MELIC. From one point of view Greek melic may be regarded as sacred or profane. Almost all of the lyrics of the Greeks arose in connection with the cult of the gods, and in course of time, as the artistic instinct was developed, were to a greater or less degree divorced from their primitive ritualistic func- tion. More clearly marked, however, is the division, in the literary period, into monodic (to which some scholars would restrict the term melic) and choral song.2 Originally almost all melic poetry was led by 1See An. Par. 4. 196, Usener Dion. Halic. de imit. 130. 2Plato in the Laws 700 B ignores this method of division when he classifies melic poetry according to contents (εἴδη) and form (σχήματα). If the εἴδη are hymns, threnoi, paians, etc., and the σχήματα are aulodic and kitharoedic, the nome would be both an εἶδος and a σχῆμα. In Pol. 8. 7 Aristotle records a division into ethical (ἠθικά) melodies, melodies of MONODIC AND CHORAL MELIC. Xxl a single voice, while the chorus sang only the refrain; and certain kinds became entirely choral at different times and places. According to the instrumentation, melic was of two species: kitharoedic, when the words were accompanied by the notes of a stringed instru- ment, and aulodic, when the flute, or rather the clarinet, was employed. The two forms of musical accompaniment were occasionally combined. The instrumentation (κροῦσις) was subordinate to the text in the best melic period. Between the music, rhythms, and musical modes of monodic and of choral song there is no thoroughgoing distinction. Choral song was in unison except when an interval of an octave was the result of the participation of men and boys or women in the same chorus. This is the only form of modern ‘harmony’ that ancient Greek choral music has to show. Monodic melic, or that which is sung by a single voice, is represented in the earliest stage of Greek song by the nome; and this form remained monodiec until the end of the fifth century. The chief representatives of the monody are the Aiolians and the Ionic Anakreon. Its stanzas were repeated without interruption and were of brief compass, usually consisting of four or five simple verses, often arranged in regular succession (κατὰ στίχον) ; the metre was generally some form of logaoedic. ‘The sphere of the monody is the sphere of emotion—the deepest feelings of the individual, his joy and sorrow, hate and friendship ; or his trifling moods are equally the subject of this song that exists for itself alone because it is the outpouring of the heart and unprompted by the requirements of a ritual. Its wealth of emotion, unimpaired by the accidents action (πρακτικά), and passionate melodies (ἐνθουσιαστικάλ). These correspond to Aristoxenos’ ἡσυχαστική, συσταλτική, and διασταλτικὴ μελοποιΐα, and to Aristeides’ νομικός, τραγικός, and διθυραμβικὸς τρόπος. Xxil MONODIC AND CHORAL MELIC. of time and place, makes it for us the most enduring of the relics of Greek song ; whereas we find it difficult to represent the occasions 5 that gave birth to the choral ode, which, because of its intimate association with the religious faith and cult of the Greeks, is stamped with the distinctive qualities of the ancient world. Choral melic is in large measure public in character and epideictic. It is devoted to the worship of the gods and heroes, and is therefore a solemn expression of the united voice of the state. It is not confined to the narrow spirit of a canton, but has an inter- national catholicity though the poets are mainly aristocrats. Though choral melic is public in mood, it is none the less an expression of the individual poet, and it is ill-advised to define choral poetry as objective in contrast to the subjective monody. In the pre-Attic age the chorus is only the mouthpiece of the poet, whether it chants a hymn, a threnody, a paian, or a triumphal ode. Not only does the poet show a consciousness of the public: he is conscious of ‘himself and of his art. But in the fifth century at Athens, where he composes for the musical festivals in charge of the sovereign people, he surrenders some- thing of his former freedom of expression because he is the representative of the whole state. In the union of song, music, and dance (φδὴ τελεία) the ancients discovered the perfection of melic, and those poems were most esteemed which required the cooperation of all three arts. The poet himself was not merely the artificer of the words: he was a master of musical composition and skilled in arranging the evolutions of the dance, so that the union of the arts which was present to his imagination as a poet took audible and visible effect under his direction as chorodidaskalos. Almost all choral melic was accom- panied by the dance proper or by marching, which gave plastic life to the words of the poet and dis- MONODIC AND CHORAL MELIC. XXill tinctness to the phases of the rhythm. There were three kinds of lyric dance: the pyrrhic, which was warlike and rapid, the grave and solemn gymnopaidic, and the sportive hyporchematic. The Dorian choruses were usually quadrangular, arranged in ranks (ζυγά) according to breadth and in files (στοῦχοι) according to depth. The rhythms of choral melic were varied, and each poem had a different metre. The arrange- ment was now monostrophic, now in groups of triads, consisting of strophe, antistrophe, and epode, now in free rhythms without grouping. The equilibrium of the grouping by triads gave precision and_ severe beauty with mobility and grace. The ampler and more intricate strophes and epodes were a work of the most complicated art and often required the services of guilds of trained singers. The choruses were composed of men and boys, and occasionally of girls, as in the marriage songs and in connection with the worship of the gods. If we call the first of the two divisions Aiolian, it is without prejudice to the fact that the Lesbian epithalamia were choral and that the Aiolians chanted in chorus the praises of the gods at their religious festivals. On the other hand much that is Dorian is - purely personal and needed no orchestic accompani- ment. The Greeks did not separate private from public life as do the moderns; hence much that is regarded by us as proper only to the sphere of the individual finds an outlet in the choral ode, which is an expression of the common sentiment of the state. Most of the choric poets were not Dorians, but the Dorian stamp is upon all choral poetry in its language, rhythm, and metre. SUBDIVISIONS OF MELIC POETRY. The writers of the classical period made no attempt to classify all the various forms of their melic poetry. I χχῖν SUBDIVISIONS. Pindar alludes, in Frag. 139, to paians, dithyrambs, threnoi, the Linos-song, hymeneals, and the ialemos. In a passage? that does not aim at exhaustiveness Plato mentions hymns, threnodies, paians, dithy- rambs, and nomes. Hymns to the gods, enkomia in honour of good men and women, and hymeneal songs? alone find a place in the Platonic ideal state that safe- guards its citizens from the demoralizing influence produced by the fictions of the poets, who mix evil with good. When Aristotle® distinguishes lyric from epic and dramatic poetry, he employs the term dithyrambic, though he also alludes to the nome, mainly because the dithyramb and the nome were the chief representatives of melic in his day. His treatise περὶ ποιητῶν is lost, as are the various works by the Peripatetics that bore the same title or dealt with the history of music, the musical contests, ete. It was not till the great library at Alexandria was established that any external necessity was felt to group. exactly all the great mass of melic poetry then extant but now almost completely lost. An Apollonios of Alexandria, for example, gained his name ὁ εἰδογράφος from his activity as a classifier, especially of the poems of Pindar. While the under- mentioned three-fold division may be anterior to the founding of Ptolemy’s library, its elaboration is cer- tainly the result of the labours of the editors and scholars of Alexandria, who for the first time made complete editions of the works of Alkman, Alkaios, Sappho, Pindar, and other lyric poets, which they | arranged either according to contents or according to metre. The only approximately exact divisions of Greek 1 Laws 700 8. 2 Laws 802 a, Rep. 459 π, 607 A; hyporchemes Jon 534 c. 8 Poetics 1447 a 15, b 25. SUBDIVISIONS. XXV melic that have come down to us were made in Alexandria and have been transmitted, through the medium of Didymos’ περὶ λυρικῶν ποιητῶν, to Proklos, who in his Chrestomathy! arranges the various forms of melic under the following three heads.” 1. To THE Gops. Hymn (ὕμνος). Nome (νόμος). Prosodion (προσόδιον). Adonidion (ἀδωνίδιον). Paian (παιάν). Iobacchos (toBaxxos). Dithyramb (διθύραμβος). Hyporcheme (ὑπόρχημα). 2. To MEN. Enkomion (ἐγκώμιον). Hymenaios (ὑμέναιος). Epinikion (ἐπινίκιον). Sillos (σίλλο»ς).] ὃ Skolion (σκόλιον). hrenos (θρῆνος). Erotic song (ἐρωτικόν). Epikedeion (ἐπικήδειον). Epithalamium (ἐπιθαλάμιον). 3. To Gops AND MEN. Partheneion (παρθενεῖον). Oschophorikon (ὠσχοφοριυ- Daphnephorikon (δαφνη- KOV OF ὀσχοφορικόν). φορικόν). Votive songs (εὐκτικάλ). 1Westphal’s Metr. Gr. 1. 243. Cf. Menand. Rhet. Gr. 9. 127 ff. Brief definitions of many of the species appear in an anonymous writer (An. Ow. 4. 313). 2Cf. Theokr. 16. 1 αἰεὶ τοῦτο Διὸς κούραις μέλει, αἰὲν do.dois, | ὑμνεῖν ἀθανάτους, ὑμνεῖν ἀγαθῶν κλέα ἀνδρῶν, Hor. ars poet. 83 ff.: Musa dedit fidibus divos puerosque deorum | et pugilem victorem et equum certamine primum | et twvenum curas et libera vina referre. 3 Silloi was the name for lampoons after the time of Timon of Phleius (280 B.c.), who attacked the philosophers. The title was in course of time given to the lampoons of Xeno- phanes, who lived in the sixth century, but the sillos is not a melic poem, χχνὶ SUBDIVISIONS. To the above three classes Proklos adds a further division embracing songs on ‘casual occurrences’ (προσπίπτουσαι περι- στάσεις), Which, he says, are not species of melic, though the poets themselves undertook their composition. They are: rpay- Marika, ἐμπορικά, ἀποστολικά (cf. Athen, 14. 631 D), γνωμολογικά, γεωργικά, ἐπισταλτικά. These names probably represent an attempt at classifying certain poems which resisted enrolment among the various divisions of the orthodox system of the early Alexandrians. If, as seems probable, such poems as Alkm. x., Alk. xvi., Sa. xli., and, possibly, some of the folk-songs are in point, Proklos, or his source, is inconsistent in calling this class pseudo-melic. κλεψίαμβοι, mentioned by Hesych. as a form of melic composition, derive their name merely from the stringed instrument called the κλεψίαμβος. This method of classification is defective from several points of view. The sharp differentiation between the divine and the human element is not visible, for example, in the skolia, or even in the epinikion because of its pervasive religious tone. It lacks historical perspective, since the forms of melic were continually changing their character : the human side was continually gaining ground at the expense | of the divine. It exaggerates the difference between poems of similar form and content, differences that were often evanescent to the ancients.! It is largely dependent upon the use of words, that were, for the most part, not employed in the lyric age in a technical sense ; and it leaves us uncertain as to the designation of many of the poems of Alkaios, Sappho, Anakreon, and other poets (6... Pindar’s 11th Nemean). Still, it is the only relatively complete system of arrange- ment that was made by the ancient scholars who had access to the entire body of Greek song; and as such it may form the basis of a sketch of the different species that appear in this volume. 1For example Pind. x.; so with the paian and hypor- cheme HYMN. xxvii HYMN. The word ὕμνος is derived from a root that appears in Lat. swere, Eng. ‘sew,’ and means strictly that which is sewed or joined together". In Sanskrit we find the connected word sydman, ‘bond,’ ‘strap,’ and in a passage of the Rig Veda (1. 113. 17) the ‘sacri- ficial singer’ is said to ‘sound forth his songs in continuous (syimand) strain’; the words of his song are, as it were, stitched together so as to form one piece. So in θ 429 (cf. Hymn 3. 451) ἀοιδῆς ὕμνος is a ‘joining of song,’ and by a like figure Hesiod (Frag. 227) speaks of himself and Homer as ἐν veapois ὕμνοις ῥάψαντες ἀοιδήν. Between ὕμνος and ῥαψῳδία the difference is primarily only of degree, and μέλος ‘articulated song’ is not far removed. Originally then a ‘hymn’ was any song whether secular or sacred, and is so used in Homer, to whom the story of Odysseus’ part in Troy’s taking is a ‘hymn.’ The songs in praise of the gods precede the ‘hymn’ to the men and women of old, says an Homeric Hymn (1. 160). It is only by holding to the early meaning of the word that we are justified in putting in the same class with the lyric poems the so-called Homeric Hymns. Unlike the latter the lyric hymns were never used as preludes? to epic recitals, nor do they aim at a purely secular or poetic effect. Only that modern point of view which emphasizes the presence of religious feeling could regard the Homeric Hymns as a source of lyric song. The post-classical 1 ὕμνος is neither ‘web’ of song, as if from ὑφαίνω (despite ὑφάνας ὕμνον Bacch. ii. 9); nor merely ‘melody,’ as Reimann takes it to mean, equating the word with νόμος. Cf. Philo- demos de mus., Frag. 10. ? Alkaios’ hymn to Apollo is called a prooimion by Paus. 10. 8. 4, probably because it recalled the style of the old prooimia, as the Homeric Hymns were called at an early date (Thuk. 3. 104). XXVili AYVMN. hymns of a devotional character, such as those of Mesomedes, Proklos, and the Orphica, were not melic in sentiment and are the product of philosophical and theosophical speculation. They afford little informa- tion with regard to their predecessors of the lyric class. In course of time the range of the hymn was gradually restricted, so that, in distinction from the epic hymns, a lyric hymn came to mean a simple religious song containing a prayer and in praise of any divinity,! marked by no special form, and not limited to any special occasion of worship. As a form of lyric poetry, ὕμνος resists precise definition because it lacks the specific attributes that distinguished cer- tain other forms of lyrical composition which were differentiated from it.2 The paian, for example, differs from the bymn in the character of the invoca- tion, the hyporcheme is accompanied by a special 1Plato Laws 700 B καί τι ἣν εἶδος ὠδῆς εὐχαὶ πρὸς τοὺς θεούς, ὄνομα δὲ ὕμνοι ἐπεκαλοῦντο. In Arist. Poetics 1448 b 27 ὕμνοι, as a type of early poetry, are set off against ἐγκώμια---ἴΠ6 divine and the human—, and both are regarded as stages in the development of the poetic art. 2In its generic sense ὕμνος was used till a late period of almost any lyric effusion. Proklos p. 244 says in fact that all the forms of melic are merely specialized hymns (ὡς εἴδη πρὸς γένος). ὕμνος mpocodiou (the gen. of definition: not προσό- διον ὕμνου) is a processional hymn, ὕμνος παιᾶνος a paian (cf. Alk. 2; the paian of Aristonoos (Appendix) is called a ‘hymn’); ὕμνος ἐγκωμίου (ἐπικώμιος ὕμνος) is used when a man, not a god, is the object of praise. So too with the dithyramb. Anakr. 171 used ὕμνος of a threnody (ὕμνων... φῳδὰν ἐπικήδειον Eur. Troad. 512), Pind. Ol. 2. 1, Nem. 3. 11, of an epinikion (ἐπινίκιον appears for the first time as a substantive in Bacch. 2. 13). Even the folk-songs were called hymns whether connected (as v.) or unconnected (as i., iii.) with a religious cult. Plato Rep. 408 Ὁ speaks of ὕμνοι addressed to men, and Proklos says ἐκάλουν δὲ καθόλου πάντα τὰ els τοὺς ὑπερέ- χοντας (ὑπηρέτας MS.) γραφόμενα ὕμνους. This generic use is to be sharply distinguished from the special sense of the word ; as in the Laws 700 ἢ Plato says that threnoi and hymns were HYMN. Xxix form of dance, and the nome is dissimilar to it because of the nature of its musical setting. In course of time as the paian, the dithyramb, and the other forms of religious song were developed by art, the hymn was restricted more particularly to the worship of the divinities other than Apollo and Dionysos. Zeus is the god to whom most hymns were addressed ; after him come those gods in whose ritual there was no specialized form of cult-song (Aphrodite, Hermes), or whose cult was celebrated under special circumstances and conditions (Hera). One of the reasons why the hymn outlasted many other forms of melic is the absence of a characteristic colour, which, while it gave to the other kinds of song their individuality, charm, and vogue, ensured their speedy decline under conditions of society which no longer prompted their composition. The only distinguishing marks of the hymn are that it was sung (1) to the accompaniment of the lyre, and (2) by a stationary chorus grouped about the altar of the god.!_ So long as the hymn remained confounded by the degenerate poets of the time. (Here threnoi and hymns are used as examples of what is diametri- cally opposed.) We are often uncertain whether ὕμνος is to be taken in the wider or the narrower sense. ΤῊ Proklos’ definition (p. 244): ὁ δὲ κυρίως ὕμνος πρὸς κιθάραν ἤδετο ἑστώτων, it is uncertain whether ἑστώτων is to be taken literally or in a freer sense (cf. στάσιμον) which would allow stately evolutions on the part of the chorus during the singing of the strophe and antistrophe. When Athen. 15. 631 D says that some hymns were accompanied by dancing, he is probably using the word hymn in its wider meaning, which includes prosodia, paians, etc. In the time of Kalli- machos, however, it is certain that an ancient hymn of Olen, which was sung every evening by boys, was accompanied by orchestic movements on the part of girls. It is possible that, while in the earliest period the chorus may not have shifted its position, later on, and especially during the predominance of choral lyric, some stately movement was occasionally permitted. XXX HYMN. 567 ff. 1Schol. Hephaist. 134. 6 XXxiv PROSODION. is a prosodion, X 391 is closely akin to a prosodiac paian, perhaps nearer to the prosodion than to the paian. It is noteworthy that Homer does not allude to the ancient form of the simple prosodion. Prosodia and embateria may have been accom- panied originally by the music of the lyre.’ It was the flute, however, that was regarded as the proper instrument for processions whether these were at- tended by songs or not. In a Delphic inscription (Wescher-Foucart no. 45) an αὐλητής is especially pro- vided for the prosodia; flute players are seen in the frieze of the Parthenon that represents the Panathenaic procession ; and a flute player accompanied the boy who carried the laurel bough from Tempe to Delphi. (A vase (no. 1686) in the Berlin Museum represents a procession with lyrists as well as flute players.) The story that Klonas, the aulode, was the ‘inventor’ of prosodia (and the prosodiac metre) shows merely that there was a close connection in early times between aulodic and this form of melic. Some think that it was Klonas who first employed the flute instead of the lyre to accompany the prosodia. The movements of the chorus were solemn, stately, and in harmony with the contents of their songs and the Dorian mode to which they were sung. Of the metre in the earliest period we have no accurate information—but it is probable that the dactylic hexameter, measured by dipodies, was in common use; and a reminiscence of this early form may be seen in the closing hexameters of the Frogs. When the influence of the epos was on the decline, lyric poetry employed the ‘prosodiac’ rhythm to increase the liveliness of the movement. Westphal thinks that —~_--~ +~— ~~ +W~Ww~ was the original 1Cf. Athen. 4. 1389 © on the Lakonian prosodia at the Hyakinthia ; Pollux 4. 64. PROSODION. XXXV ποτα ον thaty isis, 2S ST = A. was, sub- stituted for the dactylic tripody at a time when flute music became prominent—perhaps in the time of Klonas. The anapaestic parodes of the scenic poets are descendants of the old prosodia. Pindar used dactylo-epitrites and logaoedics, and Bacchylides employed the latter metre both alone and mixed with cretics. Eumelos of Korinth was the author of the first prosodion of which we have record. It was intended to be sung at Delos, and this seat of the Apolline cult remained the chief place for the presentation of this form of melic. Next in point of time is Klonas the founder of aulodic. The prosodia of Pindar, in two books, and of Bacchylides were famous. Pronomos of Thebes, the teacher of Alkibiades, is said to have composed a prosodion to be rendered at Delos by the Chalkidians, but unless we suppose that there was no text, it is probable that he merely set to music the words of another.!_ His fame rested solely on his ability as a musical virtuoso (he could play the three modes—the Dorian, Lydian, and Phrygian—on one set of flutes). The return of Demetrios to Athens (FoLK-SonGs xxvii.) was hailed with ithyphallic songs and prosodiac choruses, and the song in honour of a god was profaned to suit the degeneracy of the times. At the festival of the Soteria, at Delphi, between 275 and 255 B.C., prosodia were sung that were the com- positions of Alexinos, Xenon, and Dexinikos (Wescher- Foucart Inser. de Delphes 5.13). Kleochares of Athens, who probably lived in the third century, was honoured by the Delphians on account of a proces- sional (B.C.H. 18. 71), and Weil thinks the choral in cretics (see APPENDIX) that was sung at Delphi is τ "Δεῖ : ᾷἄσμα αὐλεῖν may refer to a poem set to music, or to the music alone (ψιλὴ αὔλησι5). XXXvi PATAN. a prosodion. We hear of an Amphikles (b.C.H. 10. 36, 13. 245) at Delos. Two late inscriptions (C. J. Sept. 1760, 1773) record the continuance of prosodia in Boiotia till very late times. The musical games, at least in the late period, were opened by processional songs. sung by the whole body of the artists, priests, etc., as they entered the scene of the contest. PAIAN. The paian, which derives its name from the burden i) παιάν," was one of the most ancient of the Greek lyrics. In its earliest form it is intimately connected with the worship of Apollo, the patron god of music and song, the sender and averter of calamity. In ascribing its introduction to Apollo himself, tradition made the paian as old as the cult of the god. When 1Tn like manner the Linos-song, the hymenaios, and possibly the dithyramb received their names from the refrain (ἐφύμνιον). παιήων in Homer, Archil. 76. Dor. παιάν, Ionic — Attic παιών contain a different suffix. παιών is not generic, or παιάν specific (cf. schol. Plato Symp. 177 A: παιῶνας : gdas ἐπὶ εὐτυχίᾳ καὶ νίκῃ, παιᾶνας : ὕμνους εἰς ᾿Απόλλωνα ἐπὶ καταπαύσει λοιμοῦ). The etymology is unknown. Baunack’s i” ἐπ᾽ αἰᾶνα “come for healing’ is incredible ; Fick suggests a connection with ἔμπαιος, ‘skilled’ in healing. Φοῖβος is himself the ‘healer.’ It is possible to regard Apollo’s victory over the Python as a triumph over pestilence and to see in the paian a prayer for deliverance to the god who has power to heal all distress. Against this, however, is the fact that, despite II 528, where Apollo performs the office of a physician, he is distinct from Παιήων in Homer and Hesiod. ᾿Ἰηπαιήων is used of Apollo in Hymn 2. 94, but with reference to the god of Delphi. Possibly the paian was originally a song of triumph which was identified with the prayer to relieve pain or distress when Apollo came to be regarded as the god of medicine (Asklepios was his son) and Παιάν and Παιών were held to be equivalents. The exclamation ij was connected by the ancients with ἵημι : cf. Kallim. 2. 103 i i) παιῆον, te βέλος. See on Timoth. viii. PAIAN. XXXVil Apollo had slain the python, with lyre in hand he led the Cretans to his sanctuary at Delphi (Hymn 2. 336 ff.). ot δὲ ῥήσσοντες ἕποντο Κρῆτες zpos Πυθὼ καὶ ἰηπαιήον᾽ ἄειδον, οἷοί τε Κρητῶν παιήονες, οἷσί τε Μοῦσα ἐν στήθεσσιν ἔθηκε θεὰ μελίγηρυν ἀοιδήν. Homer narrates (A 472 ff.) how the Achaians before Troy sang the paian to propitiate Apollo after the explatory sacrifice which cleansed them from pollu. tion. The localities in which the paian was first culti- vated—in Crete, at Sparta in conjunction with the festivals of the Hyakinthia and Gymnopaidia, at Delphi and in Delos—are all Dorian and closely connected with the cult of Apollo; and the associa- tion with the Apolline ritual remained a common feature of the paian throughout the classical age. On occasions of public danger or calamity, and especially when the state was afflicted by plague, the paian was sung in solemn chorus to express the devotion of the people to the god and to implore his succour as ἀλεξίκακος.1 When the divinity who occasioned the distress stayed the pestilence or the assault of the enemy, paians of thanksgiving were raised in his honour.2. With Apollo, his sister Ar- temis*? was associated as a protecting divinity : "Ev7 μὲν χρυσαλακάτου τεκέων Λατοῦς ἀοιδαὶ ὥριαι παιανίδες (Pind. Frag. 139). As early as Homer the paian appears as a triumphal 1Cf. Soph. O. 7. 5, 186. Vernal paians were supposed to have a remedial effect in cases of madness (Aristox. Frag. 36). Eyen in the presence of danger the paian might be full of confidence (Aisch. Sept. 268). 2Cf. Theogn. 779, Aristoph. Vesp. 869 ff. 3Cf. Eur. J. 7. 1404, 7, A. 1469. XX XVIli PATA WN. hymn that is totally disconnected from the cult of Apollo. In X 391 after Achilles has slain Hektor, who was the favourite of the god, he bids the Achaians raise the paian as they march to the ships (the prosodiac paian). In course of time other gods! were hymned with paians, and the refrain was often employed as an accompaniment of any exciting event or when any enterprise was crowned with success, In times of political and moral degeneracy the paian was addressed to conquerors and princes. Lysander was thus honoured as if he had been a god (FoLK- SONGS xxvi.). Aratos saluted Antigonos with a paian, and that prince and Demetrios Poliorketes were flattered in the same manner by the Athenians. Alexinos composed a paian in honour of Krateros ; the Rhodians celebrated Ptolemy I., the Korinthians Agemon, while the Chalkidians still chanted Titus Flaminius in the time of Plutarch. Even this debased form of the paian contained the sacred refrain. Aristotle was charged with impiety because his de- tractors regarded his ode in honour of Hermeias as a paian. It is as a song of thanksgiving and praise—a ὕμνος εὐχαριστήριος.- πᾶῦ the paian is best attested in 1We hear of paians to Zeus (Xen. Anab. 3. 2. 9; cf. Hesych. 5. v. Ζεὺς παιάν) ; Poseidon (Xen. Hell. 4.7.4; during an earthquake); Dionysos (in the Appendix); Asklepios (by Sophokles ; in a late period paians to Ask. were sung annually ; Makedonian paian, carm. pop. 47; cf. C. J. A. 3: 171 with appendices; Athen. 6. 250 c); Hygieia (Ariphron); the Nymphs in conjunction with Apollo (cf. J. G. A. 379); the Fates (? Mel. Adesp. xiii.); Serapis (by Demetr. Poliork.); Peace (Bacchylides). Not only Apolloand Asklepios are called Παιάν, but also Helios (Orph. Hymn 8. 12), Pan (tb. 11. 11), and Herakles (Stat. Theb. 4. 157) who is also an ἀλεξίκακος. Athena is called παιωνία as a goddess of healing. Servius on Verg. Aen. 10. 738 erroneously says unde Pindarus opus suum, quod et hominum et (quod omnium?) deorum continet laudes, pacanes vocavit. PATAN. XXX1X ancient literature. It was pre-eminently a song of joy.1 ‘Thetis ceases to mourn for Achilles when she hears the sound ἰὴ παιῆον (Kallim. 2. 21), and Niobe, turned to stone, no longer weeps.’ Apollo enjoined that the paian should be sung in the springtime at Delphi, and it was regularly chanted there at the explatory festival in the first month of spring, after the distress of winter had passed. In the three winter months it gave place to the dithyramb. This joyous character of the paian appears in its two semi-religious forms, the sympotic, and the mar- tial paian. Both may be regarded as descendants of the Apolline paian, although all immediate connection with the god has disappeared. The sympotic, banquet paian, or choral “ grace,” is first attested in Alkman (xxviii.), but the custom is referred to the heroic age in Aisch. Agam. 246. [0 was much in vogue among the Dorians, who trans- ferred to their common meals in time of peace the customs of their camp-life. At Athens after the libations were made, the paian with the refrain was sung by all the guests in chorus as an introduction to the symposium proper. Usually it was not accom- panied by music: an inspiring tune expressed the animated feelings of the guests. The song was addressed either to all the gods or to the one to whom the feast was consecrated. In case a libation was made to the Muses during the symposium, the paian to Apollo Musagetes was sung, and in general whenever libations were made on the mixing of a fresh bowl the paian was repeated. The close of 1Such locutions as 7. Ἐρινύων Aisch. Agam. 645, π. τοῦ θανόντος Choeph. 151, 7. τῷ κάτωθεν ἀσπόνδῳ θεῷ Kur. Alk. 424 are shown to be oxymora by Aisch. Sept. 869, Eur. 1. 7’. 185, Troad. 126. As Death is the ἰατρὸς κακῶν, Aisch. Frag. 255 and Eur. Hippol. 1373 are justified in using the expression Θάνατος Ilaav. x] PAIAN. the banquet was attended by a libation and a paian. The ratification of peace was often celebrated by a banquet with the attendant libations and paians (Xen. Hellen. 7. 4. 36); and Arrian (7. 11) reports that the paian was sung in chorus by nine thousand Make- donians and Persians. The frequent confusion between skolia and paian was occasioned by the custom of singing the former after the latter (ef. Antiphanes 4). The use of the cup and the myrtle branch in singing the paian helped the confusion. The martial paian, which was sung before a battle on land or sea, and after victory, was alike an encite- ment to valour and a song of repose after the struggle. At Sparta it was in high esteem: the king himself sounded the march-paian (ἐμβατήριος παιάν), and the troops took up the strain as they advanced against the enemy. At Athens the paian was raised when the fleet set sail. On the battle-field it followed the prayer and preceded the war-cry to Enyalios, and during a military or naval engagement it was often sung on the occasion of each fresh attack. The paian in X 391 is essentially of the martial type. Poly- neikes boasts in anticipation of his success that he will sing a ἁλώσιμος παιάν over Thebes (Aisch. Sept. 635). After the victory at Aigospotamoi, Lysander ordered the paian to be sung as the fleet sailed away to Lampsakos. In the earliest period the paian may have been a monody interrupted at irregular intervals by the cries of the people. Gradually the burden! (παιανικὸν ἐπίρρημα) of the chorus was given a definite place during the singing of the ἐξάρχων or leader, and at last the paian became choral throughout, the chorus 1 The ancients disputed whether the refrain could be absent from the paian proper. Cf. Athen. 15. 6968. Ariphron’s ode to Hygieia lacks the ἐπίφθεγμα, and so Aristotle’s ode to Virtue, though it was held by his detractors to be a paian. PATAN. xli taking the place of the ἐξάρχων, as was not infrequent.! As in the case of the dithyramb, the difference be- tween the primitive and the artistic paian consists in the substitution of the activity of the chorus for that of the soloist. The choruses were usually composed of men, sometimes of boys, as at Delphi; at Delos the paian might be sung by girls (Kur. H. F. 689). The musical accompaniment, which is apparently later than the Iliad, was furnished by the lyre (the instru- ment of Apollo), or by the flute,? which was better suited to regulate the singing of a large chorus and hence was employed in the battle-paian and some- times at banquets; or by lyre and flute together.? The number of the chorus waS not fixed: Bacch. ix. was probably sung by fourteen. The mode was the Dorian, which was best suited for male choruses. The composition was well-ordered and free from excess, but apparently high poetic excellence was not essential to its success. Gravity and dignity rather than uncontrolled exultation were appropriate to its style ; the delivery was quiet and devoid of passion, but a certain element of liveliness must have marked the Cretan paians because of their use of the paionic measure. The presentation was sometimes accom- panied by dancing, which was akin to the stately ἐμμέλεια of tragedy. The Mantineans danced when under arms on an occasion reported by Xen. Anab. 6.1.11. Intermediate between the prosodion and the paian is the. processional paian, of which we have examples in X 391, Pindar Frag. vi. and Isyllos. Various metres were employed. The old Cretan paians by Thaletas were written in paions, which 1Suidas has Τρῶες παιᾶνας ἐξάρχοντε. Cf. Theogn. 779 παιᾶσιν χορῶν. 2 Archil. 76, Eur. Troad. 126, schol. Pind. Pyth. 12. 45, Plut. Vita Lys. 11. 3 συναυλίαᾳ. Cf. Theogn. 761. xlii PATA N. took their name from their use in the paian, and were a good measure for orchestic movement. Simonides (26 B) retains this ancient use. The old Ionie paian was in hexameters (cf. Soph. 0.7. 151 ff.). In a fragment (76) in trochaic tetrameters Archilochos says that he himself led the ‘Lesbian paian.’ Later on, logaoedics and dactylo-epitrites were common. Isyllos of Epidauros wrote in ionics. The paian was taken over in part by the tragic poets as an ornament of the drama, and was cultivated to the latest times. Thaletas saved Sparta by his paians, which are now lost, as are those by his scholars Xeno- damos and Xenokritos. We have a fragment by Alkman, who composed an entire book. Of the paian (probably sympotic in character) by Tynnichos of Chalkis, Plato said that it was the most beautiful song in existence, and that its author was justified in calling it an ‘invention of the Muses.’ Other poets who wrote paians are: Dionysodotos, one of the early poets of Sparta, Stesichoros, Diagoras, Kydias, Simonides, Pindar, Bacchylides, Ariphron, Likymnios, Sophokles (Bergk 2. 245 ff.; cf. Trach. 205, if not a hyporcheme: it is to be noted that the passage is an ἀπολελυμένον μέλος), Timotheos, Aristonoos of Korinth (400 B.c.?), Dionysios the Younger, Aristotle (?), Alexinos (about 325), Philodamos of Skarpheia, Hermippos of Kyzikos (about 300), Hermokles, Isyllos of Epidauros (about 280), Diophantos of Sphettos (249), Kleochares of Athens: (3rd cent.), Isodemos of Troizen, Makedonios, the Pythagoreans, the Italiots, etc. Inscriptions have preserved paians by unknown authors, 6... C. 1. A. 3. 171, with appen- dices, Revue. Arch. 13. 70. Semos of Delos wrote a book περὶ παιάνων. DITHYRAMB. xlii DITHYRAMB. 1. PRIMITIVE DITHYRAMB. Represented by ARCHTLOCHOS and ARION. 2. OLD DITHYRAMB (from about 550 to about 475). Lasos of Hermione: instituted a dithyrambic agon under Peisistratos at the Dionysia. His authorship of the Centaurs is uncertain. Hypopikos of Chalkis: victorious in 508, on the first occasion of the appearance at Athens of a male chorus, probably at some other festival than the Dionysia. Simonipes: Memnon, Europa, Danaé (ἢ. PRATINAS of Phleius (about 500): Dysmainai or Karyatides. APOLLO- DOROS, AGATHOKLES, teachers of PInDAR. LAMPROKLES of Athens. PHRyNiIcHos, the rival of Aischylos. TyNnnicHos of Chalkis. KEDEIDES (his grandson appears as a dithyrambic διδάσκαλος, Athen. Mittheil. 8. 34). Kekeides is possibly the same person (Schol. Aristoph. Nubes 981). 3. MIDDLE DITHYRAMB (from about 475 to about 400). ΜΈΓΑΝΙΡΡΙΡΕΒ, founder of the new style: Marsyas, Persephone, Danaids, Narkissos, Oineus. BACCHYLIDES : Antenoridai, Herakles, Theseus, Idas, Io, Philoktetes (2). Diacoras of Melos. Kypias. Praxiuua of Sikyon: Adonis, Achilles. Purynis of Mytilene, the teacher of Timotheos, and a ruinous innovator according to the comic poets. Ion of Chios, the tragic poet : described the burning of Antigone and Ismene by Laodamas, Eteokles’ son. Kinesras of Athens: Asklepios. ARIPHRON of Sikyon. Lixymnios of Chios. Nixostratos (C. 1. A. 1. 336). Hieronymos (?), PANTAKLES (C. 1. A. 1. 337). AncHEstTRATOS (C. I. G. 211). 4. NEW DITHYRAMB (from about 400). PuILoxENos of Kythera (435-3880): Kyklops or Galateia, Hymenaios, Mysoi, Komastes, Persai, Syros (or Satyros). TimotuHEos of Miletos: Kyklops, Elpenor, Nautilos, Sons of Phineus, Birth-pangs of Semele, etc. TrLEstTEs of Selinus (first victory 402/1): Argo, Asklepios. Potyerpos: Atlas. Paweas (8, C. H. 6. 521; shortly after 400). Krerxos in- stituted parakataloge in the dithyramb. SrEsicHoros the second (victorious 370). AristarcHos (C. 1. G. 1. 226 ὃ; 400-385). LykoPHRONIDES. PHILOPHRON (Pittakis Ed. dpx. no. 2792). Pampuitos (C. I. G. 223; 366/5). EUuKLES (Dittenb. Syl. 411 ; 305,4). LystapEs of Athens (Ross Arch. Aufs., 2. 479, no. 2; 352/1). ANTIGENES (after 350). Ept- kuRos of Sikyon (Dittenb. Syl/. 414; 344/3). CHarinaos of Lokris (/.2. 416 ; 328,7). Karkipamos Sotios (/./. 423; 320/19). PANTALEON of Sikyon (Rangabé Ant. Hell. 986; 320/19). xliv DITHYRAMB. NrIkoktes of Tarentum (before 300), a famous kitharoede, victor at the Lenaia with a dithyramb. ΚΙΒΟΜΈΝΕΒ of Rhegion: Meleager. HELLANIKoS of Argos. Eraton of Arkadia, etc. Demosthenes Thrax wrote περὶ διθυραμβοποιῶν. THE cult of Dionysos, which is one of the latest developments of early Greek religion, gave birth to an orgiastic song that became the source not only of tragedy, but also of a form of melic that eclipsed all other lyric poetry in popularity. The worship of the god of wine was an importation from Thrace or Phrygia,! the languages of which countries were closely allied and of Indo-European stock ; and together with the cult of the god came the obscure word διθύραμβος, which seems to have been originally an epithet of the divinity in whose honour the dithyramb was sung at the gatherings of the country-folk. Of the various etymologies” of the word that have 1 Arist. Pol. 8. 7 says the dithyramb is Phrygian. It is with the Phrygian songs in praise of the Great Mother that Pindar compares the dithyramb (Frag. 79 B). Cf. Telest. ii. 2(1) From λῦθι ῥάμμα, the ery of Zeus on bearing the child Dionysos from out his thigh ; so Pind. Frag. 85, who equates λυθίραμβος with διθύραμβος. (2) Kur. Bacch. 526 ἴθι, Διθύραμβ᾽, ἐμὰν ἄρσενα τάνδε Bab. νηδύν' ἀναφαίνω σε τόδ᾽, ὦ Βάκχιε, Θήβαις ὀνομάζειν. This points to a fanciful derivation either from δὶς θύρας βαίνειν (impossible because of the quantity) or from Διὸς θύρας βαίνειν. The god was twice-born (διμήτωρ, δισσότοκοΞ) : once from Semele, again from Zeus’ thigh. (See Kuhn Herabkunft εἰ. Feuers p. 147.) Cf. Plato Laws 7008: Διονύσου γένεσις διθύραμβος λεγόμενος. (3) From the bringing to Zeus of the θρῖον or leaf-enveloped heart or body of the god; so Donaldson New Cratylus ὃ 319. (4) From τιτυρίαμβος (τίτυρος Ξεσάτυρος ‘ goat’); so Schmidt Diatribe, p. 181. (5) From Διὸς θρίαμβος -- θόρυβος, the appearance of Zeus with thunder and lightning being the generative. storm of the springtime; so Hartung PaAz/ol. 1. 398. (6) -εδιθρίαμβος, double three-step ; rpiauBos=tripudium ; so Schoemann A/- terth.® 2.494. (7) -- διθέραμβος ‘skin-chant’ (ἀμβο- ΞΞ- ὀμφή); so Fennell on Pind. Frag. 79. DITHYRAMB. xlv been proposed, only one has any semblance of proba- bility. According to this, διθύραμβος is connected with θρίαμβος, an equivalent of θύραμβος. The mean- ing of θρίαμβος is indeed unknown, but the word was used as an epithet of the god,! and may be com- pared with triwmpe in the Arval Song.” The inter- jection then, as in the case of παιάν, οἰτόλινος, ἰόβακχος, gave birth to an appellative with the meaning ‘song’ or ‘dance’ in honour of Bacchos.? ‘The initial mem- ber of the compound (éz from du-) may denote either a θύραμβος in praise of a god, or one that is beautiful.* The first mention of the dithyramb is made by the Parian and Thasian poet Archilochos. The islands were the first station of the Dionysiac song as it passed over to the mainland. Naxos was the home of the dithyramb according to Pindar, though that poet also attributes the honour of the invention to Korinth, the seat of the culture of the northern Peloponnese, and to Thebes. Korinth points to Lesbos, whence Arion is reported to have come at the invitation of Periander, under whose patronage the dithyramb and the satyr play were developed ; and*at ‘Thebes, the city of Semele, the dithyramb was afterwards in high vogue. From Archilochos 77 ‘Qs Διωνύσοι᾽ ἄνακτος καλὸν ἐξάρξαι μέλος οἶδα διθύραμβον, οἴνῳ συγκεραυνωθεὶς φρένας VTaxxe θρίαμβε (6 conj.) Mel. Adesp. 109. Pratinas i. 16 has θριαμβοδιθύραμβε of Dionysos. Cf. Βακχέβακχος. 2 triumphus points to an original *rplaugos. The ᾧ of Διθύ- ραμῴος, on a vase, Ant. Denkm. 8. 125, may be due to assimi- lation. 3 θρίαμβος" Διονυσιακὸς ὕμνος Hesych. Cf. Kratinos 36 τοὺς καλοὺς θριάμβους ἀναρύτουσα. ἴθυμβος, also a Dionysiac song, is probably Thracian. 4Wilamowitz would defend the latter meaning by Διὸς ἐγκέφαλος, Διὸς βάλανος. Less appropriate are his formally more perfect comparisons Διπόλια, Δισωτήριον. xlvi DITHYRAMB. we may infer that the earliest form of the dithyramb was a monody—the song of the reveller at the κῶμος, when he is smitten in his soul by wine’s thunder— attended perhaps, if we insist on the meaning of ἐξάρξαι, by a refrain on the part of the other revellers. The development of the dithyramb into a choral song is associated with the name of Arion. A kitharoede of Methymna in Lesbos, he is said to have been the inventor of the τραγικὸς τρόπος, to have been the first to institute the cyclic chorus, and to have introduced satyrs speaking in verse. The exact significance of each of these innovations is obscure. Arion himself is a mythical personage ; and the relation of the dithyramb as improved by him to the dithyramb of a century later, to the satyr play, and to its development in tragedy, is involved in controversy at every step. Weare here concerned only with the history of the dithyramb as a lyric production apart from tragedy, but it may be said that the lyric species actually known to us at the time of Pindar must have differed in some measure from the form of the dithyramb that gave birth to the satyr play and tragedy. Neither the satyr play nor tragedy is a development of the Pindaric dithy- ramb, otherwise the latter would have been absorbed; but the satyr play and the Pindaric dithyramb are descendants of a mimetic form of the archaic dithy- ramb that is possibly to be associated with the name of Arion. The subject of the dithyramb was primarily Dionysos, and in the early period, at least till the time of Pindar, the birth and life of the god remained the chief theme. The history of Dionysos is the romance of the Greek pantheon. Born of hapless Semele amid the lightning of his omnipotent father ; the husband of Ariadne, who was set among the stars; whose cult was introduced only after con- DITHVRAMB. xlvii tinuous struggle ; the god whose death was bewailed with the extinction of vegetation, and whose return to life with the spring was welcomed with cries of exultation,—his career abounded in situations that evoked the passionate sympathy of his worshippers. His cult was, too, the source of merriment, licence, and revelry: the satyric as well as the tragic drama lay dormant in the primitive Bacchic song. The centrifugal tendency that appears in all Greek melic that is restricted at the outset to the service of one divinity soon made itself felt in the dithyramb. Early in the sixth century, Adrastos, the idol of the Dorian aristocracy, is reported to have usurped the place of Dionysos in the dithyramb of the Sikyonians.!_ From the early part of the fifth cen- tury the tendency to have recourse to themes alien to the cult of the god is clearly marked, though the pre-eminence of the dithyramb at Athens made Dionysos virtually the patron-god of choral poetry. The cycle of Dionysiac myth may indeed show traces more or less faint of a connection between the god and the legends of Meleager (Bacch. i1.), Achilles (Praxilla i.), Endymion (Likymn. iii.), etc., but the fact remains that the overwhelming majority of the titles given on p. xliii. shows that the artistic tendency rapidly effected an almost complete divorcement of the theme from the narrower Dionysiac sphere. The dithyramb became in fact a special form of the lyric setting of heroic subjects embodying a succession of incidents.2, Philoxenos even introduced a purely 1 Hdt. 5.67. The Sikyonians may have worshipped Dionysos as Adrastos, the ‘Invincible,’ and Kleisthenes’ opposition to the mortal of the same name may have prompted his edict, which demanded the restoration of the common name of the god. 2 ἡρωικῶν ὑποθέσεων πράγματα ἐχουσῶν Herakl. Pont. in Plut. de mus. 10, who states that the paians of Xenokritos were re- garded as dithyrambs by some. Xenokr. certainly did not write dithyrambs. xlviii DITHVRAMB. erotic motif. It was not merely at the Dionysia, the festival sacred to Dionysos, that dithyrambs were produced at Athens; they were also brought before the public at the Thargelia in honour of Apollo. Though the mythological and legendary range was unrestricted, the Bacchic exaltation and fervour, the heirlooms of the primitive orgiastic song, remained as characteristic qualities of the dithyrambic style. In the primitive dithyramb the rdle of the leader (ἐξάρχων) was all-important. He led the song, while the chorus, which performed a mimetic dance, fell in at appropriate intervals. Gradually a form was developed in which a choral alternated with the song of the leader, who impersonated the god; and an echo of this amoebean type would seem to be the Theseus of Bacchylides, except that the leader there plays a secular réle. For the lyric metres of the leader primitive tragedy substituted trochaics and iambics: primitive tragedy, according to Aristotle, was developed from the ‘leaders of the dithyramb’ and was at first mere improvisation. It is uncertain whether the part of the leader was afterwards taken by the poet or by the koryphaios, and whether there was any fixed relation between the leader and the flute player. In the Skylla of Timotheos we know that the aulete took the réle of Skylla, while the koryphaios impersonated Odysseus!—a relation that recalls the early form of tragedy in which there was a single actor, who discoursed with the koryphaios representing the chorus. It has been generally held that from the time of Arion until that of Philoxenos, who introduced solos, the dithyramb was choral throughout. But as early as the Theseus of Bacchylides we have a balanced lyric dialogue between a single actor and ΤΟΣ, Aristoph. Plut. 290 ff. DITH VRAMB. xlix either the chorus or the koryphaios; and the innovation ascribed to Philoxenos may refer to arias that were sung at irregular intervals. The dithyrambic dance, in which numerous figures were employed, was called the tyrbasia,! and was lively and enthusiastic, often wild and extravagant. Kinesias made use of the pyrrich dance. The number of the chorus is first reported as fifty by Simonides in 476 (Frag. 147). This probably holds true from the sixth century until after 300, when the number was much reduced.2, When the dithyramb came under Peloponnesian influence after 600 the choreutai represented satyrs who wore goat- skins,? and by their unbridled and tumultuous actions represented the attendants of the wine-god. Later on, and at Athens before 500, the chorus was composed either of silens (though they received the Peloponnesian name of satyrs) or of personages appropriate to the theme. 1 Tyrbe is the name of a festival of Dionysos in Argos. Metag. 7 says the chorus pranced about like horses. ? Athen. 5. 1994 reports a chorus of sixty; Hyginus 273, one of seven. 5 τραγικοὶ χοροί at Sikyon under Kleisthenes (Hdt. 5. 67). In Aisch. Frag. 207 τράγος is used of a satyr. In Doric σάτυρος = ‘goat.’ The τραγικὸς τρόπος of the Arionic dithyramb refers simply to the goat-chorus. Various other explanations have been put forward on the assumption that the style was ‘tragic’: (1) because the combination of song by the chorus and verses spoken by the satyrs was an anticipation of tragedy; (2) because of its lofty diction and theme ; (3) because of the expansion of the dithyramb by the inclusion of heroic myths; (4) by contrast with the calm νομικὸς τρύπος. We hear of a chorus of goats at Sikyon shortly after 600 (Hdt. 5. 64). Why the goat, the creature of Pan, was selected to typify the attendant of Dionysos, has not been satisfactorily explained. On an early Attic monument (Athen. Mitth. 11. 78) the train of Dionysos is made up of wild creatures (in goat-skins) that resemble horses. This recalls the Centaurs, a dithyramb ascribed to Lasos, d 1 DITHVRAMB. The choruses of the Attic period were composed of men or of boys, and received the name cyclic! from the fact that their dances were performed in a mea- sured circle about the altar of Dionysos in a round orchestra. A division into two semi-choruses of twenty-four each, with a leader for each, would seem to have been made at times; but the evidence is lacking on this point. Each of the ten tribes of Attica provided a choregos and a chorus of fifty for the Greater Dionysia, at which there were two contests, that between the five choruses of boys preceding that between the choruses of men. In the fifth century each of the ten choruses was allotted a poet, whose work had been admitted by the archon for presentation. When Athens became democratic, the guilds of singers that had been employed by the aristocrats, such as the Peisistratidai, were displaced (for the first time in 508) by the civic choruses, which thus bore their part in rendering the state a service, as did the rich choregos, who fulfilled his larger obliga- tions by furnishing the splendid equipments and defraying the expense of the performance.” But as the demand on the technical skill of the performers increased with the growing intricacy of the musical element which kept pace with the elaboration of the instruments, recourse was had by the choregi of the fourth century to professional singers, flute players (who were not Athenians), and dancers. At Athens 1Cf. Xen. Ozkon. 8. 20 κυκλ. xopds... Kal τὸ μέσον αὐτοῦ καλὸν καὶ καθαρόν. See Kallim. 4. 312 ff. The name cyclic is oftenregarded as denoting a circular chorus in contradistinction to the Spartan and tragic chorus, which was rectangular. Hartung maintained that cyclic refers to the regular alteration and repetition in appropriate order of strophe, antistrophe, and epode in the older dithyramb. 2 Andokides, Lysias, Plato, and Demosthenes were choregi of cyclic choruses. DITHVRAMB. li the control by the state of the musical festivals so enhanced the vogue of the dithyramb that it became a rival of the drama for popular applause. Under the influence of the drama it developed its native mimetic quality and in turn influenced tragedy, particularly the Euripidean form of the art. The fashion of giving titles to dithyrambs that came in after 400 is derived from tragedy. In the third century the same ‘ Dionysiac artists’ played tragedies and comedies, as well as dithyrambs. The Attic choregic inscriptions of the fifth century mention the successful tribe or tribes, the composi- tion of the chorus (ἀνδρῶν, παίδων), the choregos of the victorious tribe, and the name of the poet, who was the chorus-master.!_ In the fourth century the name of the flutist and of the archon is added, and from about 300 the name of the flute player takes precedence over that of the poet. In this period the success of a piece became entirely dependent upon the flutist, and the choregi vied with each other to obtain the best. In the time of Demosthenes the old dithyrambs were often represented either with the old or with new music (διασκευαί) ; in either case the function of the didaskalos had lost its pre-emi- nence,” and though the name was retained, he sank to the position of assistant to the choregos.? Some 1 διδάσκαλος, χοροδιδάσκαλος, κυκλιοδιδάσκαλος. 27} statement in Plut. de mus. 30 that the poet was paid by the flutist after the time of Melanippides would seem to hold true only in exceptional cases in the fifth century. The older poets protested against the growing importance of the flute, for which they were themselves responsible. Cf. Melan. ii. Melan. introduced a kithara with twelve strings. 3 The difference of the several periods may be illustrated as follows. (1) Fifth century : Oivyis ἐνίκα παίδων, Εὐμένης Μελε- τεῶνος ἐχορήγει, Νικόστρατος ἐδίδασκε (C. J. A. 1. 336). (2) 365/4 B.c.: Αἴσιος Μνησιβούλου Σφήττιος χορηγῶν ἐνίκα ’Akapay- τίδι ἸΠανδιονίδι παίδων, Εὐκλῆς ἐδίδασκε, Εὐδαμίσκος ηὔλει, Χίων lii DITHVRAMB. of the most famous auletes of the time—Pronomos, Antigenidas, Timotheos (not the poet), Kraton— were willing to furnish the accompaniment for cyclic choruses. The dithyramb was usually presented in the spring when Dionysos had awakened from his sleep during the winter months. At Delphi, however, according to Plutarch,! the dithyramb was sung for three months from the beginning of winter, while the paian was heard for the rest of the year; and some scholars 5. have expended much ingenuity in seeking to discover traces of a winter dithyramb of a lugubrious character in contrast to the joyous song of the spring- time. Of this former species there exist, however, no well marked remains; nor is there any satisfactory evidence of a ‘tragic’ dithyramb or of ‘tragic dramas’ or ‘lyric dramas’ as forms of the dithyramb.* In Attica dithyrambs were performed at the festival of the Greater or City Dionysia that was instituted by Peisistratos (at the full moon of Elaphebolion, March 28—April 2), and were here given before the tragedies and comedies; at the Lesser Dionysia (Dec. 19-22); at the Greater Panathenaia (Aug. 13) from 446 on ; at the Thargelia founded by Peisistratos (May 25); and at the Lenaia (Jan. 28-31) towards the end of the fourth century. The chief festivals ἦρχεν (Dittenb. Syl. 411). (3) 335/4 B.c.: Λυσικράτης Λυσι- θείδου ἹΚικυννεὺς ἐχορήγει, ᾿Ακαμαντὶς παίδων ἐνίκα, Θέων ηὔλει, Λυσιάδης ᾿Αθηναῖος ἐδίδασκε, Hvaiveros ἦρχε (ἰ.1. 415). The koryphaios often took the place of the didaskalos. Lucian de salt. speaks of κυκλικοὶ αὐληταί, not of the poet. 1 De H Delph. § 9c. 2 Especially Schmidt Diatr. 205 ff., who thought that the hibernal dithyramb was produced at the Lenaia; Liibbert de Pind. carm. dramaticis tragicisque. ; 3 See the Introduction to Pindar. 4 Performances of dithyrambs at the Hephaisteia and Pro- metheia are not proved, DITHVRAMB. liii in question were the Greater Dionysia and the Thargelia, and at both the dithyramb was rendered in the same way, though at the latter celebration the setting was less splendid.!| The performances were given in the market-place, the Dionysiac theatre, and the Odeion (finished shortly before 444), in a measure the opera house of Athens ; for here the musical con- tests took place during the Panathenaia. To the victor in the older period an ox? was given, to the second best an amphora, to the third a goat. In the fifth century and later the usual prize was a tripod.* Every city of note had its musical contests, and the great festivals were in effect ‘historical concerts’ since they embraced the presentation, not only of dithy- rambs, but also of rhapsodies, hymns, tragedies and comedies. Prior to the fifth century the dithyramb seems to have been composed in triads. A momentous change in its structure was effected (in all probability) by Melanippides, who cast off the shackles of the arrange- ment of the older style and made the rhythms absol- utely free (ἀπολελυμένα). The repetition of the same melody seemed to savour of rigidity, of monotony, 1 Τῦ is uncertain whether two tribes had only one choregos at the Thargelia. Hach tribe had its own choregos at the Dionysia. 2 Hence BonAdras διθύραμβος Pind. ΟἹ. 13. 25. Ὁ ΤῊ. tripods won by the successful tribes were publicly dedicated by the choregi. Those gained at the Greater Dionysia were deposited in the sanctuary of Dionysos, while the Pythion was the receptacle for the prizes gained at the Thargelia. It is from the inscriptions on these tripods that we get our chief knowledge of the victories of the cyclic choruses at Athens. In the case of scenic representations (tragedies and comedies) the state kept an official record, but the names of the poets and musicians were not inscribed in the public and official records of the dithyrambic contests. The institu- tion of the choregia was succeeded by that of the agonothetai at the end of the fourth century. liv © DITHYVRAMB. and it was contrary to nature. In place of the fixed grouping of the older dithyramb, ἀναβολαί! were now employed. These were musical preludes,? which were performed during the intermission of the sing- ing; and by them the different divisions of the piece were marked off as effectively as by the recurrence of the melody in the older style. The innovation of Melanippides, which was not adopted at once (Bacchy- lides still retained the older structure), ultimately led to the complete supremacy of the musical accompani- ment over the text, a supremacy already menaced in the time of Pratinas. The deterioration of the poetic quality of the dithyramb is due in large measure to the fact that, since many of the older forms of melic, such as the prosodion, partheneion and hyporcheme, were no longer written, and the other kinds, such as the hymn, paian and enkomion, were supplanted in popularity, all poetical genius of the highest order was called into requisition by the drama. During the fifth century the poet composed his own texts, but he gradually became more and more a musician. With the abandonment of the strophical structure, the melodies forsook their ancient simplicity and severity and became highly complicated and difficult because of their frequent trills and runs.? From the time of Philoxenos the choral songs were varied by the introduction of monodies, which were bravura airs that no chorus could render with success. The mimetic element also increased in importance. The Middle Dithyramb is practically a species of melo- drama or operetta. One flutist, occasionally more, rendered the ‘pre- ludes’ and accompanied the singing throughout, and 1Cf. Arist. Probl. 19. 15, Rhet. 3. 9. 2 Others regard the ἀναβολαί as (1) changes in the melody, or (2) long, loosely-jointed monodies. 3 μυρμηκιαί. The συβαρισμὸς αὐλητῶν is also castigated. DITHVRAMB. lv sometimes, especially in the fourth century, when the dance was tumultuous, the lyre supported the flute! The mode best suited to the flute was the Phrygian or the milder Hypophrygian (the relaxed Ionian), the passionate and vehement character of which gave expression to the orgiastic frenzy of the Bacchic style: Of Philoxenos the story is told that he attempted to compose a dithyramb in the solemn Dorian? mode but unconsciously fell back into the Phrygian. Dionysios of Halikarnassos (de comp. verb. 19) says that in the New Dithyramb all bounds were overstepped. It “combined all moods, inventing one,” like Browning’s Cleon: the Dorian, Phrygian, and Lydian were used in the same song, the chromatic, enharmonic and diatonic genera were shifted, and great licence taken with the tempo. Colorature was a common feature: Philoxenos’ Kyklops represented the bleating of Polyphemos’ flock. The singing of the chorus was in unison, in Aristotles’ time probably an octave higher than the accompaniment. As regards the rhythms employed, it is note- worthy that, in the first mention of the dithyramb, Archilochos uses the trochaic tetrameter, the measure which was adopted in the dialogue parts of the earliest tragedy. The use of hexameters before Archilochos can scarcely -be inferred from the char- acter of the Hymn to Dionysos, but this measure was 1On the flute (κύκλιοι αὐλοί) see Pind. iv. 20, [Sim.] 148. In the Alexandrian age kitharoedes, such as Nikokles, were dithyrambists, but it is singular that Arion was a kitharoede. The personified Dithyramb holds a kithara (Alte Denkm. 8. 130). ?Lamprokles may have used this mode: at least Dion. Halik. says the older dithyramb was well-ordered (τεταγμένος). When Arist. Pol. 8. 7 says that the Dorian mode was not compatible with the ethos of the dithyramb, he is referring to contemporary style. lvi DITHVRAMB. certainly employed by Praxilla and Lamprokles (ef. Aristoph. Nubes 967). Of Arion’s metre we know nothing. Dactylo-epitrites were occasionally used by Pindar and other poets, but the accentuated dithy- rambic style demanded measures full of excitement, with concurrent ictuses (cretics, bacchics, choriambics) and frequent resolutions and syncopations. In the old, middle and new periods the freedom of shifting rhythms was a marked feature. Of the dithyramb prior to his time Pindar (Frag. 79) says that it was long-drawn (cyouvorévera) and full of the sound of san, the Doric sibilant corre- sponding to the Ionic sigma. Lasos, his older contem- porary, had affected an entire avoidance of the sibilant, a rough sound! which may have suited the rude goat-chorus of the archaic period. Pindar’s own dithyrambs are full of manly vigour and free from the artificiality of Lasos which he castigates. They partake, however, of the boldness germane to the dithyrambic mood : seu per audaces nova dithyrambos verba devolvit numerisque fertur lege solutis (Hor. 4. 2. 10). These ‘new words’ are the compounds,? which were employed with even greater freedom by the successors of Pindar, who luxuriated in a jungle of 1 Aristoxenos (Athen. 11. 467 A) held that both san and sigma were cacophonous in singing and out of harmony with the musie of the flute. San may have differed from sigma as Eng. sh from 8, or as Germ. sch from 8. 2 χρησιμωτάτη ἡ διπλῆ λέξις διθυραμβοποιοῖς Arist. Fct. 3. 3. 3. These διπλ. λέξεις were used first by Antheas of Lindos (ὃς πάντα Tov βίον ἐδιονυσίαζεν). He was a contemporary of Kleo- bulos of Lindos, one of the Seven Sages. ‘The statement in Proklos that ‘simple words’ were used in the dithyramb belongs in the description of the nome and has been misplaced. As examples of these words ‘‘full of sound and fury,” Demetr. de eloc. 91] gives θεοτεράτους πλάνας, ἄστρων δορύπορον στρατόν. aa DITHVRAMB. lvii ornamental epithets and colour effects. Our know- ledge of the New Dithyramb, which was largely the creation of poets not of Attic stock, is derived in the main from the vituperative criticism of its opponents. The diction was turgid, a mere par- ade of words ; abandoned to a fury for innovation, and given over to every licence of metaphor. The periods were disjointed (the λέξις εἰρομένη) and polymetochic : the heaping of participles added pomp and rapidity. The impetuosity of the thought was unimpeded, and the sudden transitions were effected by the rush and swirl of the song. Against the turbulence and pro. tervity of the dithyramb, the adherents of the reactionary old school, the comic poets,! Plato,? who is himself reported to have composed dithyrambs, and Aristoxenos,® the master of musical theory, protested, but in vain. The very condition of the continued existence of melic in the Attic period was the accentuation of the musical element; and the loss of almost all the enormous mass of dithy- rambic poetry is due not merely to the fact that it was not worth preserving as poetry, but also to the fact that the scores were not handed down. The dithyramb was meretricious art and appealed to the taste of the groundlings, but it was sovereign. It virtually displaced all other forms of melic except the nome, which it corrupted, as it had corrupted the paian; and when the splendour of the drama suffered eclipse, the dithyramb, the sister of tragedy, 1Comp. e.g. Pherekrates 145, Aristoph. Nubes 333, 970, Pax 830, Aves 1385, Anaxand. 6. 41, 22, heopomp. 3, Antiph. 112, 207. The contrary note is rare (Antiph. 209). 2 Laws 700 D: (ποιηταὶ) βακχεύοντες καὶ μᾶλλον τοῦ δέοντος κατεχύμενοι ὑφ᾽ ἡδονῆς, κεραννύντες δὲ θρήνους τε ὕμνοις καὶ παιῶνας διθυράμβοις. On the other side, cf. Arist. Metaph. 10. 8. The dithyramb found a defender in Xenophon. 8 Τῃ Plut. de mus. 31. 1ν 11] NOME. remained supreme. Both Plato! and Aristotle? were forced to use “dithyrambic” as a generic term for “lyric” in contrast to epic and dramatic poetry. When the dithyramb died, Greek melic was para- lysed. A return to the unartificial lyric of the classical age was no longer possible. NOME. The oldest certain® example of νόμος used with reference to song and music occurs in Alkm. xxv. : οἶδα δ᾽ ὀρνίχων vouws παντῶν. By the time of Pindar this usage is extended and developed.t So far as we can trace back the history of the term in its earliest signification, νόμος means ‘air,’ ‘tune,’ ‘strain,’ without connoting the presence of words; and the earliest nomes were probably simple melodies for the lyre or 1 Apol. 22 8, Rep. 394 σ. In the latter passage Plato says that the dithyramb furnishes the most abundant examples of the ‘simple recital of the poet in his own person’ in contrast to epic and the imitative drama. While there may have been a good deal of narrative in the choral songs, it cannot be dis- puted that the dithyramb, at least in the time of Philoxenos and Timotheos, was highly mimetic ; as indeed is expressly attested by Arist. Prob/. 19. 15. Costumes were used appro- priate to the situation and the actors even rode on horseback. The Kyklops of Philoxenos was called a ‘drama.’ It is an error to assume that Plato deduced his theory of the mimetic character of all poetry from the dithyramb. 2 Poet. § 1. 3 The genuineness of νόμος ὠδῆς Hymn 1. 20, usually emended to νόμοι ἀοιδῆς, is suspected. If an interpolation, it is very old. Some scholars venture to find here a distinct reference to the nome and to regard this Hymn as the model followed by Terpander in his arrangement of the parts of the kitharoedic nome. The change to νομοί (cf. Υ 249, Hes. W. D. 403) is not called for. 160 ἢ, Ol. 1. 101 ἱππείῳ νόμῳ, Nem. 5. 25, Pyth. 12. 23, Frag. 178, Telest. iii. : NOME. lix flute. While it is impossible to divorce νόμος in this meaning from νόμος ‘custom,’ ‘law,’! it is uncertain whether the musical term is merely a specialized meaning of the latter signification—with which we might compare τρόπος, οἴμη, Germ. Weise, Eng. and French air—or whether it reverts directly to the root that underlies νόμος ‘law,’ 1.6. as νόμος ‘law’ is that which is apportioned (νέμεται) to each man according to his station, so the nome is distributed into several distinct parts.? Before the time of Terpander, the | first of the kitharoedic poets concerning whom we have relatively accurate knowledge, the nome was marked off into divisions:* so that it is probably the quasi-legal character of its form and the rigour of its construction that gave rise to the peculiar name. Nome and law alike were distinguished by a pre- scribed and well defined character. The adoption of j 1 This use is at least as old as Hesiod. In the dispute on the etymology of εὐνομίη p 487, Aristarchos pronounced in favour of the derivation from εὖ νέμεσθαι on the ground that νόμος was unknown to Homer. * Cf. Pollux 4. 66 μέρη νόμου... κατανείμαντος (of Terpander). * These are thought to have been four in number—dpya, μεταρχά, ὀμφαλός, σφραγίς. There is evidence of a three-fold arrangement which, whatever the technical names, resolves itself into prologue (invocation), middle (myth), and epilogue (prayer and farewell). Philammon is mentioned as a prede- cessor of Terpander. 4Suidas says νόμος... ἁρμονίαν ἔχων τακτὴν (that is, the mode did not shift) καὶ ῥυθμὸν ὡρισμένον, and Plutarch states that the nome received its name because the artist had to preserve τὴν οἰκείαν τάσιν. The main point of the latter remark is clear, whatever τάσις may denote. Monro Music p. 26 takes it to mean ‘key.’ But Plut. implies that all the ancient nomes were characterized by the same τάσις, and it is unlikely that all the old nomes were sung to the same key. Perhaps he uses the word with reference to the later elabora- tion of the lyre and the increase in the number of its tones. The irregular character of the nomes of the classical period may have been the cause of the emphasis laid by the ancients on the connection with νόμος ‘ law.’ lx NOME. the word νόμος to designate melody or song would have been appropriate only at a time when musical regularity was exceptional, that is, in the period an- terior to the fully developed artistic lyric. Apart from the specific application of the term to designate a concrete instrumental or vocal melody, nome was also used in a generic sense of the normal, classic form of music. So Plato Laws 7008. Plato’s attention was naturally attracted to the nome in the Νόμοι (cf. 722 p, 799 Ε), where he touches upon the coincidence of the expressiorts, though his remarks help little in explaining the points of contact. Aris- totle (Probl. 19. 28) mentions the fanciful theory that νόμος was transferred to the first nomian poem because in the early period, before a knowledge of letters, the laws were sung. The moderns propound various explanations from the connec- tion of ‘nome’ with ‘law.’ Westphal held that it was the. stable quality of its language in contrast to that of ordinary speech; Croiset refers the designation to the fact that the nome had an appointed place in the ritual; Bernhardy and Volkman found the point of contact in the contents of the nome: in his invocation to the gods the poet gave expression only to those sentiments that were rooted in the moral con- sciousness and hallowed by the unwritten traditions of the people—sentiments that might thus claim for themselves a normal value as authoritative as the enactments of the law- giver. Nomes are of four kinds and may be divided into two classes, both of which were agonistic : 1. The purely instrumental type: the kitharistic and the auletic nome. The kitharistic nome was never very popular. It came into vogue after the kitharoedic and probably after the auletic; and was given a place in the Delphic festival only in the eighth Pythiad. At the Pana- thenaia it was subordinate to the kitharoedic and there were only three prizes, while there were five for the kitharoedes. A famous kitharist was Strato- nikos, who lived in the early part of the fourth century. NOME. lxi Olympos, the mythical representative of all ancient music, is reported to have been the author of the auletic nome and the composer of melodies that moved the enthusiastic admiration of Plato. The auletic contest at Delphi dates from the first Pythiad, in which Sakadas was victor. The most celebrated auletic nomes were the Polykephalos and the Pythian ; others were the Harmateios, Epikedeios. 2. The nomes provided with words: the kitharoe- die and the aulodic nome. The kitharoedic nome was in high vogue from the earliest to the latest times. Its first appearance in literature is connected with the name of Terpander, whose supremacy lasted for two centuries. His nomes appear to have been of two kinds: (1) those that con- tained a melic prooimion, followed by a portion of Homer, and ending in a melic epilogue, (2) those of which all the parts were composed by the melic poet himself. The names of the latter have been preserved and are given in the introduction to the fragments of Terpander. Next in order to Terpander is Arion, who is called a kitharoede. The scene in which he attires himself in all his splendour, holding in his hand the instrument of the god, before he plunges from the pirates’ ship, recalls the public appearance of the kitharoedes at the musical contests as it is depicted in the later works of art. The kitharoedic agon at Athens is attested many years before its inauguration by Perikles at the Panathenaia, where the victor received a golden crown. Kitharoedes contended at the Spartan Karneia, the Delphic Pythia, at the Nemea, Isthmia, etc. ‘Pythian’ kitharoedic nomes were common. The aulodic nome, which was inspired by the triumphs of Terpander, required the services of two persons, the singer and the flute player (often called the Pythian aulete because of the celebrity of the lxii NOME. Pythian nome), whose role was inferior to that of the poet singer. As in the auletic nome, the double flute was used. The invention of the aulodic nome is generally attributed to Klonas of Tegea, who lived shortly after the time of Terpander. Ardalos of Troizen, a predecessor of Klonas, is also credited with the invention. larly in the sixth century, upon the reorganization of the Pythian games, the managers of the Delphic festival admitted the aulodic nome to a place in the programme ; but after a single trial, in which Echembrotos was victor, it was excluded on the ground that its lugubrious character was ill suited to the joyous festival of Apollo (ef. Stes. xi.). Plutarch says the best nomes of this class were ᾿Απόθετος, "EXeyos, Κωμάρχιος, Σχοινίων, Κηπίων, Tevédios and Τριμελής. The aulodic nome reappears occasionally in later times—for example at a Panathenaic contest in the first part of the fourth century (C. 1. 4. 2. 2. 965), and in Boiotia as late as Sulla; but it was completely overshadowed by the popularity of the kitharoedic and auletic forms. κιθαρῳδός is in fact often the equivalent of ‘nomic poet.’ In the early period the nome was sung by a single! 1 The choral character of the nome before Timotheos is con- troverted. The text of Proklos 244 says that in the archaic period, while the chorus was singing the nome, Chrysothemis the Cretan stood up and sang the nome alone; and from his time on the song remained an agonistic monody. The passage has been interpreted in the light of the statement (1.1. 245) that the nome was an off-shoot of the paian, and that it was the latter that the chorus was singing on the occasion of Chryso- themis’ innovation. Sakadas, in the early part of the sixth century, is said to have trained a chorus to sing his τριμερὴς νόμος, Which was divided into three strophes, each of which was composed in a different mode (Plut. mus. 8). Hiller R. 7]. 31. 76 thought 8S. merely adapted the ‘three-part’ aulodic nome of Klonas to choral delivery. Reimann defends the existence of a choral nome against Guhrauer, Walther, and NOME. Lei artist, who was both poet and composer. Often he was the priest as in Vedic times. The instrument was generally the kithara, but Terpander is said to have provided the kitharoedic nome with a flute accompaniment (αὐλοὶ κιθαριστήριοι), Which may have had a special function in connection with the ritual ; but the use of both instruments does not represent the beginnings of a polyphonic instrumental accom- paniment. The early nome appears to have been one continuous poem, and the music accompanied the words from beginning to end. As there was no dance, there was no division into strophes and anti- strophes : the division into parts was a compensation for the absence of the antistrophic arrangement. Various musical modes were used : Dorian, Phrygian, Ionian, Aiolian, and Lydian. The last was usual in the later period. From Terpander to the beginning of the fifth century the chief rhythm was the dactylic hexameter, which was best suited to the accompaniment of the kithara ; but the solemn ‘greater spondees,’ orthian iambics, and semanto-trochees (cf. on Terp. i.) were also used. The orthian nome was pitched high; ef. Aisch. Agam. 1153. (Galen reports that a nomic singer once burst a blood-vessel.) The aulodic nome was usually composed in elegiac distiches, but may also have contained prosodiacs. The transition from one melody or rhythm to another within the separate parts was forbidden, but the metres may have varied with the parts. This is controverted, but at least we may argue from an auletic nome of Olympos in which a trochaic followed on a paionic movement others, adducing as evidence e.g. the Kwudpyios nome of Klonas, Aisch. Choeph, 822, Plato Laws 700 p. Cf. Dippe Wochenschr. J. kl. Phil. 1888, 1018 ff. At any rate the choral nome was exceptional until the time of Timotheos. The agonistic nome was essentially monodic (cf. Arist. Prob/. 19. 15). lxiv NOME. that some variation was permitted in the vocal nome. The nomes of Terpander may have begun with the long-drawn ‘greater spondees,’ orthian iambics or semanto-trochees, which were followed by the hexa- meter in the central part where the myth was narrated in detail. In the ‘three-part’ auletic nome of Sakadas the Dorian mode was used in the begin- ning, then the Phrygian, and the conclusion was made with the Lydian. The early nome was solemn and stately, adapted to calm the mood of the worshipper. In its noble simplicity and dignity it resembled our old sacred music. The tempo was slow. The diametrical opposite of the nome was the enthusiastic dithyramb, at least in the early period. In some particulars the nome resembled the paian, of which, according to some ancient writers, it was a development. Before the time of Terpander the nome was simple in structure though the parts were clearly marked. Terpander enriched its architectonic by adding three parts, so that a musical theme was carried through the entire seven divisions in a systematic form. The parts of the Terpandreian nome are thus given by Pollux 4. 66: 1. dpyd, 2. μεταρχά, 3. κατατροπά, 4. μετακατατροπά, 5. ὀμφαλός, 6. σφραγίς, 7. ἐπίλογος. Terpander is thought to have added 2, 4, and 7. Bergk did not succeed in excusing the apparent irregularity in the position of the ὀμφαλός on the ground that the movement of all good poetry is more rapid as the end draws near. Other scholars would change the order, so as to bring the ὀμφαλός in the middle (Westphal, Liibbert, Christ). It is more likely that the ‘beginning’ and the ‘after-beginning,’ the ‘transition’ and the ‘after-transition’ formed only two groups (Crusius). This would give us five main parts, as in the Pythian (auletic) nome of Sakadas. Each part corresponded in some way to ὦ ceremony connected with the cult. Westphal’s rearrange- ment (προοίμιον, ἀρχά, κατατροπά, ὀμφαλός, μετακατατροπά, σφραγίς, ἐξόδιον) is too radical. The use of Doric forms in the names evidences a high antiquity ; as does the designation ὀμφαλός, which was certainly derived from the cult of Apollo NOME. Ιχν at Delphi (ὀμῴ. ἐριβρόμου χθονός). The ‘navel’ was epic in tone and contained the main theme. A favourite subject of the myth in the Apolline nomes was the Slaying of the Dragon, the battle of light with darkness that was to be waged by Siegfried and is found in the legends of all Indo-European peoples. The famous auletic nome of Sakadas dealt with the same subject and treated of Apollo’s search for the dragon, the challenge to combat, the death-agony, the prayer after the victory, ete. Other kitharoedic nomes told of the deeds of other gods and of heroes. The epilogue, whose presence shows that there was no antistrophic arrangement, may have contained the χαῖρε ἄναξ of the singer. The ‘seal,’ another quaint and archaic name, is supposed to have contained either a gnome that compressed the substance of the myth into a wise reflection (Bergk), or various matters that were more or less personal (Crusius), or a prayer (v. Jan), as in the σφραγίς of the church language of Modern Greece. It may have been sung in an elevated pitch. According to Westphal Proleg. zu Aeschylos 69 the Terpan- dreian form of composition was the τεθμός followed by Pindar in his epinikia. An examination of this mooted question does not concern us here, but it may be noted that, beyond all doubt, Pindar did not adhere strictly to this scheme either in his less ornate or in his greatest odes, e.g. Ol. 2, Pyth. 1, 2. It is very rare that the divisions, when they do exist, agree with the strophic arrangement (Ol. 13). It is not impera- tive that Pindar should have adopted all the seven divisions —all the seven parts of the parabasis of comedy are rarely found—, but clear-cut introductory formulas or transitions do not occur with sufficient regularity or frequency to persuade most scholars of the dependence of Pindar upon Terpander. A seven-fold division of Bacch. ii. is not imperative. From the rest of the melic poets we derive no information on the subject. The seven strophes of Sappho’s passionate ode to Aphrodite have actually been regarded as a ἑπτάλογχος στόλος. Not only Pindar and Sappho, if we are to listen to the critics, but also the Homeric Hymn to Apollo (not to speak of the dirge in the last book of the Iliad), Solon 13, Theognis, Aischylos (whose dramas are reported to have been influenced by the nomic form) in the Persaz 65 ff., 633, 852, and, with prelude and postlude, 922, Later on, Theokritos 16, 17, 22, 26, Kallimachos 2, 5, 7, Catullus 64, 688, Tibullus 2, 5, Propertius 5, 6. Apart from the correctness of the theory that the Terpandreian norm influenced the construction of Alexandrian literature, it is quite probable that the Hymn to Demeter by Kallimachos has preserved the best example of the 6 Ixvi NOME. character of the ancient kitharoedic nome. Alexandrian literature returned with partiality to the pre-Attic type. Aisch. Agam. 1072 ff. has been regarded as an example of the spirit of the old nome. The great choral poets of the sixth century did not cultivate the nome, which in consequence suffered a temporary decline. Choral poetry was the fashion in the Dorian school, and the extraordinary popu- larity of the Pythian (auletic) nome militated against the old-time vogue of the kitharoedic form. Besides, Pindar and Simonides were not musical virtuosos. The nome was the only form of vocal solo adopted in the musical festivals of the fifth century, and its revival followed as a result of the inauguration of a new style of music. The price of its renewed life was the trans- formation of its ancient simplicity. This transformation was the work of Phrynis, who flourished in the early part of the fifth century. Adopting some of the musical innovations of Lasos, Phrynis mixed the modes, and employed the freer lyric forms in conjunction with the hexameter. His innovation was the result of the substitution of a kithara with nine strings for the traditional hepta- chord. Provided thus with an instrument of greater range, Phrynis instituted colorature singing and ‘twisted and turned the voice like atop.’ Phrynis’ scholar, Timotheos, the detestation of the old Athens, the darling of the new, introduced his changes gradually, but under him the nome received the classic form that it maintained until the Empire. Though he still used the hexameter, he also employed the freer metres (τὰ ἀπολελυμένα), but the most radical change of all was that he made the nome choral (νόμος ἄνομος). We may indeed suppose that the solo remained an integral part, as the nome was the main form of solo concert; in fact we hear that 1 This is disputed ; Guhrauer 326. NOME. Ixvii the celebrated kitharoede Pylades sang alone during the entrance of the Persians in the Persai of 'Timo- theos. The new nome was in many respects akin to an oratorio. The antistrophic form was not adopted, since it was unable to give the flexibility that was regarded as imperative. Nome and dithyramb now grew more and more alike in language and tone. Transition (μεταβολή) from one mode to another was frequent. ‘Outraging music with his twelve strings,’ Timotheos painted a storm at sea, infused dramatic life, and endowed the kitharoedic nome with the passion that was native to the orgiastic flute. The virtues of κιθαρῳδία and αὐλῳδία were now confused (Plato Laws 700 D). Eur. Or. 1369 ff. is an example of the tone of the later nome. The music was soft, sweet, and tender. It was pathos rather than ethos that was depicted. While the nome approached the dithyramb in temper, the νομικὸς τρόπος was not com- pletely surrendered. Its style remained less excited ; different musical instruments were employed, and the nome may have retained more of the epic quality. The subjects of nomic poetry were the majesty and benevolence of the gods and prayers for the prosperity of the worshippers. Of the gods Apollo stands in the forefront (cf. Pind. Nem. 5. 24 φόρμιγγ᾽ ᾿Απόλλων ἑπτάγλωσσον χρυσέῳ πλάκτρῳ διώκων ἁγεῖῦτο παντοίων νόμων), and it was in conjunction with the worship of Apollo that the nome was developed. We hear, however, of nomes in honour of Zeus, Athene, Ares, and the Dioskuroi. Like the other forms of lyric it was gradually secularized, as, for example, in the Persai of Timotheos; and parodies were composed by Telenikos and Argas. Of the extent of the nome we are not accurately informed ; those of Timotheos would seem on an average to have been slightly shorter than the shortest books of the Iliad or Odyssey. Timotheos Ixvili ADONIDIA. attained immense popularity, and his successor Kleon ‘won more crowns than any other mortal.’ But after their time the purely instrumental auletic form was preferred. ADONIDIA. Adonis-songs were sung by women, whose grief at the death of Adonis symbolized the transitoriness of the loveliness of nature. Primarily they were an importation, by way of Kypros, from Phoinikia (adonai ‘lord’; cf. Jerem. 22. 18 “They shall not lament for him, saying, Ah lord! or Ah his glory!”). In Syria and Phoinikia they appear as songs of lament to the music of the flute. The ᾿Αδωνίδια were celebrated in midsummer at Athens, where there was a special festival for women, at Sikyon, at Alexandria, Byblos, Antioch, and many other places till a late period. At Athens, Adonis was represented by the figure of a wooden doll, which the women laid out for interment on the roofs of the houses. The celebration moved the scorn of the comic poets (Kratin. 15, of the poet Gnesippos: ὃν οὐκ ἂν ἠξίουν ἐγὼ | ἐμοὶ διδάσκειν οὐδ᾽ ἂν εἰς ᾿Αδώνια). The ᾿Αδωνιάζουσαι of Theokritos (idyl 15) depicts the rejoicing of the women at Adonis’ return from Acheron, after his sojourn there for a year, and his reunion with Aphrodite, and alludes to their sorrow at his enforced departure. The Adonis-lays of the people have been completely lost, since at an early period the poets treated the same theme: Sa. xxill., ὦ τὸν "Aéwvw Frag. 63, 108 (whence the Adonic verse), the Adonis of Praxilla, which was perhaps the source of the famous ἐπιτάφιος ᾿Αδώνιδος of Bion, which was intended for the second day of the Adonis festival at Alexandria under Ptolemy Philadelphos. Cf. Aristoph. Lysistr. 393, 396. The bucolic poets were especially fond of the legend. LOLACCHOS. lxix IOBACCHOS. The iobacchoi, which take their name from the initial exclamation! i} Baxye,? were originally sung at the sacrifices and festivals of the god Dionysos (ἰοβάκχεια). Though they were different from the dithyramb, of their contents we know little, since only a few isolated lines have been preserved. Pro- klos says that they were ‘soaked in the insolence of Dionysos.’ Their introduction into literature seems to have been due to Archilochos, who may have been influenced by Thrakian folk-songs. The metrical form was a syncopated (asynartetic) iambic tetrameter (or lamb. dim. acatal. + troch. dim. catal.): Δήμητρος ἁγνῆς καὶ κόρης τὴν πανήγυριν σέβων (Archil. 120). The trochee, we are told, was first used in the festivals of Dionysos and Demeter. The iobacchic measure appears in Eupol. 356, Mel. Adesp. 51, and in Aristoph. Aves 1755, which Westphal regards as an example of the joyous tone of the thiasos. Pindar is reported to have composed βακχικά, which are not to be regarded as iobacchoi.? HYPORCHEME. The name ὑπόρχημα ‘ dance-song,’ which occurs for the first time in Plato Jon 534 Ο, is not adapted to distinguish the hyporcheme from the other forms of choral melic that were accompanied by orchestic evolution. The structure of the word, however, indi- cates that there was a closer engagement between the 1See Bentley on Hor. Sat. 1. 3. 7 Io Bacche. 276 varies with ἰώ as ἐέ with ἰή. 5 Litbbert de Pind. carm. dram. trag. 13 thought the βακχικά were songs for Dionysiac πομπαί. Probably the name is a late interpolation. Ιχχ HYVPORCHEME. dance and the theme than was usual in other choral songs.! Though our knowledge of ancient dancing is too fragmentary for us to distinguish accurately between the orchestic mimic that characterized the hyporcheme and that of the dithyramb, it is clear that, to the later writers at least, such as Plutarch,? the hyporcheme appeared to form the link connecting the sister arts of poetry and dancing. It bodied forth in words what was pourtrayed by the sympathetic rhythm and the pantomimic dance. When stress is laid upon a lively mimetic and scenic representation of the words, the text tends to become a mere acces- sory ; and such seems to have been the character of the hyporcheme at Sparta in the earliest period. A passage in Athenaios (628 D) informs us that the name 1 ὑπό in composition here, as often, denotes that the action in question is performed under another’s influence or as an accompaniment to another action. To interpret ὑπορχ. simply as a dance that accompanied music ignores its dis- tinctive quality. Strictly speaking, the hyporcheme is a dance accompanying another dance, as is described below; but in the absence of the words ὕπᾳσμα, ὑπῳδή it was early transferred to songs that were accompanied by the dance. Proklos 246 says ὑπόρχημα τὸ μετ᾽ ὀρχήσεως ἀδόμενον μέλος ἐλέγετο᾽ καὶ γὰρ οἱ παλαιοὶ τὴν ὑπό ἀντὶ τῆς μετά πολλάκις ἐλάμβανον. So, quoting Archil. 123 (ἄδων ὑπ᾽ αὐλητῆρος), the schol. on = 492 and Aristoph. Aves 1426 say tré=pera (cf. Eur. 1. A. 1036 ff.). So we have ὑπαείδω, Kallim. 4. 304, ‘sing to the accompaniment’ (of the dance), ὑπ᾽ αὐλὸν ἄδοντες Plut. de aud. 7, αὐλήσει χρῆσθαι καὶ κιθαρίσει πλὴν ὅσον ὑπὸ ὄρχησίν τε καὶ ὠδήν Plato Laws 009, ὑπὸ τὴν ᾧὠδὴν κρούειν, the technical expression of instrumental accompaniment. ὑπορ- χεῖσθαι occurs first in Aisch. Choeph. 1025, where the metaphorical use bespeaks the antiquity of the word. Hes. Shield 282 has παίζοντες ὑπ᾽ ὀρχηθμῷ καὶ ἀοιδῇ. Besides ὑπό, the foll. prepositions are used of musical accompaniment: εἰς, ἐν, κατά, περί, πρός. ᾿ “ Quaest. Symp. 9. 15. 2 (748 B) ὀρχηστικῇ δὲ καὶ ποιητικῇ κοινωνία πᾶσα καὶ μέθεξις ἀλλήλων ἐστί, καὶ μάλιστα μιμούμεναι περὶ τὸ ὑπορχημάτων γένος ἐνεργὸν ἀμφότεραι τὴν διὰ τῶν σχημάτων καὶ τῶν ὀνομάτων μίμησιν ἀποτελοῦσι. HYVPORCHEME. [xxi originated from the custom observed by the early poets, who arranged dances for freeborn men and made use of orchestic figures only as emblems of what was sung, ‘always preserving the principles of nobleness and manliness in them.’ The hyporcheme was called Cretan (Sim. x.) because it was native to Crete, whence Thaletas introduced it into Sparta in the middle of the seventh century. Crete was the chief seat of the artistic dance, and it was there in connection with the cult of Zeus and particularly of Apollo that the graphic and vivacious hyporchematic dance was invented and practised by persons of noble birth. In part akin to the paian, which was also sacred to Apollo and from which it may not have been differentiated in the early period, the hyporchematic song gave expression to foreboding or to joy; but it was unlike that more solemn and religious chant in its rapid and fiery melodies and rhythms. The paian’s province was, originally at least, the severer aspect of the cult of Apollo; whereas the hyporcheme celebrated the more joyous character of the god (ὀρχήστ᾽ ἀγλαΐας ἀνάσσων Pind. Frag. 148). Plutarch says that by the rhythm alone he could distinguish a hyporcheme from a paian. In the paian the dance was subordinate because it was performed by the singers, more stately, and devoid of panto- mime; and the singing was simpler. The musical modes of the hyporcheme were probably the Phrygian and the Dorian. A hyporcheme is, as we have seen, both a song and a dance. To the sportive hyporchematic dance, one of the three technical divisions of melic orchestic and in a measure akin to the kordax of comedy, most of the hyporchematic poems were sung ; but at times they were attended by the pyrrhic,! a dance of Cretan 1 Athen. 630 £, schol. Pind. Pyth. 2. 127. 1xxii HYPORCHEME. origin and similar to the hyporchematic but more akin to the sikinnis of the satyr play. There were at least two different modes of presentation : 1. One person played and sang, while the rest danced. ‘This is the ‘hyporchematic manner’ which the ancients recognized in 6 262, where the minstrel Demodokos with the phorminx takes his position in the centre, while around him are grouped the youths δαήμονες ὀρχηθμοῖο. This form of the hyporcheme was not common in later times, though Kallim. 2 offers some analogies to it. 2. The usual form, described by Lucian de salt. 16 as existing in Delos in his own day, may be of high antiquity. One or more musicians played, a selected number of the best dancers gave full plastic expres- sion to the theme,? while the larger body, which sang, accompanied the music with a sedate orchestic movement. It is in connection with this form that ὑπόρχημα and ὑπορχεῖσθαι acquired their purely tech- nical signification. The presence of the first body, consisting only of dancers and officiating in conjunc- tion with the chorus, distinguishes the hyporcheme from all other forms of melic. The dance was performed about the altar during the sacrifice of the victims. 1Cf. Hymn 2.10 ff. In Σ 593 ff. (a Cretan scene) one played and sang, a ‘chorus’ of youths and maidens danced, while in the centre there were two tumblers. In Heliod. Zth. 3.2 the chorus is divided into two groups, one of which sang while the other danced. Livy 7. 2 describes the innovation of Livius Andronicus where pantomime accompanied the music. The geranos or crane-dance, which was instituted by Theseus in Delos on his return from Crete and still witnessed by Plu- tarch, may have been of the hyporchematic type. Its turnings and windings imitated the hero’s escape from the mazes of the labyrinth. The dancers were arranged in files with leaders at - each of the two wings. 2Cf. Athen. 15D... ἐστὶν ἡ τοιαύτη ὄρχησις μίμησις τῶν ὑπὸ τῆς λέξεως ἑρμηνευομένων πραγμάτων, and Arist. Poet. 1. 6. HVPORCHEME. Ixxili The chorus was composed of men or boys or women, or of both sexes. In the Homeric age the kithara was the only instrument employed, but with the advent of the second musical epoch at Sparta, -which was inaugurated by Thaletas, the flute became the preferred instrument. Simonides mentions a Molossian species of flute that he seems to have adopted. In the time of Pratinas the flute arrogated to itself a prominence that threatened the position of the poet. Sometimes both flute and kithara were heard in conjunction (συναυλία). The hyporcheme is properly consecrated to Apollo, but as early as the beginning of the fifth century it was adapted by Pratinas (i.) to the expanding cult of Dionysos ; Bacchylides (23) celebrated the Athena of Iton in Boiotia. That the theme was not confined to strictly religious subjects is clear from the remains of the two books of Pindar, who alludes to the unrest of the time during the Persian invasion (xii.) and to the deeds of Herakles (111). He even substitutes the hyporcheme for the epinikion or enkomion when he sings the praise of Hieron, and gives a vivid and detailed picture of the consternation at Thebes during an eclipse (x.). Pindar’s hyporchemes were so famous, or his mode of presentation so novel, that he was even called the ‘inventor’ of the species. The frag- ments show some heterogeneousness of subject (105, 106) and considerable amplitude of detail (x.). Much of the wealth of melic poetry passed over to the drama, and the hyporcheme in particular, it is currently believed, was impressed into the service of tragedy as a dramatic device for relieving the monotony resulting from the regular recurrence of the stasima, which were necessarily of a certain amplitude and accompanied by the solemn ἐμμέλεια dance. In contrast to the repose that was afforded by the stasimon, there was sometimes occasion for an lxxiv HYVPORCHEME. expression of sudden and exuberant joy or hope, and here Sophokles is thought to have had recourse to the hyporcheme. Most of the songs in question! are brief and occur immediately before the catastrophe though without any presentiment of its outcome on. the part of the chorus, thus vitiating by a species of dramatic irony the continuity of the plot, but re- lieving the intense strain of the situation. The tragic form of the hyporcheme suggests the modern ballet. Some of the cretic odes of comedy (6... Aristoph. Lysistr, 1247 ff. ; ef. Thesmoph. 953 ff., Hkkles. 1166 ff.) and of the lost satyr plays may have reproduced the spirit and form of the hyporcheme, which, with the development of the drama, practically ceased to exist as a separate form. Bacchylides is the last poet known to have composed a hyporcheme. The native metre was the excited cretic with its swifter paionic forms ; the fourth paion (~ ~~ —) was in fact called the ‘hyporchematic’ or ‘cretic’ foot.? Bacchylides still uses cretics (23) and so too Simonides (x.), but the latter poet, like Pindar, preferred the light and nimble logaoedics. The 10. T. 1086-1109, Antig. 1115-1154, Aias 693-718 (to Pan and Apollo), Trach. 205-224, 633-662. Some scholars would even add Phil. 507-518. Trach. 205 ff. recalls the paian rather than the hyporcheme. Muff (Chor. Tech. d. Soph. 38) thought that the second of the above described forms of pre- sentation was adopted by tragedy. No ancient writer classes any one of these passages as ἃ hyporcheme, though Tzetz. Trag. Poes. mentions the hyporchematikon as a part of tragedy. Sophokles is the only tragic poet who makes use of this form of choral; and there is no evidence from the lyric age that the hyporcheme was used in the manner out- lined above. ?In commenting on the prose rhythms of the orator, Dion. Halik. (de adm. vi dic. Dem. 43) says that Demosthenes occa- sionally had recourse to those of the hyporchematic type, which, he adds, deserve censure equally with the Ionic and effeminate rhythms. HVPORCHEME. Ιχχν hyporchemes of tragedy are all entirely logaoediec, or logaoedic and trochaic, and have only strophe and antistrophe. Pindar’s famous hyporcheme (x.) be- longs to the free (ἀπολελυμένον) class, as does Soph. Zach. 205 ff. When singers and dancers have separate functions, a song that is free from anti- strophic balance would not prove too difficult. The hyporcheme approached the style of the dithyramb when the latter lost its antistrophic structure ; both emphasized the mimetic element ; and the decline of the hyporcheme was hastened by the τ τυ οἵ the dithyramb. Thaletas, the founder of Spartan choral orchestic music, composed the first texts, and with him the hyporcheme became famous in Dorian lands. Xeno- damos of Kythera and Xenokritos of Epizephyrian Lokris belonged to his school, which made a specialty of paians and hyporchemes. But the genius of the hyporcheme reached its highest excellence with Simonides, who, according to Plutarch, actually outdid himself (αὐτὸς αὑτοῦ κράτιστος) in an art in which he was conscious of his own superiority. So vivid was its imitative character that Plutarch felt himself compelled to reject Simonides’ famous comparison of poetry with painting, and call the dance silent poetry, poetry a speaking dance. ENKOMION. The enkomion,! one of the latest developments of the melic art, is, in its strictest sense, the song that was sung at the revel (ἐν κώμῳ)," the boisterous 1 ἐγκώμιον μέλος, ἐγκώμιος ὕμνος. ἐπικώμιος ὕμνος Pind. Nem. 8. 50 2 κῶμος denotes either the revel or the band of revellers which sallied forth upon the conclusion of the festivities to Ixxvi ENKOMION. termination of the banquet. Originally it may have been in honour of the giver of the banquet in celebration of some happy event.!. The restriction as to character and place soon disappeared and the word came to denote a laudatory poem of a dignified character in honour of men, as opposed to the hymn which was consecrated to the gods.? As ‘hymn’ is used in a wider sense to embrace almost any form of melic (including the enkomion), so enkomion is in turn a generic expression, though of a narrower range, and includes also the triumphal ode, which was often sung at the komos,’® and even the threnos or panegyric of the dead. Every komos offered an opportunity for a song of praise. The epinikion was called forth by a definite and splendid external occasion that demanded corresponding mag- nificence of treatment on the part of the poet, who was in a measure under bonds to the victor; the enkomion on the other hand was not invariably prompted by a like external event, and was, there- fore, a rarer and more intimate expression of the poet’s homage; though in most cases, we may surmise, it was not unaccompanied by a douceur. If the escort a guest to his home or to serenade a mistress of one of the guests. In a loftier sense it is a company of friends who escort a victor to a temple or to the banqueting hall. 1Cf, Aristoph. Nubes 1205 ἐπ᾽ εὐτυχίαισιν doréov μοὐγκώμιον. x , μ 2Cf. Plato Rep. 607 A ὕμνους θεοῖς καὶ ἔγκώμια τοῖς ἀγαθοῖς, a distinction that is not discredited by Laws 8024. In Symp. 177A enkomion is used sportively in reference to Eros, but in Ἐφ. dpx. 1869, p. 347, no. 412, 1. 13, we find mention of an ἐγκώμιον εἰς ᾿Απόλλωνα of Tamynai. This use is late and untechnical. Arrian Anab. 4. 3 and Ht. Gud. 540. 42 expressly distinguish ὕμνοι εἰς τοὺς θεούς, ἔπαινοι (ἐγκώμια) εἰς ἀνθρώπους. ᾽ 3Cf. Pind. Οἱ. 13. 29 (an ode called an enkomion by Chamaileon), 2. 47, 10. 77, Pyth. 10. 53, Bacch. v. 12; Aristoph. Nubes 1356. ENKOMION. xxvii enkomion differed on the one hand from the more formal and public epinikion,! it differed in turn from the more private skolion by the greater stateliness of its theme. In its limited and specific application the enkomion denotes a panegyric of living personages illustrious for their station or deeds*—kings,* princes, warriors, victors at the national games, magistrates, and, in the latest times, the emperors of Rome. Its perfor- mance at a komos seems not to have been obligatory, and the tone was more solemn than in the original type of ‘ revel-song.’ The enkomion was the creation of Simonides, | though its beginnings antedate his time. Aristotle in fact says in one passage (Poetics 4) that enkomia’ and hymns formed one part of all earlier poetry ; in another (Rhet. 1. 9. 38), that the first enkomion was composed for Hippolochos, of whom we know nothing 1The distinction between epinikion and enkomion is not made by the poets themselves and often eludes definition ; both words are in fact actually used of the same poem (the ode to Alkibiades by Euripides). We are not certain when enkomion is used in the generic sense and when it is strictly employed. SeeonSim. i. Suidas calls the Helen of Stesichoros an enkomion, but he evidently has in mind the speeches of Gorgias and Isokrates. From Proklos’ statement with regard to the epinikion—that its delivery followed closely upon the victory—we might conclude that, in his (lost) article on the enkomion, the grammarian made the latter independent in respect of the time of production. But the statement does not hold true of the epinikion. Songs that were the product of native talent were often sung in honour of a victor at his native place; cf. Pind. Ol. 10. 14, 11. 19, 13. 22, Nem. 4. 89, 7. 9, Frag. 1. 6, ete. 2 Aristotle (Rhet. 1. 9. 38, Hth. 1. 12. 6) distinguishes ἐγκώμιον from ἔπαινος. The former deals with τὰ ἔργα, results of actions; the latter with the μέγεθος ἀρετῆς, the virtuous character of the actions in themselves. In the unphilosophical use ἐγκώμιον is often equated with ἔπαινος. 3 Cf. Hor. 4. 2. 13 (of Pindar): sew deos regesve canit etc. Ixxviii ENKOMION. else, though the name points to Thessaly. Polym- nastos is said to have written a laudation of Thales (Thaletas?) for the Lakedaimonians ; but a distinct and separate poem in praise of a living poet as early as the first half of the seventh century is not to be credited. The use by Alkaios (Frag. 94) and Anakreon (Frag. 70) of the enkomologic metre (LS 2s a= See ΎῪ ΟΥ̓ untrusiworchy evidence of the existence of a monodic ‘revel-song.’ Eurylochos of Larissa, the leader in the Sacred War, after he had conquered Krissa and renewed the Pythian games, was saluted by the maidens of Delphi with a choral song that Bergk regarded as an ex- ample of the primitive enkomion.! But the innovation of Simonides depends not so much on these isolated antecedents as on the gradual transformation that had come over the spirit of choral poetry. In the time of Alkman the par- theneion was in part devoted to the laudation of demi- gods and of mortals. Stesichoros dispossessed the gods of their exclusive control of the hymn proper, and the chorals of Ibykos in praise of the beautiful youths of the court of Polykrates gave the final impetus to Simonides, who in the epinikion, as in the enkomion, produced a form of choral melic whose main purpose was the glorification of the human, though not to the abasement of the divine— a secular hymn that recognized the privilege of men who had reached the summit of human splendour or renown to share in the poetry that had heretofore been consecrated to the gods or heroes. The time was auspicious. With the passing away, in the latter part of the sixth century, of the tyrannies in central Greece and in the islands, private persons came into positions of wealth and importance that stimu- 1The poem is called an ijios by Euphorion. ENKOMION. Ixxix lated a rivalry with the art-loving princes who had been displaced ; and wherever tyrannies maintained their strength, as in Thessaly, or attained to new splendour, as in Sicily, the panegyric ode was in high favour. The increasing fame of the great games likewise focussed the attention of the entire Greek world upon men who had proved by the severity of their physical and moral training that they were entitled to claim a share of the poet’s praise. Our knowledge concerning the manner of pre- senting an enkomion is inadequate. The band of singers sometimes sang and danced during the banquet; or their revelry was transferred to the strects, where they paraded with torches and merry- making. The more formal enkomion was probably sung and danced by a body of trained singers during or after the banquet. Information is lacking as to the musical modes that were employed, but it is probable that the Dorian was preferred, while the Lydian may also have been adopted. The extant fragments are composed in dactylo-epitrites, which took over the enkomologikon, and in logaoedics. There is no evidence to support Crusius’ contention that the enkomia of Pindar, as well as those of the Hellenistic period (Theokr. 17), followed the seven-fold division of the Terpandreian nome. Only the poets of the universal melic are authors of enkomia. Simonides is the first to be credited with the composition of the new form of melic, but, of the poems in question, the eulogy on the heroes of Thermopylai might with better right be called a threnody, were it not the poet’s intention to praise their heroism rather than bewail their death. The poem on Skopas (ii.) partakes rather of the nature of an enkomion than of a skolion. Simonides may have composed an enkomion in honour of Xenokrates of Agrigentum, From Pindar’s single book we have Ixxx EPINIKION. fragment xiv. to Alexander of Makedon, nos. 118, 119 to Theron of Agrigentum ; Bergk regarded xv. as belonging to this class, and Fennell does the like with the llth Nemean. Diagoras eulogized Arianthes and Nikodoros, Ion wrote in praise of Skythiades ; and Euripides’ panegyric of Alkibiades is cited both as an enkomion and as an epinikion. Timotheos closes the list of classical writers of enkomia. In the Alexandrian age Theokritos (17) sings of Ptolemy. Late Boiotian inscriptions occasionally refer to com- posers of panegyrics, who regularly took part in the musical contests: thus we find an ἐγκ. εἰς Μούσας C. I. G. 8. 1773. 13 (second century A.D.), ἐγκ. ἐπικόν, which is not identical with a rhapsody, ib. 416. 9, ἐγκ. λογικόν 419. 11 (ἐγκ. καταλογάδην 418. 2), all of the first century B.c. An ἐγκωμιογράφος appears at the festival of Aphrodisias C. 1. G. 2759 (about 200 A.D.), an ἐγκωμιογράφος εἰς τὸν Αὐτοκράτορα C. I. G. δ. 1773. An ἐγκώμιον to Apollo has already been men- tioned. EPINIKION. For the almost total wreck of the earlier forms of choral song we are indemnified by the survival of that species which the judgment of the ancients pronounced to be the best. The extant body of triumphal songs in honour of the victors at the national agonistic festivals exceeds in bulk the rest of the remains of Greek melic. The splendour of the contests and the renown that was accorded to the successful competitors inspired the epinikion ; and this, the latest creation of the melic art, though of brief duration—its life scarcely compassed more than a century—, so captivated succeeding generations that it was preserved, at least in large part, as the most splendid product of the lyric age; while the more ἘΣΖΜΖΑΤ7ΟΝ,. ΙΧΧΧῚ intimate expressions of the varied personal and national lyric life gradually lost their hold on the popular fancy. The epinikia of Pindar and Bacchy- lides owe their preservation to their intrinsic merit, though the music of the former was highly esteemed. The other forms of choral song were either too narrow in their range and too local in their cults to awaken the sympathy of the Greeks of the Alex- andrian age, who had ceased to cling to the traditional faith ; or, as in the case of the dithyramb and the nome, whose success depended on the virtue of their music, neglect was the result of the loss of the melodies. To us, however, the epinikion is at best so distinctively Hellenic, so distinctly the emanation of a particular era and occasion, that it fails to win that spontaneous appreciation which, under the im- pulse of a common humanity, we accord to many other forms of Greek song. A detailed examination of the epinikion from the point of view of its opulent style and of its compli- cated structure, is beyond the scope of this volume, which, in excluding Pindar, excludes the most indi- vidual type. As the commentaries on that poet and the histories of Greek literature, which contain an ampler description of the epinikion than of the other classes of melic, are easily accessible, the following account aims at presenting only the chief facts and such points of approach as will serve as an intro- duction to the study of Bacchylides. THE GAMES. The four great national games were religious festivals (ἀγῶνες ἱεροι). ΤΟΥ, Eust. Proleg. to Pind. (οἱ ἐπινίκιοι) περιάγονται μάλιστα διὰ τὸ ἀνθρωπικώτεροι εἶναι καὶ ὀλιγόμυθοι καὶ μηδὲ πόνυ ἔχειν ἀσαφῶς κατά γε τὰ ἄλλα. E ΙΧΧΧῚ EPINIKION. 1. The Olympic games, in honour of Zeus, were celebrated after 776 in uninterrupted succession. Herakles was their mythical, Oxylos their prehistoric, founder. Iphitos of Elis, about a century before the first Olympiad, restored them and made them pen- taeteric. 'The contest took place in the Altis at Elis, near the Alpheios, at the foot of the hill of Kronos, and close to the tomb of Pelops. They were held in July (or August), when the moon was full, and (after 472) lasted for five days. The contests were equestrian and gymnic, in all twelve kinds up to 408. From the seventh Olympiad on the prize was a crown of wild olive, which was adjudged by the Hellanodikai. The victor might erect a statue of himself at Olympia. 2. The Pythia, in honour of Apollo, date in their renewed form from 582 (or 586) and were held in the middle of August every four years, in the third year of each Olympiad. The contests were musical, gymnic, and equestrian; the prize, a laurel crown ; the judges, the Amphiktyons. The musical contest was held at Delphi; the others, in the neighbouring plain of Krissa. 3. The Nemea, in honour of Zeus, were held in July at the time of the new moon, in the second and fourth year of each Olympiad. They are said to have been originally funeral games founded by the seven leaders of the expedition against Thebes ; and were renewed in 573. In the classical period the contests were chiefly gymnic, but the race with the four-horse chariot was admitted. The prize was a crown of fresh celery ; the umpires, who wore dark- coloured robes, the Kleonaians, and later the Argives. 4. The Isthmia, in honour of Poseidon, took place in April near the gates of Korinth, every second and fourth Olympiad. According to one account they were instituted to commemorate the drowning of EPINIKION. Ixxxiil Melikertes, and the prize, in the earliest period, was a wreath of pine leaves. The other tradition makes Theseus, Poseidon’s son, their founder. Their re-establishment in 580 gave them a national signifi- cance. The contests were gymnic and equestrian : the prize, in the classical period, a crown of dry celery ; in the first century B.C., a wreath of pine. The judges were originally the chiefs of the Amphik- tyonic league, later the Korinthians. Besides these national games there were local con- tests in almost every canton of Greece, for many of which the poets wrote prize odes, eg. the Petraia in Thessaly, the Heraia in Argos, the Pythia at Sikyon, the Iolaeia at Thebes. FORMS OF CONTEST. Of the three kinds of contest only those forms are mentioned below which occurred in the lyric age.? The dates are those of the introduction of the con- tests at Olympia, which set the standard for the other festivals. Each of the contests is celebrated by one or more poems of Pindar or Bacchylides. All the victors at a festival were not honoured by odes. 1. Equestrian. With the four-horse chariot (ἅρματι, ἵππων τελείων δρόμῳ, τεθρίππῳ, or simply ἵπποις: 680). Racing with the mule-car (ἀπήνη) was introduced in 500 but abolished in 444. With the single running-horse (κέλητι : 648). 2. Gymnie. 1. Running. 1 The following were instituted after the lyric period: with the two-horse chariot (συνωρίδι ἵππων τελείων : 408), with the four-foal chariot (πώλων ἅρματι: 384), with the two-foal chariot (264), with the single running-foal (256), boys’ pankration (200). Ιχχχὶν EPINIKION. Stadion: a race of about 200 yards (192.27 metres) at Olympia, where there was a stadion for men (776) and a stadion for boys (632). Diaulos: twice the stadion ; for men or boys (724). Dolichos : twelve times the stadion (720). Running in armour (ὁπλιτῶν δρόμος : 520). 2. Wrestling: for men (708), for boys (632). 3. Boxing: for men (688), for boys (616). 4. Pankration: wrestling and boxing combined (648). At the Nemea for boys also. 5. Pentathlon: leaping, running, throwing the dis- cus, hurling the javelin, wrestling (708). 3. Musical. The musical contests consisted of singing to the - accompaniment either of the kithara or of the flute, and in playing the kithara or the flute. In the lyric age they were held only at Delphi. At the Nemea they were introduced in the third century B.c., and they are attested at the Isthmia in the time of Nero. At Olympia they were unknown. Triumphal song had cheered the victor long before the increasing celebrity of the games in the first quarter of the sixth century prompted the rivalry of statuary and poet to perpetuate his fame. The ‘Strain of Archilochos,’ the “Conquering Hero” of the Greeks, Τήνελλα καλλίνικε χαῖρ᾽ ἄναξ .Ηράκλεες, αὐτός τε καὶ ᾿Ιόλαος αἰχμητὰ δύο, that was still sung in the time of the great choral poets, had celebrated the victor in the early Olym- piads. But the epinikion! proper, the bloom of the 1 ἐπινίκιον scil. μέλος, doua. The word is first used in this sense, as a substantive, by Bacch. (2. 13). Pind. has only the adj.: ἐπινικίοισιν ἀοιδαῖς Nem. 4. 78; ἐπινίκιος ὕμνος Diod. 5. 29. The form ἐπίνικος is used for ἐπινίκιον in post-classical times, Pind. usually refers to his triumphal odes as ὕμνοι, EPINIKION. Ixxxv lyric age, is the creation of Simonides, whose only predecessors were the local bards who had chanted the exploits of the native athletes.! The occasions for singing the song of victory were numerous. At Olympia on the evening of the day when the name of the victor was proclaimed by the herald before the throng assembled from every quarter of the Greek world, his friends led him in triumph to a temple, where he offered thanks to the gods for his happy fortune, and a revel (κῶμος) closed the day. On this occasion either the hallowed song of Archilochos was sung, or the poet, if he was present in person, improvised a brief ode.? But as the victor had not only won undying fame for him- self but covered his native city with honour, his return home became the chief occasion of celebrating a success achieved after many months of incessant training which had resulted in that harmonious development of mind and body so prized by his countrymen. He was received with every mark of honour. Plutarch reports that a breach was made in the walls to allow his triumphal entry; at Sparta the Olympian victor might take his station next the king on the battle-field ; in Solon’s time he received a prize in money ; his image might be stamped upon the coins of his native city ; and a Roman triumph conferred no greater honour upon a consul than did the simpler ceremonies that fell to the portion of an Olympian victor. As his success had been gained at 1Timokritos and Euphanes are local poets mentioned by Pindar. Cf. Vem. 4. 13,89, 6.30. The ‘epinikion’ of Archilochos was properly a hymn in honour of Herakles after his contest with Augeas, and the thrice-repeated refrain τήνελλα καλλίνικε was taken over by the poet from the language of the people. From Hesychios we learn that the τετράκωμος was an ‘epinikion attended by dancing in honour of Herakles.’ 2Pind. Ol. 8, 11, Pyth. 6, 7, Bacch. 4 may be examples in point. Ixxxvi EPINIKION. a festival sacred to the gods, so the celebration was a religious act. A joyous band accompanied him to the temple of the patron deity of the city or to that of the divinity especially worshipped by his family, and here he offered sacrifice and dedicated the crown received from the judges. On this occasion the epinikion was sung in marching; or the song was reserved for the evening banquet, when a chorus of the victor’s townsmen, if they were his guests, took their places at the door of the court. Sometimes the celebration took place in a temple or in the pry- taneion. The triumph of a prince was often celebrated by odes composed by different poets. At the anni- versary of the victory the original ode was revived or a new one written for the occasion; and at festivals devoted to the worship of the native heroes and at family festivals the epinikion was in place. The triumphal ode was not merely a tribute to the person of the victor ; it appealed to national or civic pride: if it glorified the exploits of the victor and of his family, its theme was also the gods, the heroes, the religious cult, the political and mythological traditions dear to the community. Sometimes the poet, who had also composed the music and arranged the dance, lent his presence to the celebration ; some- times he entrusted his ode to the care of a trained chorus-master: but in either case the words, though sung by a chorus, were the expression of his own personality, and the body of singers and dancers only his interpreters. The chorus was often composed of the victor’s townsmen or friends who were musical amateurs and offered their services voluntarily. Almost all the extant odes deal with victors in the equestrian or gymnic contests ; only one (Pind. Pyth. 12) celebrates a musical triumph. The eques- trian victors were princes and aristocrats, who coveted not only the popularity that justified the expense of EPINIKION. ]xxxvil equipping the chariots and of breeding such racers as Pherenikos, but also the assurance of present and posthumous fame that was conferred by the song of the poet. With their lordly patrons, Hieron of Syracuse, Theron of Agrigentum, Arkesilaos of Kyrene, the poets associated on terms of friendship from which servility was absent. If they usually received pay for their art—examples of odes com- posed out of friendship are not lacking—, their thrift did not follow upon fawning. Charges of avarice were brought against Simonides and Pindar, and the latter poet speaks with regret of the time when the muse was not to be bought with gold, But the spirit of the time condoned the departure from the ancient fashion, and it is possible that the reproach brought against the ἀργυρωθεῖσαι ἀοιδαί, as Pindar calls them, was provoked as much by the size of the douceur as by hostility to the fact that the poet did not lend his services without thought of compen- sation. The workman was conscious of his lofty prerogative as a poet ; his end was truth, praise of the noble, condemnation of the base. Success and merit were not convertible terms. If Simonides, Pindar, and Bacchylides withdraw their gaze from the dark spots in the career of kings and princes, they did what panegyrists have done in all climes and ages. But the contrary note is not unheard—greatness begets danger and envy, earthly splendour is a thing of a day, and lordly station an opportunity for good. The festivals at which the epinikia were sung were modelled on the religious celebrations which per- mitted the praise of men after the laudation of the gods. While the subject of the triumphal ode is taken from the human sphere, the scene of the victory was fraught with religious associations ; the games were themselves sacred to the gods, and had Ixxxvilli EPINIKION. been established by their sons, and victory itself was due to divine favour. The epinikion accentuates the divine no less than the human, so that an unknown poet (Melic Adesp. 85) can say of his ode ὕμνον ὧν κλύετε: πέμπω δέ νιν |... [᾿Απόλλωνι μὲν θεῶν, ἄταρ ἀνδρῶν ’Eyexpate κιτ.λ.; cf. Theokr. 17. 1 ff. Pindar often seems to allude to the fact that his theme is the praise of some god and that the mention of the victor is an addition. With a subject limited in its range by the character of the occasion that inspired it, the epinikion shows a marvellous variety in theme, in style, and in rhythm. Always the same, it is continually different ; unity is created out of diversity. The permanent elements in the longer and typical odes are three in number: 1. The personal or enko- miastic. 2. The gnomic. 3. The mythological. From the earliest period poetry had been the vehicle of sententious wisdom. ‘The mythological element was the fibre of the religious hymns, of the secular Homeric Hymns, in fact of almost all the old choral lyric. With the praise of the gods had been associated in the ancient hymns the celebration of ‘the men and women of old’ (Hymn 1. 160). The characteristic feature of the epinikion as a distinct species of melic is the grafting of the personal ele- ment, in the form it assumed in the sixth century, upon the other two.! The problem before the poet was to weld into an harmonious whole the new, worldly aspect of his art and the inherited religious poetry that lay at his command: to idealize, to trans- mute the ephemeral into the eternal. The personal or enkomiastic portion, which is in place at the beginning and the end, is the frame in 1 Bergk inverts the point at issue when he alludes to the question whether Simonides was the first to insert the myth in the epinikion. EPINIKION. Ixxxix which the poet sets his theme. It defines the par- ticular situation and gives the realities of the ode. At the outset we learn the name of the victor and his character, his family, the triumphs won before either by himself or by his ancestors, the city that has been rendered illustrious by the exploit of its son, the scene of his dexterity, strength, and good fortune—“ Olympia, the fairest place in Greece,” Delphi, the seat of the voice of God. The trainer, the charioteer, the victorious horse have also their share of praise. But the glory of the victor must ‘not be tarnished by reference to the defeat of his ‘rivals,! and the suppression of undue laudation safe- guards him against Nemesis. Though Simonides and Bacchylides dilate upon the scene and the charactér of the struggle more than Pindar, who hastens to paint the heroic prototype of the victor, nevertheless the circumstances of the victory, even in Bacchylides, rarely encroach upon the province of the myth. On the other hand Bacchylides is more sparing than Pindar in allusions to contemporary events. At times the description of victor and victory is so slight that we are tempted to believe that the ode was con- structed on a stereotyped plan and that the personal part was added with only the necessary links to connect it with the myth. This is, however, far from the truth, at least in Pindar; and large as was freedom granted the the poet in the selection of a myth, each ode has its individual colouring. The gnomic or reflective element is indeed common to every form of choral song, but it is peculiarly apposite in the triumphal ode. Its accentuation there is, historically considered, the result of the 1Simonides once (Frag. 13) violates this canon of good taste by a punning allusion to the name of a defeated antagonist ; nor is the same poet free from the charge of undue glori- fication (iv. ). ΧΟ EPIN/KION. influence of the elegy ; for the epinikion represents the union of the Dorian choral ode with the spirit and tone of the Ionian elegy. The gnomic element pervades the entire poem: it may appear at the outset, it traverses the main body of the ode, it is heard in the final prayer. But the poet has no systematic doctrine or theory to profess ; he preaches by parenthesis. His counsel to the victor echoes the lyrical motif that dominates the myth. Struggle the law of success; ἀρετά not won without toil and expense; the uncertainty of the future; the limits set to human achievement; man’s imper- fections ; the confusion of good and evil; the virtue: of moderation ; the penalty of the infraction of the divine law; success from God, to whom the glory must be given :—these are the echoes of the wisdom of the Prophet of Delphi that sound continually in the ears of the victor who has attained the height of human felicity and renown. The joy of the Greeks is tempered by a note of responsibility and sadness. The myth occupies the central part of the ode. It is the main body, the anatomy of the entire poem. Few odes lack it altogether, some have two myths. The lustre of the victory is invested with an added splendour that is derived from the past glories of the race. The myth idealizes the struggle of the victor; the heroes from whom he is sprung lend their confederate sympathies to enhance the renown of his success. In the clear ether to which the song is elevated we behold only the moral intensity of the struggle, not the dust and turmoil of the palaestra. The victorious athlete, who may have been a person otherwise uninteresting enough, is apparelled with a new light when he becomes the representative of his race, of his ancestors, and of the hereditary saints of the popular faith. The freedom in the selection of a myth was almost unlimited; the whole treasure-house EPINIKION. ΧΟΙ of the past was at the command of the poet, provided only the myth he selected had some connection, be it never so remote, with the subject of his panegyric. It might be the career of some member of the family of the victor ; it might deal with the traditions of the founding of his native city by the favour of the gods. Most of the extant odes are in fact composed for victors from the colonies—Sicily, Magna Graecia, Kyrene, and Rhodes. Or again it might deal with scene of the triumph, the creation of the games, the deeds of their founders. Complete parallelism between the victor and the mythical prototype was not sought for. In Bacchylides the myth is at times almost independent of the victor. Variation too was imperative ; one-fourth of Pindar’s epinikia are in honour of inhabitants of the little island of Aigina, whose tutelary hero was Aias. Though the myth contains the chief beauties of the poem, it was not inserted, at least in the early stage, as a mere embel- lishment. Its purpose was ideal. The victor was to be encouraged by the story of heroic effort; or warned by the recital of reverses consequent upon the departure from the moral law. If the career of the victor or of a member of his line has been dis- figured by sin, the poet does not hesitate to indicate his knowledge of the transgression by a salutary reference. The myth forms the objective portion of the poem ; it has an epic quality, but it avoids the epic fulness by throwing into relief only those details that enhance the artistic effect. The apprehension of the essential unity in a work like the epinikion, complicated structurally, and diverse in contents, is no light task. The theme is lyric, is musical. There are odes in which it is not difficult to grasp the ground-note ; but this is often interrupted, varied, or even concealed by the number- less artifices at the disposal of the poet. Fortunately xcil EPINIKION. for us, perhaps, the epinikion possesses a charm that is not entirely dependent on the elucidation of the central lyric note, which in the case of Pindar has provoked the most divergent theories; a fact that should warn us of its subtle and elusive quality. Sometimes it resists logical analysis, it is an abstrac- tion—the glory of music and song bodying forth the life of man, the imperativeness of self-restraint, the battle between right and wrong, the inevitableness of moral necessity. In Bacchylides the problem is simpler; there are few, if any, interlacing motives and the conscious effort’ to dominate the whole poem by a musical unity of theme is less marked than in Pindar. Structurally the epinikion falls into three main divisions: the personal portion at the beginning, the myth in the centre, while the conclusion returns to the victor and often contains a prayer. Transitions are effected in various ways: the myth is introduced by an apophthegmatic utterance, sometimes by a relative pronoun, or καί ; sometimes there is no link. At the termination of the myth the poet hastens to the close. Reference has already been made on p. lxv. to the supposed presence of a seven-fold division on the lines of the nome of Terpander. Mezger’s theory of the recurrent word in exactly the same place in the verse of different strophes, antistrophes, and epodes, would have us believe that these responsions are the clews to guide us through the labyrinthian mazes of the theme. Occasionally the recurrence is as indisputable and as effective as it is in the choruses of tragedy. It recalls the repetition of stelle in the concluding lines of the divisions of the Divina Commedia. But in the extent claimed for his discovery by the German scholar and more especially in its enlargement by Mr. Bury, who is haunted by verbal echoes of large EPINIKION. . xclii import even though they occur independently of the metrical responsion, the theory tends to degenerate into a subtlety foreign to the plastic genius of choral song. The repetition of the significant idea is often independent of the metre; and the tautometric re- sponsions (to use Dr. Fennell’s phrase) are frequently of the most trivial character and deal with mere sound, as I have shown in the notes on Bacchylides. As regards the arrangement of the rhythmical and musical parts, the presence or absence of the epode constitutes the mark of a two-fold division. (1) The grouping by triads—strophe and antistrophe, followed by an epode ina different melody. ‘This arrangement gives unity and balance and is almost universally adopted. One triad is often given to the beginning, one to the end, while the interior triads are claimed by the myth. (2) Monostrophes (Pindar Ol. 14, Pyth. 6, 12, Nem. 2, 4, 9, Isthm 8, Bacch. iii., 4) ; that is, the strophes succeed each other in unbroken succession as in the Aiolic monody. The absence of the epode in a considerable number of epinikia has been accounted for on the ground that the odes in question were processionals. The point is not settled, and odes containing epodes were also sung by a komos in marching (Οἱ. 8, 13). Overlapping between the different strophes or between the differ- ent parts of the triad is not uncommon, and stands in striking contrast to the rigorous division of the choral songs of tragedy. Possibly the interval between the groups was marked by the manner of the instru- mentation.! Not less varied than the style, which shifts from ‘solemnity to melancholy or joy, are the rhythms. From the epico-lyric hymns of Stesichoros the epinikian poets derived the calm and stately cadences _ 1 The contrary opinion is set forth by Vogt de metris Pind, in the Dissert. Argent. 4. 71, and in Philol. Anz. 18. 663, χοῖν EPINITKION. of the dactylo-epitrite ; the gay and lively logaoedics have an Aiolic colouring; while the rarer and impetuous paionics are ultimately of Cretan origin. With a single possible exception (/sthm. 3 and 4, which are in honour of the same victor), the metre of every ode is individual. The musical modes were the solemn Dorian, the varied Aiolian, and the tender Lydian. Variation between the modes within the limits of a single ode was probably not permitted. The dactylo-epitritic measures have an affinity for the Dorian mode, the logaoedic for the Aiolian and Lydian, and the paionic for the Aiolian. Simonides used a stringed instrument of many chords (Theokr. 16. 45), but whether his kithara contained more strings than the heptachord is uncertain. Pindar, who alludes. to the musical accompaniment more frequently than any other poet, was an innovator, and his music was highly esteemed in later times. The common form of accompaniment seems to have been a combination of wind and stringed instruments.1 Sometimes several kitharas were employed, but it is not probable that more than one flute took part in the accompaniment. Whether the whole chorus (the number is un- known) sang all the parts of the triad is uncertain. Boehmer contends that strophes were sung by semi- choruses, and that only the epodes were rendered by the whole body of singers. Possibly the koryphaios sang a part of the introductory strophe. Some odes were sung as processionals, but whether all the others had orchestic accompaniment is not clear as the circumstances of the banquet are not well known. 1 Pindar expressly refers to the συναυλία in many places. We are not certain that the mention of one class of instru- ments in a given ode excludes the participation of the other class. Since the flute was double, αὐλοί may mean no more than αὐλός, See Graf de vet. re musica 40, SKOLION. xev In the ancient editions the epinikia of Simonides were arranged according to the class of the contest, a method of division that in Pindar is subordinate to the classification according to the festival. The victories with the four-horse chariot were placed first. The four books of Pindar’s epinikia represent only a part of that poet’s triumphal odes, and the IJsthmia are manifestly incomplete. Bacchylides is the last of the professional writers of epinikia; and Euripides’ poem on Alkibiades’ victory in 420 is the latest epinikion on record. The words ἐπινίκιον and ἐπινίκια that occur in late Boiotian inscriptions! refer to the victories won in the musical festivals that were popular in the first century B.C. SKOLION. The convivial songs known as skolia take their name from σκολιός ‘curved.’ In many ancient books the oxytone accent is given to the substantive, but the correct accentuation is σκόλιον, which is thus differentiated from the adjective (σκολιὸν μέλος). Cf. ὠχρός ὦχρος, γλαυκός TAavxos. The ancients found great difficulty in accounting for the name, which has an antique flavour; as is clear from the following statement of divergent opinions :— A. σκολιόν = ἐπικαμπές (curved). a. Because of the position of the singers. The oblique order was explained in two different ways :— 1. Only the proficient sang (Dikaiarchos, Artemon, Plutarch, Schol. Aristoph. Vespae 1222, 1239). 1Cf. C. I. G. 8. 1.416. 31, 542. 10, 543. 6, 1761. 11, 1762. 14, Ee 29, 2728. 4, 3196, 37, 3197, 50. See G, Hermann Opusce. 057: ΧΟΥῚ SKOLION. 2. All sang, but the order was oblique because of the arrangement of the couches at marriage festivals (Aristoxenos, Phyllis). b. Because of the character of the melody, ἵ.6. 3. The melody was ‘ curved’ (Eustathios, Schol. Aristoph. Ranae 1302). B. σκολιόν = δύσκολον (difficult). a. Because the singing was difficult (Plutarch, Schol. Vespae 1222, who have two views, Hesychios). 1. Only the proficient took part. ὃ. Because the singing was easy. (A lucus a non lucendo.) 2. κατ᾽ ἀντίφρασιν (Suidas, Tzetzes). 3. The guests were so tipsy that what was easy became difficult (Orion, Proklos). The indefensible explanation of the skolion as a difficult song goes back to Didymos, who is, however, not to be made responsible for the absurdities of his successors, though the fact that he put forward several etymologies of the word shows that he was dissatisfied with the current theories about its application. Some modern scholars still accept that ancient explanation which refers the name to the irre- gular, zigzag order in which the songs were sung. It must be confessed that this would be a highly singular method of naming a species of lyric song, especially in view of the fact that, as will be shown later on, the name skolion was restricted by the author of this explanation to a class of convivial songs that was sung only by the guests skilled in music, a class that did not come into existence before the fifth century. This ancient explanation derives no support from the supposed analogy of ‘cyclic’ songs, which were the special province of the dithyrambic chorus. While it is impossible to reach .a perfectly satis- factory explanation of this much disputed word, it is clear that σκολιός must be opposed to ὀρθός, ὄρθιος, or εὐθύς (cf. skol. xiv.). Following the suggestion of SKOLION. xevil Eustathios, which is doubtless a mere guess, since Aristoxenos, the master of musical theory, expressly denied any connection with a σκολιός melody, Engelbrecht has put forward. an explanation which opposes the skolion to the dactylic hexameter, the ὄρθιος verse (ὄρθιον, ἑξαμερὲς τετόρων καὶ εἴκοσι μέτρων): Before the time of Terpander, the reputed inventor of skolia, hexametric dactylic poetry was sung with only a brief musical prelude. By his adoption of the lyre with an octave interval, Terpander was enabled to accompany throughout the words of the non- hexametric nomes (the long drawn-out rhythms of Frag. 1.-11.). The rising and falling of the notes of the lyre as they accompanied the words of the singer, Engelbrecht regards as a kind of ‘obliquity’ (σκολι- ότης), and the skolion, as it were, a species of ‘ winding bout.’ This is not clear. Engelbrecht is forced to assume that the name skolion was originally appro- priate to all melic poetry, and that at first all melic poetry on the profane side was convivial, while hymns, hymeneal songs, in fact all poetry of a sacred character, was composed in hexameters. Later on, he argues, when this division between sacred and profane poetry broke down, and hymns ete. became ‘melic,’ the name skolion, though restricted in its use, was still retained to express the most ancient form of melic poetry. Be this as it may, Engelbrecht’s explanation is vicious, because the Greeks did not employ a technical term to denote two totally different things. σκόλιον cannot denote the opposition between complete and partial musical accompaniment and at the same time the opposition between melic and hexametric dactylic measures. Hexameters had complete musical accom- paniment as early as Terpander. Nor is there any need to restrict the ‘straight’ rhythms to dactylic hexameters. ‘Straight rhythms’ are those that are made up of feet of one kind, whether dactyls, trochees, 9 xeviil SKOLION. ete. ‘Crooked’ rhythms are those that are bent out of the straight line because of the insertion of a foot that is different from the rest, that is, they are logaoedic rhythms ; and, as a matter of fact, almost all the skolia are composed in logaoedics. (For the method of naming we may compare δόχμιος and καμπή.) Logaoedic verse is exceedingly old, certainly older than Alkman, in whose poems it first appears. Terpander, the ‘inventor’ of the skolion, did not invent it: he merely gave the logaoedics of the skolia a complete musical accompaniment. Like logaoedics, convivial poetry is as old as the oldest Greek civilization. The gods on Olympos sang at their banquets. The above explanation, which was suggested by Hiller in Bursian’s Jahresbericht, 1883, p. 23, is not to be impugned because of a supposed metrical foot called the σκολιός (--------“), a name that recurs in σπονδειοσκόλιος (--- — — — ~— ), σκολιο- χόρειος (------ --“-- ~~ ~ J ete. The amplhubrevis does not occur in the skolia, nor were poems written in such a measure. Melic Adesp. 109: Ἴακχε θρίαμβε, σὺ τῶνδε xopayé, if not a gram- matical figment, is a dact. tetrap. with anacrusis. It is certain that the foot called σκολιός by the late grammarians was derived (absurdly enough, as is shown by Ilgen p. exxii.) from the σκόλιον poem, and not vice versa. The title of the treatise of Tyrannion—zepl σκολιοῦ pérpov—written at the command of Caligula, has a suspicious look. Numerous other explanations have been put forward in recent times. Some scholars believe that the liberties and irregularities allowed in improvisation justified the name (Ottfried Miiller); others that the word σκόλιον conveys in itself (cf. σκέλος) the idea of motion, which in this case was zigzag (Hanssen) ; others think that the obscurity and double entendre occurring in passing a song unexpectedly to the succeeding singer account for the ‘ obliquity’ of the poems in question. The scholiast on Plato Gorgias 451 has preserved statements of the two chief sources of information in SKOLION. ΧΟΙΧ regard to the banquet songs: Dikaiarchos and Aristoxenos, in whose time the custom of singing such songs had not died out. Both were scholars of Aristotle, who was himself the author of a skolion. In an extract from Artemon, Athen. 15. 694A has set forth the explanation of Dikaiarchos ; and a part of a passage in Plutarch Quaest. Sympos. 1. 1. 5=615 B, goes back to the same source. The scholiast on Aristoph. Nubes 1364 is also drawn from Dikaiarchos. All other authors are secondary in importance, and their testimony is not to be considered unless supported by that of Attic comedy. The description of Dikaiarchos refers to the usage of the fifth century, but in his time the three classes that he distinguishes were confused ; and we have no evi- dence descriptive of convivial songs older than the fifth century. Much of the obscurity that attaches to the skolia is due to the fact that they under- went a series of more or less gradual changes. The skolia of Alkaios differed from those of Terpander, and the choral skolia of Pindar were quite different from the monodic skolia of Alkaios. It is in fact impossible to discover any one predominating characteristic that marks all convivial songs. From the above sources we learn that there were three classes of banquet songs. 1. Songs sung by all the quests in unison. These songs were the paians. The paian was sung after the δεῖπνον and as an introduction to the wine. When the guests had dined, three libations were offered (1 to Zeus and Hera, 2 to the Heroes, 3 to Zeus Soter). After the third libation was ended, the symposion began, the entire company uniting in singing the paian. Cf. Plato Sympos. 176 A, Xenoph. Sympos. ἃ. The earliest reference in melic poetry to the sympotic paian, which is, however, as old as Homer (A 472), occurs in Alkman xxviii. The choral song 6 SKOLION. was the formal introduction to the special kinds of songs that followed. By the time of the comic poet Antiphanes (85 K.) it would seem that the paian had lost its proper place. The confusion was the easier since the myrtle branch (see below) played a part in the singing of the paian. 2. Songs sung by all the guests, but separately, not in unison. As asubstitute for the lyre, and as its representative, a branch of myrtle or of laurel (αἴσακος) was used. This, as well as the loving-cup (dds), was passed from guest to guest. According to Plutarch, who has followed some unknown source, the myrtle was passed from one couch to another in the following manner: the first singer on the first couch passed it to the first on the second couch, the latter to the first on the third ; whereupon the second on the first couch handed it to the second on the second, and so on. This explana- tion must have been unknown to Aristoxenos, whose own explanation—that the songs were called σκόλια because of the oblique position of the couches at mar- riage festivals—though far-fetched, presupposes a regular order of succession in the songs (παρὰ μέρος ἑξῆς). The passage in Plutarch is not an attempt to set up a different explanation from that of Aristoxenos, but is an endeavour to account for the name σκόλιον as applied to the second class, whereas its use and the ancient explanation of its meaning are properly re- stricted to the third class. The manner of procession in the singing described by Plutarch is not borne out by Aristoph. Vespae 1217 ff. Ifit is correct, it holds good of a later period. A picture of the skolia πρὸς μυρρίνην that is coloured by the situation occurs in Vespae 1217 ff., where we have a modern scene that would suit the times (422 B.c.). Here there is no mention of the paian or of the songs of the ‘proficient.’ Incidentally it may be mentioned that Aristophanes has sketched a scene in which the law μὴ doa ἐπὶ τὰ κακίονα is SKOLION. ci violated (Hypereides 2. 33 Kenyon, Demosth. Falsa Leg. 280). The beginner of a skolion has the right to call at will upon any guest to take up his verse, no matter where the latter is seated. When the verse of the first singer has been capped, the duty of beginning a new song falls to the guest who is next to the first singer. He in turn may call upon any one to answer his song, and so the right of starting a theme proceeds in regular order of succession. In actual practice one and the same guest did not always take up the theme as Philokleon does. The continuation could be either in the same or in a different metre, and strict adherence to the theme was not obligatory. The first singer might, if he preferred, sing an entire strophe to its end and then pass the myrtle to the next in regular order ; or he might sing only a portion, and call upon any one he wished to complete the passage. The simpler songs, such as those of the Aiolic lyric, of Anakreon, and of the short elegy, were gradually restricted to the second class, because of the introduc- tion of the Dorian odes at the end of the sixth and beginning of the fifth century. The improvisa- tions probably fall under the second class. The influence of the Ionians upon the ‘Attic’ skolia, which is to be ascribed to the popularity enjoyed by Anakreon in Athens, is seen in the fact that of the entire number thirteen are composed in the metre first employed for the purpose by Pythermos of Teos. This metre he may have derived from the Aiolians; and the skolion occupied a place among this people, who were its chief early cultivators, that is com- parable to the position of the elegy among the Ionians. The title παροίνια ‘songs over the wine cup’ is given by Ilgen to the songs of this class. Pollux 4. 538, and perhaps 6. 108, it is true, differentiates σκόλια and παροίνια, but it is open to doubt whether παροίνιον is a special kind of banquet song. Unless the ancients use σκόλιον in a general sense, it follows from certain passages that they did not apply the name παροίνια in the use given to it by Ilgen. Thus Hesychios defines σκόλιον by παροίνιος ὠδή, the schol. on Aristoph. Vespae 1231, referring to ‘Admetos’ (no. xv.), calls it a skolion, but on 1232 calls it a παροίνιον. Proklos (246w) says that the cii SKOLION. skolion was sometimes called παροίνιον. We do not know what special name, if any, was given by Dikaiarchos to the poems of the second class. We conclude that the skolion was merely a species of παροίνιον. 3. Songs sung only by the proficient (συνετοί). These followed after the ‘round-the-table’ songs had been concluded, and were the skolia proper according to Dikaiarchos, who avoided using the word σκόλιον of the first two classes. Other authors were not so precise ; and by the time of Dikaiarchos the word had already begun to be used of the second division. Originally there was no essential difference between class 2 and class 3, but either the technical difficulties that arose in singing certain songs to the lyre, or an agreement that confined certain kinds of songs to certain proficient singers, gave birth to the third class of sympotic poetry. As early as the time of Themistokles it was possible for a guest to refuse the lyre when passed to him (Them. . . . cum in epulrs recusaret lyram, est habitus indoctior: Cic. Tuse. 1. 4). The songs of the third class were especially those of the Dorian lyric. About the beginning of the Pelo- ponnesian War selections from tragedy and comedy were substituted for passages from Alkman, Stesi- choros, Pindar, and Simonides. The order of singing in this class was from left to right, but the guests did not all sing in turn. There was, however, no hard and fast line, at least in the early period, between the poets whose verses were made the subject of sympotic singing. While Alkaios and Anakreon were tolerably easy to sing, it is possible that some of the guests felt them too diffi- cult ; hence their songs come under the second or under the third class. In the later period, when enigmas and various puzzles were proposed at the end of the symposium, it may have become more and more difficult to get together an entire company which could sing even Alkaios and Anakreon. SKOLION. ΟἿ The three-fold division that has been outlined above may have existed in the Attic banquets of the fifth century ; but that the term skolion was restricted in an earlier period to the third class as described by Dikaiarchos may well be doubted. The word seems to be used in a general sense on its first occurrence in literature (Pindar, Frag. 122.11). Actual references in early literature to skolia are exceedingly rare (Timo- kreon iv. in Aristoph. Acharn. 532; the praise of health (no. vi.) in Plato Gorgias 451 Ἐ) and imply no specific application of the term. Reitzenstein has shown that the ‘Attic’ skolia mentioned by Athen. 15. 693 F formed a collection— a sort of Commersbuch—that was made in Athens after the Persian Wars (shortly before 450) and in fact by persons belonging to the aristocracy. The title ᾿Αττικὰ σκόλια came into existence later. This book of songs was perhaps used by Aristotle (Αθην. πολ. 19, 20). The order in which the poems are given by Athenaios is that of the fifth century, and shows marks of a regular progression in pairs. So in the collection of elegies under the name of Theognis we often find balanced distichs which point to a sympotic origin or use. Mure Gr. Lit. 2. 105 has worked out with an over-refinement of ingenuity a system of inter- connexion between the pairs of skolia. The character of these ‘Attic’ skolia, which were sung by all the guests, is quite different from that of the elaborate poems called skolia that were written by Alkaios, Pindar, Timokreon, and Aristotle. Their prevailing characteristic is, in simple form, to re- produce or twist the thought of some famous poem, to amplify some well-known sententious utterance, or to picture some scene from a popular story. Some- times they are almost like hymns, only shorter (i.-iv.). They may deal therefore with subjects that are serious, perhaps even sorrowful (πενθήρη μέλη), or they are οἷν SKOLION. sportive. The scoffing quality is as old as the Hymn to Hermes 56 (ἡβηταὶ θαλίῃσι παραίβολα κερτομέουσι). Their language is simple even to boldness. They are all the result of improvisation, at least originally ; and hence may fairly be classed with the folk-lyric.t All convivial songs were of course not improvisa- tions such as we find in the ‘Attic’ skolia. Poems of politics, poems of war and of love were sung at banquets, but they may not have been written with a sympotic purpose ; whereas, on the other hand, many of the great lyric poets composed songs that were in- tended to grace the banquet. Both are termed skolia. All convivial songs may in truth be called skolia, and it is impossible to distinguish accurately between those that were improvised and those that were not. There is little doubt that almost all of Alkaios’ poems were sung at symposia, whether we class them, with Bergk, as στασιωτικά, παροίνια, or ἐρωτικά ; in fact a frequent ancient method of ‘ publishing’ a new poem was to produce it at a banquet. But the other poets are not like Alkaios, who is said to have regarded [every season and every circumstance as an invitation] to drink. Songs in praise of wine and feasting, and to a less degree love songs (especially in Athens at the close of the fifth century) may often be preempted as skolia proper. Beyond this the sign-marks are obscure; and in the case of a Dorian poet like Alkman, praise of the bowl and of good cheer may not have been permitted at banquets, though he lived at a time when the rigour of the system of Lykurgos had been much relaxed. Sappho’s poems were sung at banquets, and on one occasion, it is related, the guests put down their cups from very shame when they heard her verses. Solon is said, on hearing one of Sappho’s 1Cf. Tiersot, Histoire de la chanson populaire en France, p- 253, for improvisations of the people, where each one of the company in turn sings a verse. SKOLION. cv songs at a banquet, to have asked that it might be taught him ἵνα μαθὼν αὐτὸ ἀποθάνω. But women did not write skolia as such. The ascription to Sappho of skol. xv. is due to a confusion between the actual skolia and the poetry that might be sung at a sym- posion ; and the reputation of Praxilla as a writer of banquet songs has been freed from reproach by the recent investigations of Reitzenstein. The assumption of a poetess Kleitagora (Vespae 1243) is a mistake. In Κλειταγόρας (μέλος) ἀδειν the genitive is ob- jective. Of the Aiolians, Terpander and Alkaios wrote banquet songs ; of the Ionians, Pythermos, Anakreon, Battalos (?), Simonides, Bacchylides, but not Archi- lochos; of the Dorians, Alkman (cf. x., xxvi. ff), Hybrias, Timokreon, Pindar; of the Attics, Kalli- stratos, Meletos, the accuser of Sokrates, Aristotle. Stesichoros may have written table paians. The συμποτικοὶ νόμοι attributed to Aristotle, Xeno- phanes, etc. were merely regulations of the banquet festivities. As we have seen, it is not merely the ‘skolia’ of the lyric poets that were sung at the sym- posia; verses from epinikia, partheneia, and other species of lyric, even selections from the poems of Homer, could be utilized as convivial songs. There was practically no limit to the choice of the singer. The symposium was a school for strength- ening an Athenian gentleman’s acquaintance with the masterpieces of Greek song; and the know- ledge of choral poetry was furthered in Attic society till after the middle of the fifth century by the custom of sympotic singing. Gradually tragedy and comedy—notably the lyric portions—usurped the place of esteem formerly occupied by the lyric poets. Aischylos was a favourite, and later on Euripides, whose jin du siécle themes delighted the younger evi SKOLION. generation and horrified the gentlemen of the old school (cf. Aristoph. Nubes 1353 ff.). Erotic poems became more and more popular at the end of the fifth century. The older comedy contributed its share to the entertainment, but in general it was too severely political to lend itself to the needs of a later genera- tion. About 350 the ‘Attic’ skolia became old- fashioned. It was the later comedy that yielded the greatest number of passages packed with good advice and wise sayings to help a man along in life. Books of selections for sympotic singing came into existence with choice ῥήσεις ; and the earliest anthologies may have grown up in a society whose chief social delight consisted in the banquet graced by song. We know little of the musical modes employed. The Ionian is mentioned and was probably introduced by Pythermos of Teos. That different modes were employed is clear from the various forms of logaoedics in the ‘Attic’ collection. Until the time of Pindar and Timokreon the skolia were monodic, and they were usually sung by a single voice in the fifth century. Fragment xv. of Pindar has been arranged in strophe, antistrophe, and epode, but some scholars adopt the monostrophic form, which may be regarded as excluding the participation of a chorus. Bacchy- lides is, I think, wrongly supposed to have followed the example of Pindar in making the skolion choral, and of herein approximating it to the enkomion. In the ‘Attic’ skolia four-line strophes are common, as are also those of two lines. The flute seems to have been used as well as the lyre: Kreraydpas ἄδειν, ὅταν ᾿Αδμήτου μέλος αὐλῇ (Kratinos 236). The exact distinction between the use of the lyre and of the branch of myrtle cannot- be discovered. A song from Simonides is to be accompanied by the lyre, but Strepsiades gives his son the myrtle branch when he requests him to recite a ῥῆσις from Aischylos SKOLION. evii (Aristoph. Nubes 1355, 1364). The myrtle is in place in the second, the lyre in the third class. Even when the paian was sung, the myrtle branch may have been used. Cf. Frag. comic. incert. (1203 Κ) ὑμνεῖ δ᾽ αἰσχρῶς κλῶνα πρὸς καλὸν δάφνης | ὃ Φοῖβος (1.6. the paian) οὐ προσῳδά. The metres employed in the ‘ Attic’ skolia are, with one exception (no. xii.), logaoedics of various forms. Nearly one half consist of tetrastichic groups that recall the Aiolic strophe, though varying from it in several details, 6.7. absence of _ — in the basis. Verses 1, 2 are phalaecea, which have the cyclic dactyl one place nearer the beginning than the Sapphic hendeca- syllables. The basis is generally —=, occasionally ΒΕ once Ὁ and once “ὅς The phalaecea may be written as hexapodies ending ~~ -~~. Verse 3 contains anacr.+two catalectic dipodies, sometimes with diaeresis after the first. After the easily moving hendecasyllables these dipodies give an animated effect, which is kept up to the end. Verse 4 is made up of two catalectic tripodies, each of the form that is found in the Alkaic strophe (τῶν ἀνέμων στάσιν) ; and without diaeresis after the first, except in ii, where we have elision. Verse 4 is usually connected with v. 3 by synaphea (v. is an exception). The whole strophe has the forma a bc dd; b+cedd making a short triad. The use of the stately dactylo-epitrites by Pindar is probably due to the fact that his skolia were intended to be sung at sacred feasts. Bacchylides employs the same measure in xvii, and trochees in xviii. On Timokreon see p. 990. EROTIKON. ‘Love,’ says Euripides, ‘makes a poet even of the man who has no music in him’: eviil EROTIKON. ποιητὴν δ᾽ apa "Epos διδάσκει, κἂν ἄμουσος ἢ τὸ πρίν. But the unlettered love song has been well-nigh dis- placed by the artistic compositions of the great lyric poets, who, from the earliest to the latest period, owned their allegiance to the power of Aphrodite. The temperament as well as the religion of the Greeks fostered the artistic love song. The introduction of boy-love from Lydia in the sixth century, though debasing to the national character as a whole, was capable of spiritualization ; and the perversity of the sexual affinities of the Greeks does not impair for us the charm of many of their songs in praise of youthful beauty. Love songs to women! are relatively rare: the Dorians cultivated chiefly the erotic ode to boys, the Aiolian songs fall rather under the head of hymenaia and epithalamia ; while the seclusion of their sex in Ionia and Attica withdrew virtuous women, at least, from the province of love poetry. The modern spirit of romantic attachment towards women rarely appears before the comedy of the fourth century. Under the ancient system of classification, the ἐρωτικόν is apportioned to the human sphere alone, but here, as in other forms of melic, the profane does not exclude the divine ; the gods may be invoked to vouch- safe accomplishment to a lover’s prayers. Sappho’s appeal to Aphrodite (i.) and Pindar’s ode to Theoxenos (xv.) are alike representatives of the love song, though the former is a hymn, the latter a skolion. The range of the love song is as extensive as its popularity. It rises to the loftiness of a prayer to the Queen of Love and to the passionate laudation in idealized form of the eromenos, and descends to the serenade of an amorosa. The choral was adopted by 1 παρθενεῖα were erroneously interpreted as songs addressed to maidens (schol. Aristoph. Aves 919). EROTIKON. cix the Dorians, the monody by the Aiolians, and by the Ionians when they did not employ the elegiac form. Alkman is called the founder of erotic song, but before him Archilochos had given it a place in artistic literature. Some of the love poetry of the Parian poet was not classed as lyric by the ancients because it was composed in iambies or trochaics; but his passionate epodes in shifting metres are the legitimate antecedents of the more complicated odes of his successors. Alkman’s love poems may have constituted a separate book. A misinterpretation of the spirit of his partheneia occasioned the report that he was given to amorous pursuits, a report that rests on that worst of witnesses, Chamaileon. A slightly older con- temporary of Alkman, and like him a resident of Sparta, was Polymnastos, who transformed the aulodic nome by the introduction of erotic motives under the influence of the love elegy of his townsman Mimner- mos of Kolophon. The intensity and passion of the Aiolians made them the masters of the poetry of love. The island of Lesbos was the home of the chief forms of love song, the serenade, the epithalamium, and the hymenaios. Though the Aiolians are charged by the later Greeks with amorous indulgences and ‘every species of relaxa- tion,’ their love poetry is infinitely higher in tone than the erotic that was current in Athens in the time of Perikles. Alkaios’ stormy nature made him a votary of love. In his fragments we find the first mention of the serenade (κῶμος) and of boy-favourites (46 Menon, 58 Lykos). Both Alkaios and Sappho caught the - tone of the folk-song. In Sappho even the hymn is made tributary to the theme of love, and all her verse is essentially erotic. The conjunction of love and satire that we observe in Anakreon, who succeeded the Aiolians, may be a ΟΧ EROT/ KON. reversion to the style of Archilochos, whose love of Neobule was mingled with hatred of her father when he rejected the poet’s suit. Lokris, too, was a land of poetry (Pind. 01.11.19, Pyth. 2. 19), and the sensuous temperament of its people, akin in some degree to the Aiolians, fostered the cultivation of a voluptuous artistic lyric, the echoes of which survive only in the poems of Nossis. Possibly the recently discovered Alexandrian erotic fragment, which is essentially a lyric mime, reproduces the spirit of the Lokrian love song (cf. FoLK-SonGs xxi.). There was a pathetic Lokrian mode, which, though said to be the invention of Philoxenos, was known in the time of Pindar and Simonides, but soon fell into contempt. The innovation effected by Stesichoros in the choral hymn consisted in part in the introduction of tales of love taken from the ancient legends, as in the Hwropeia and Helena, or of stories of unhappy love that were derived from the life of the common people and inspired his Kalyka and Rhadina. The tale of the beautiful Daphnis he also derived from his Sicilian home. His songs in praise of boy-loves are no longer extant. The amatory element in the hymns of Stesichoros did not lead him to abandon the epic objectivity of his style. His successor Ibykos, however, gave expression to a genuine or a simulated fervour that recalls the Aiolian monody. His love odes in celebration of beautiful youths were choral, and to the stateliness of that form of presentation he added the fire of the individual lyric. Ganymede and Tithonos served him as mythical prototypes. His παιδικοὶ ὕμνοι set the form for the future. Whether the youths for whom he expressed his passion were victors in beauty-con- tests, as Welcker thought, or whether they were 1Cf, Pind. Isthm. 2. 1 ff. EROTIKON. ΟΧῚ conquerors in any form of contest is entirely uncer- tain ; perhaps they were merely pages at the courts of the tyrants. The erotic songs of Bacchylides deal with boys and the demi-monde. A fragment (54K. 258.) of a παιδικὸς ὕμνος--- Ἦ καλὺς Θεόκριτος" “0d μόνος ἀνθρώπων ἐρᾷς " (Said fair Theokritos: thou art not the only man in love)— is interesting from the fact that the refrain (ἐπιφθεγ- ματικόν) was delivered by the chorus after the strophe had been sung by a single voice, and, like the burden that we find in Theokritos, Vergil, and in modern song, is closely connected in sense with what pre- cedes; whereas the usual refrain (ἐφύμνιον) has no ‘such intimate connection. Another fragment of the same poet, and not choral, describes an hetaira or dancer: ‘When from the cup, raising aloft her white arm, she makes the cast (at the kottabos) for the beaux about her.’ In the fifth century love songs of the debased sort were popular with the jewnesse dorée of imperial Athens. The songs of Anakreon and of Polymnastos (the notorious Πολυμνήστεια)! were in high favour. The wanton serenades and adulterous lyrics of the Attic period are entirely lost, and the names of their composers” are known only through the attacks of the comic poets. Erotic myths were popular in the later dithyrambs. ΤΟΥ, Aristoph. Hq. 1287, Kratin. 305. In his note on the second passage Kock is in error in separating this Polymnastos from the older poet of that name. * Gnesippos, son of Kleomachos, the παιγνιαγράφος ; Meletos, the writer of dithyrambs and tragedies, and the accuser of Sokrates ; Kleomenes of Rhegion, also a dithyrambic poet, perhaps a contemporary of Philoxenos ; Oionichos of Miletos ; and Lamynthios of the same city, who was in love with the exii HYMENAIOS, EPITHALAMIUM. In some cases the Dorian mood was employed, but the Aiolian and Lydian were preferred. At Athens, Lydian instruments were used, 6.9. the ἰαμβύκη and tpiywvov (Baumeister fig. 391). MARRIAGE SONGS. (HYMENAIOS, EPITHALAMIUM.) A concise description of the ceremonies at an ancient Greek wedding will help us to represent the occasions on which marriage songs were sung. On the wedding day, which was usually in the winter month Gamelion and near the time of the full moon, the bridegroom (vupdios ; γαμβρός in Sappho), attended by his parents, appeared towards evening at the house of the bride. The ceremony was a religious rite. The father offered sacrifices (the προγάμια or προτέλεια) to the gods of marriage—Zeus Teleios, Hera Teleia, Artemis, Aphrodite Urania, Peitho, and, at Athens, the Erinyes—in the presence of all the guests. Then followed the banquet (θοίνη γαμική), at which cakes of sesame (πλακοῦς γαμικός) were eaten. Ladies were sometimes present, though they ate at separate tables, and with them sat the bride closely veiled. After the meal had been con- cluded with libations and wishes for the prosperity of the newly wedded pair, the bride was conducted to her new home in a chariot, with her husband seated on one side, and on the other the best man Lyde who inspired Antimachos. See Chionides (Philonides ?) 4, Kratin. 15, 97, 256, Eupol. 139, Epikr. 4, Athen. 13. 5974. Charixena, who is called an erotic poetess, may have been an hetaira, like Nossis. Battalos of Ephesos was the maker of voluptuous lays. These writers and many others were probably treated at length by Klearchos in his "Epwrixd. HYMENAIOS, EPITHALAMIUM. exiii (παρανύμφιος or πάροχος). Flowers were thrown into the vehicle, and a throng of friends, relatives, and servants followed with torches, singing to the accom- paniment of kitharas and flutes, and indulging in folk-songs and broad jests. Behind the chariot walked the mother of the bride carrying torches lighted at the parental hearth and intended to kindle the household fire at the new home, a symbol of the continuity of the family life. When the procession reached the house of the bridegroom, which was richly decorated with flowers, his mother received him and his bride with lighted torches and scattered καταχύσματα as a sign of future plenty, and the bride ate a quince, the symbol of fecundity. Sometimes the banquet took place at the house of the husband after the arrival of the wedding procession. Not until the bride entered the bridal chamber (θάλαμος, νυμφών) did she unveil herself before her husband. The door was locked and guarded by a friend of the bridegroom (θυρωρός). N uptial songs were sung on three occasions in connection with these ceremonies: at the wedding banquet, during the procession, and before the bridal chamber. Apart from the little used γαμήχλιος, ὑμέναιος is the generic term that covers all three parts of the ceremony and includes the specific epithala- mium, which was circumscribed in time and place.! This extension of the word ὑμέναιος and the lack of explicit statements in ancient writers make it difficult to distinguish with precision the banquet song, the ΟῚ Pind. Pyth. Bie {τὶ ὑμεναίων, ἅλικες | οἷα παρθένοι φιλέοισιν ἑταῖραι | ἑσπερίαις ὑποκουρίζεσθ᾽ ἀοιδαῖς, Apoll. Rhod. 4. 1160. Theokr. calls his Epithalamium of Helen (18) a ὑμέναιος. In Soph. Antig. 813 οὔθ᾽ ὑμεναίων. . . οὔτ᾽ ἐπινύμ- gewos. . . ὕμνος, the first expression denotes the processional, the second the epithalamium. For ἐπιθαλάμιον (scil. μέλος or doua) the masc. form (8014. ὕμνος) is sometimes used, and sometimes the femin. (sci/. 367). In Latin, epithalamium is sometimes used in the generic sense. οχὶν HYMENAIOS, EPITHALAMIUM. processional, and the epithalamium. Some scholars, without good reason, give the name ἁρμάτειον μέλος to the song sung during the procession.! Concerning the banquet hymeneal we have no definite information.? Sappho xvii. is a mythological allusion to the custom of wishing prosperity to the bridegroom on this occasion. Catullus 62 (surgere iam tempus, iam pinguis linquere mensas, 1. 3) was sung when the banquet took place in the house of the bridegroom before the arrival of the bride. The hymeneal that accompanied the wedding pro- cession is attested as early as Homer in his famous description of the shield of Achilles, Σ 491 ff: ἐν TH μέν pa γάμοι τ᾽ ἔσαν εἰλαπίναι τε, νύμφας δ᾽ ἐκ "θαλάμων δαΐδων ὑπὸ λαμπομενάων ἡγίνεον ἀνὰ ἄστυ, πολὺς δ᾽ ὑμέναιος ὀρώρειν, κοῦροι δ᾽ ὀρχηστῆρες ἐδίνεον, ἐν δ᾽ ἄρα τοῖσιν αὐλοὶ φόρμιγγές τε βοὴν ἔ ἔχον" at δὲ “γυναῖκες ἱστάμεναι θαύμαζον ἐ ἐπὶ προθύροισιν € ἑκάστη. This is the only reference to the hymeneal in Homer, though the poet elsewhere has occasion to mention or describe a marriage (δ 1 ff., ¢ 28). It is noteworthy that he nowhere alludes to the religious element in the celebration of the rite. Hesiod, Shield 272 ff., imitates and expands the Homeric description : τοὶ δ᾽ ἄνδρες ἐν ἀγλαΐαις Te χοροῖς τε τέρψιν ἔχον" τοὶ μὲν γὰρ ἐυσσώτρου ἐπ’ ἀπήνης ἤγοντ᾽ ἀνδρὶ γυναῖκα, πολὺς δ᾽ ὑμέναιος ὀρώρει" τῆλε δ᾽ ἀπ’ αἰθομένων δαΐδων σέλας εἰλύφαζε χερσὶν ἔνι ὃμωῶν" ταὶ δ᾽ ἀγλαΐῃ τεθαλυῖαι πρόσθ᾽ ἔκιον: τῇσιν δὲ χοροὶ παίζοντες ἕποντο. 1Cf. Eur. Or. 1385 and schol. *Cf. Plut. Quaest. Symp. 4. 3. 2 ἡ δὲ γαμήλιος τράπεζα κατή- yopov ἔχει τὸν ὑμέναιον μέγα βοῶντα. Alkm. xxvi. may describe a wedding feast. HYMENAIOS, EPITHALAMIUM. ΟΧΥ Neither these passages nor later sources give us any definite knowledge about the character of the processional hymeneal. Concerning the epithalamium, however, our in- formation is more satisfactory thanks to the fragments of Sappho and to the imitation by Catullus (62), which follows the Greek type. The epithalamium was the most important of the bridal songs but, though of great antiquity, is probably not so ancient as the march song. (It is difficult to follow Croiset, who is inclined to regard it as the creation of a relatively late age and not popular in origin like the other forms.) Though it was invariably sung before the door or below the window of the bridal chamber, the manner of delivery seems to have varied con- siderably. The chorus consisted either of girls alone,’ or of girls and youths who danced and sang responsively. At times there was an alternation of the chorus with a single voice: the bride herself is represented by Sappho as taking part (ἀιπάρθενος ἔσσομαι 96, ip ἔτι παρθενίας ἐπιβάλλομαι 102), and some of the songs were dramatic in tone. In the amoebean song the maiden friends of the bride laud her beauty, protest against the cruelty that separates her from her mother, chant the blessed- ness of the virgin state, heap reproaches on the bridegroom, or hold him up to ridicule, make fun of the porter who will not allow them to enter the thalamos,? and indulge in playful allusions to the new life of the bride. On the other hand, the band of youths defend and congratulate their fortunate com- 1Pind. Pyth. 3. 17 ff., Aisch. Prom. 556, Eur. 1. 7’. 366, Catull. 61. Theokr. 18 is represented as sung by twelve Spartan girls, friends of Helen. * Demetr. de e/oc. 117 says that the style of these reproaches in Sappho admitted words so prosaic as to make them seem unsuited to a chorus and the lyre. exvi HYMENAIOS, EPITHALAMIUM. rade, deprecate the condition of the “unprofitable virgin,” and give expression to all manner of jests and jibes. Himerios, who had access to the entire book of Sappho’s epithalamia, gives (1. 4) a florid description of the reception of the bride and the following ceremonies, but we get a better picture of the Greek original from the exquisite verses of Catullus. Besides the epithalamium sung in the evening (the κατακοιμητικόν, lulling song), there was also the waking song (διεγερτικόν or dpOprov), which was rendered by a chorus of maidens and youths, or of maidens alone. Cf. Aisch. Frag. 43. κἄπειτα δ᾽ εἶσι λαμπρὸν ἡλίου φάος, ἕως ἐγείρω πρευμενεῖς τοὺς νυμφίους atria eee σὺν κόροις TE καὶ κόραις and Theokr. 18. 56 νεύμεθα Kappes ἐς ὄρθρον, ἐπεί κα πρᾶτος ἀοιδὸς ἐξ εὐνᾶς κελαδήσῃ ἀνασχὼν εὔτριχα δειράν. The refrain doubtless occurred in all three forms of the wedding song.! It is uncertain whether the l'Yunv ὦ Ὑμέναιε, probably the usual form, does not occur before Theokr. (18. 58). We find Ὑμὴν Ὑμέναι᾽ ὦ Aristoph. Pax 1332, Ὑμὴν ὦ Ὑμέναι᾽ ὦ Aves 1743, Ὑμὴν ὦ Ὑμέναι᾽ ἄναξ Eur. 7γοαά. 314, Ὑμὴν ὦ Ὑμέναι᾽ Ὑμήν ib. 331, Ὑμὴν Ὑμήν Frag, 781. 14, where the choral may not be an hymenaios, but, as Mahaffy suggests, an ode to Aphrodite. With Ὑμὴν ‘Yuwévatos Anth. Pal. 7. 407, cf. ὑμὴν ὑμέναιον ἀείδων Oppian Kyn. 1. 341 (as ἰὴ παιῆον ἀκούσῃ Kallim. 2. 21). Catullus has Ὁ Hymenaee Hymen, Ὁ Hymen Hymenace. The v of Ὑμήν, which form occurs only in the stereotyped formula, is long except in Eur. Vroad. 331; that of ὑμέναιος, Ὑμέναιος is always short. In Latin the y of Hymen is anceps. The etymology of the word is disputed. Some refer it to Skt. syuman ‘band,’ ‘strap,’ ‘chain,’ making Hymenaios the god of the marriage bond (so Osthoff Morph. Unters. 4. 139) ; others derive it from ν δ ‘create,’ ‘bear’ (cf. vids). Fick suggests, without explanation, the division ὑμέ---ναιος. HYMENATIOS, EPITHALAMIUM. exvil name of the god gave rise to the appellative or whether it was derived from the burden. In the former case the Homeric use of the appellative would be later than that of Sappho, who is the first to mention the proper name, which she employs as a mesymnion between the lines (xxxiii.). The parentage of the god, who is, according to the older legends, the child of Apollo and of one of the Muses (Kalliope, Terp- sichore, Kleio, Urania),! also argues for the pre- sumption that the god is merely a personification of the marriage hymn; and examples are not wanting of the creation of mythical personalities from obscure ἐπιφωνήματα (so Jalemos, Linos). On the other hand the relatively early use of the name in a stereotyped refrain might seem to make for the conclusion that “Ὑμέναιος was originally a divine person (Sauer in Roscher’s Lexikon 1. 2802). The song took its name from the burden as in the case of the paian. In Attika and Argos, where lawful marriage was first established, Hymenaios became the subject of many legends at a later period. In Attika the story was current that he rescued a band of maidens who had been seized by pirates ; and he was also represented as a beautiful youth who disappeared on his wedding day.” The introduction of a mythological element gave a certain divine attestation to the present happi- ness: the transference of a human institution to the divine sphere, the picture of the marriage festivals of the gods and the heroes, such as Kadmos and Harmonia, Peleus and Thetis, or Menelaos and Helen, dignified the marriage of commonplace people.* 1The tradition that makes Hymenaios the child of Dionysos and Aphrodite is late. 2 Cf. Pind. Frag. 139. 6. ’Zeus and Hera’s bridal is introduced in Aristophanes’ travesty, Aves 1741. exviii HYMENAIOS, EPITHALAMIUM. The joy of the festival was not unvaried by a note of sadness. Proklos tells us, though the statement probably holds true only of the later Attic songs, that the nuptial song contained expressions of longing for the youth Hymenaios, who had vanished never to return. The delivery of the processional song and of the epithalamium was attended by dancing. The instru. mental accompaniment of the processional was pro- vided by the flute and the phorminx in the Homeric age. The flute was the usual instrument, but the pektis and syrinx were also employed ; in accompany- ing the epithalamium the kithara was used.! The Lydian mode was preferred both because it was better adapted to the range of youthful voices of either sex, and because of its tender character. Sappho may have used also the Aiolian and the Mixolydian. Apart from the hexameter, a number of shorter verses were employed—logaoedic tripodies (with anacrusus, = prosodiacs 4 ves 1731 ff.), tetrapodies, chori- ambics, ete. The artistic hymeneal was merely an elaboration of the folk-song, and throughout its history stood in close connection with the latter. Homer, who first mentions the hymenaios, is in fact called a composer of epithalamia, and Hesiod was the author of the Epithalamium of Peleus and Thetis, a subject touched upon by Pindar (Nem. 5. 22 ff.) and taken over by the fictitious Thessalian poet Agamestor and by Catullus (63). Cf. Hes. Frag. 71: τρὶς μάκαρ Αἰακίδη καὶ τετράκις, ὄλβιε ἸΠηλεῦ, «.7.X. In the lyric age 1Cf. Eur. 1. 7. 367 (flute), H. F. 11 (λωτός). Since πάμ- gwvos is used by Pind. only of the flute, παμφώνων ὑμεναίων Pyth. 3. 17 will refer to the flute accompaniment. Kithara, flute, and syrinx, Eur. J. A. 1036; kithara, Dion. Halik. Ars Rhet. 4. 1. HYMENAIOS, EPITHALAMIUM. cxix only Dorians and Aiolians participated in the com- position of the hymeneal. At Sparta, where the primitive custom of carrying off the bride by force survived in part, marriage songs were composed by the state-poet Alkman, and probably in hexameters. Leonidas in Anth. Pal. 7. 19 says τὸν χαρίεντ᾽ ᾿Αλκμᾶνα, τὸν ὑμνητῆρ᾽ ὑμεναίων κύκνον, τὸν Μουσῶν ἄξια μελψάμενον. That the hymeneals of Alkman should have attracted the attention of a poet of the Alexandrian period as the most excellent of his lyrics, is a surprising testi- mony to their fame. But in the lyric period Sappho reigned supreme. Her bridal hymns surpassed those of all the earlier and later poets, and were famous throughout all antiquity. The exquisite Lpithalamium of Helen that is included in the collection of the idyls of Theokritos and is almost certainly the work of that poet, is modelled only in part on Sappho. The absence of a marked lyric element points to its in- debtedness to the Epithalamium of Helen by Sappho’s younger contemporary Stesichoros. Bacchylides represented the hymeneal as sung by Spartan girls at the wedding of Idas and Marpessa The poem is either a dithyramb or an hymeneal.! Σπάρτᾳ ποτ᾽ ev [εὐρυχόρῳ] ξανθαὶ Λακεδα[ιμονίων] τοιόνδε μέλος κ[όραι ᾷδον,] ὅτ᾽ ἄγετο καλλιπά[ρᾳον] κόραν θρασυκάρ[ διος Ἴδας] Μάρπησσαν ἰο[πλόκαμον,] φυγὼν θανάτου [τέλος, ὡς πόρε δίφρον] ἀναξίαλος ΤἸ]οσι[δάν] ἵππους τέ οἱ ἰσανέμους" ὁ γὰρ ἐλθὼν] Πλευρῶν᾽ ἐς εὐκτ[μέναν] χρυσάσπιδος υἱὸ[ν "Apyos] . .. 1 Ken. 20. The restorations are by Kenyon, Jebb, Wilamo- witz, and Platt. Cxx HVMENATIOS, EPITHALAMIUM. The epithalamium was less suited to the conven- tional social conditions of Athens than to the freer life of Lesbos. At the end of the Birds, Aristophanes gives us an hymeneal on the marriage of Peisthetairos and Basileia, which, in the arrangement of the verses and the anaphora, reproduces in part the Aiolian type. This burlesque is the oldest complete hymeneal song extant. In the 7’vroades of Euripides (308 ff.) Kassandra sings a wild hymeneal in frenzied imagination of mar- riage with Agamemnon. Of the dithyramb entitled Hymenaios by Philoxenos only the opening verse is preserved (dpe, θεῶν λαμπρότατε), which was sung by the poet as an unbidden guest at a wedding banquet at Ephesos. ΄ y . ὠσχοφόρια (from ὥσχη, a vine branch full of grapes). ‘The ceremony is described at length in Proklos 247 (trans- lated in Smith’s Dict. Antiq. 1. 597). CXXXI1V VOTIVE SONGS. The chorus proceeded from the temple of Dionysos at Athens to the shrine of Athena Skiras at Phaleron. The elaborate ritual is described by Plut. Zhes, 23, Proklos 249 (Smith Dict. Antig. 2. 303). The danc- ing was peculiar and resembled that which was usual in the Bacchie cult. VOTIVE SONGS (EUKTIKA). Under this title, which is probably later than the Alexandrian age,! are included petitions addressed to the gods for the bestowal of some favour either upon the poet or upon a friend. In all probability they lauded the beneficence of the gods and described the worthiness of their petitioner. None of the Greek lyrics is ascribed to this class by the ancient writers, but it is possible that they would have included under this designation such poems as Sa. i., xlii., Anakr. ii, many of the so-called kletic hymns (p. xxxii.), and the κατευχαί of Simonides. 1Tt appears in Pollux 4. 53, Proklos, Anth. Pal. 1. 118. Menand. (2h. Gr. 3. 333 Sp.) speaks of εὐκτικοὶ ὕμνοι. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY. ALKAIOS. MATTHIAE: Alcaei Mytilenaei reliquiae, Lips. 1827. AHRENS: in his De Graecae linguae dialectis 1. 241ff., Gottingae 1839. Fick: Die Sprachform der lesbischen Lyrik in Bezz. Betty. 17 (1891) 182 ff. HorrMANN: Die griechischen Dialekte 2. 165 ff., Gott. 1893. WELCKER: Alkdos in his Al. Schr. 1. 126 ff., Bonn 1844. Kook: Alkios und Sappho, Berl. 1862. ALKMAN, WELCKER: Fragmenta Alcmanis lyrici, Gissae 1815; cf. Ki. Schr. 4. 37 ff. NIGGEMEYER: De Alcmane poeta laconico, Mona- sterii 1869. BENSELER: Quaest. Alemanicarum pars i., Eisenach 1872. ΟἸΕΜΜ: De fragmento quodam Alem. comm., Gissae 1876. INGRAHAM: De Alcmanis dialecto, Novi Ebor. 1877. Spiess: De Alemanis poetae dialecto in Curtius’ Studien 10 (1877) 331 ff. Leipz. SCHUBERT: Miscellen zum Dialekte Alkmans, Wien 1879. SITZLER: see under EUMELOS. ANAKREON. BERGK: Anacreontis carminum reliq., Lips. 1834. ZURETTI: Anacreonte ed Anacreontee, Torino 1889. WELCKER: Anakreon (1835) in his A7. Schr. 1. 251 ff. SrarK: Quaest. Anacreonticarum libri duo, Lips. 1846. Fick: Die Sprachform der altionischen oe in Bezz. Beitr. 13 (1888) 208 ff. WEBER: Anacreontea, Gott. ANTIQUITIES, ART, ARCHAEOLOGY. BiEsE: Die Entwickelung des Naturgefithls bei den Griechen, Kiel 1882-84. BAuMEISTER: Denkmdler des klass. Altertums, 3 vols., Miinchen und Leipzig 1885-88. BaumsTarK: Der Pes. simismus im der griech. Lyrik., Heidelb. 1898. BRUCHMANN: Epitheta deorum, Lips. 1893. DEVENTER: Zu den griech. Lyri- kern. Natur und Naturgefiihl bei denselben, Gleiwitz 1887. GRASBERGER: Erziehung und Unterricht im klass. Alterthum, 3 vols., Wiirzburg 1864-81. Gunn and Koner: The Life of the Greeks and Romans, transl. from the 3rd Germ. ed., Lond. VON JAN: Die musischen Festspiele in Griechenland in the Ver- handl. der 39sten. Philol.-Versamml., Leipz. 1888, p. 71 ff. CXXXV XXXVI SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY. MULLER—WIESELER: Denkméler der alten Kunst, 3rd ed., Gott. 1877. Panorka: Bilder antiken Lebens, Berl. 1843. PRELLER: Griech. Mythologie, 4th ed. by Robert, Berl. 1894. REISCH: De musicis Graecorum certaminibus, Vindob. 1885. ROSCHER: Ausfiihrl. Lexikon d. griech. αι. rém. Mythologie, Leipz. 1884 ἜΣ. Wiener Vorlegeblatter fiir archiiol. Uebungen, Wien 1889 ff. ARION. WeLcKER: Der Delphin des Arion (1833), etc., in his Kl. Schr. 1. 89ff. LeHrs: in his Popul. Aufsdtze 197 ff., Leipz. 1856. BACCHYLIDES. Neve: Bacchylidis Cei fragmenta, Berol. 1822. Kenyon: The Poems of Bacchylides, Lond. 1897. Buiass: Bacchylidis carmina cum fragmentis, Lips. 1898. JURENKA: Die neugefundenen Lieder des Bakchylides, Wien 1893. Desrousskaux: Les Poémes de Bacchylide de Céos traduits du grec, Paris 1898. Festa: Le odi e i frammenti di Bacchilide, testo greco, traduzione 6 note, Firenze 1898. CHRIST: in Sitz.-Ber. der Bayer. Akad. 1898, p. 3 ff., 597. Crustus: in Philol. 57 (1898) 150 ff. FRAccAROLI: in Rivista di Filol. 26 (1898) 70 ff. DELLA GIOVANNA: in Rivista di Filol. 16 (1888) 465 ff. Hense: in R. M. 53 (1898) 318 ff. Lipsius: in Neue Jahrb. 1 (1898) 225 ff. LupwicH: in Verzeichn. d. Vorles. zu Kénigsberg, Somm. Sem. 1898. MiIcHELANGELI: Della vita di Bacchilide, Messina 1897. Dopo εἱ B. pubblicato dal Museo Bri- tannico in Rivista di storia antica, 3 (1898) no. 1. RAMBALDI: Bacchilide di Ceo ed i suoi tempi, Torino 1888. ROBERT: in Hermes 33 (1898) 130 ff. ScHROEDER: in Berl. Philol. Wochenschs 1898, nos. 11 and 28. SmirH: in J. H. 8. 18 (1898) 267 ff. WeIL: in Journal des Savants, 1898, 43 ff., 174 ff. WitamowitTz: Bak- chylides, Berlin 1898; Gott. Gel. Anz. 1898, 125 ff. ZURETTI: in Rivista di Filol. 26 (1898) 134 ff. Also articles in the Athenwum for Dec. 1897, Jan., Feb., 1898, and Class. Rev. 12. by Nairn, Platt, Ellis, W. Headlam, Housman, Pearson, Richards, F. W. Thomas, Tyrrell, Jebb, van Herwerden, Farnell, Earle, Walker, Goligher. DIAGORAS. Mounter: De Diagora Melio, Rotterd. 1838. MUNCHENBERG : De Diagora Melio, Hal. Sax. 1877. DITHY RAMB. LurtcKe: De Graecorum dithyrambis et poctis dithyrambicis, Berol. 1829. M. Scumipt: Diatribe in dithyrambum poetarumque dithyrambicorum reliquias, Berol. 1845. Hartuna: Ueber den Dithyrambus in Philol. 1 (1846) 397 ff. ScHErBEL: De dithy- ramborum Graecorum argumentis, Liegnitz 1862. WILAMOWITZ: in Euripides’ Herakles', pp. 63, 78, Berl. 1889, SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY. CXXXVi EDITIONS. (I.) BERGK: Poetae Lyrici Graeci, 3 vols., 4th ed., Lips. 1878-1882 ; vol. 3: Poetae Melici. (II.) Selections (1) with explanatory notes. JAcoBs: Anthologia Graeca, 18 vols., Lips. 1794-1804. MEHLHORN: Anthologia Lyrica, Lips. 1827. ScHNEIDEWIN: Delectus poet- arum elegiacorum, iambicorum, melicorum reliquiae, Gott. 1838. See also his Bevtrdge zur Kritik der Poetae Lyrici Graect, Gott. 1844. Hartung: Die griechischen Lyriker, vols. 5 and 6, Leipz. 1855-57. Svro~n: Anthologie griechischer Lyriker, 2 vols. ; vol. 2, 5th ed., Halle 1883 (for schools). MICHELANGELI: Fram- menti della Melica Greca da Terpandro a Bacchilide, five parts, Bologna 1889-1897. INAMA: Antologia dei Lirici, Milano 1891 (for schools). FARNELL: Greek Lyric Poetry, Lond. 1891. Brsse: Griechische Lyriker, 2 vols., Leipz. 1891-92 (for schools). MORGAN: Brief notes on Elegiac, lambic, and Lyric Poets, Cambridge, Mass. 1895. BucHHOLZ: Anthologie aus den Lyrikern der Griechen, 2 vols., vol. 2, Die melischen u. choregischen Dichter, 4th ed. by Sitzler, Leipz. 1898. This is the best of the school editions. Brooks: Greek Lyric Poets, selected and translated, Lond. 1896. Selections (2) with textual notes. BruNnck: Analecta vcterum poctarum Graecorum, 3 vols., Argentorati 1776. GAISFORD: Poetae minores graeci, 5 vols., vol. 3, Sappho, Alecaeus, Stesichorus, Lips. 1823, STADTMUELLER: Eclogae poetarum Graecorum, Lips. 1883. PomtTow: Poetae lyrici graect minores, Lips. 1885. HILLER: Anthologia Lyrica, the 4th ed. (1890) of Bergk’s Anthol. Lyr.; new. ed. by Crusius, Lips. 1897. EPINIKIA. KRAUSE: EAAHNIKA oder Institute, Sitten und Briéiuche des alten Hellas: part i. in two vols.: Die Gymnastik und Agonistik der Hellenen, Leipz. 1841; part ii. vol. 2 Die Pythien, Nemcen wnd Isthmien, Leipz. 1841. Also Olympia oder Darstellung der grossen olympischen Spiele, Wien 1838. BorrricHER: Otympia, das Fest und seine Stitte, Berl. 1883. EPITHALAMIUM AND HYMENAIOS. SIEBDRAT: De carminibus veterum nuptialibus in his Theocr. Epithalamium, Lips. 1796. SoucHay; in Mémoires de Vacad. des inscript., 9. 305ff. Scumipt: De hymenaco et Tulasio dis veterum nuptialibus, Kiliae 1886. KOERBER: De Graecorum hymenaeis et epithalamiis, Vratislav. 1877. Harrune: Hymendus (Brautlied) in Philol. 3 (1848) 238 ff. ERINNA. RICHTER: Sappho und Erinna, Quedlinb. and Leipz. 1833. Mauzow: De Erinnae Lesbiae vita et reliquiis, Petrop. 1836. WELCKER: De Erinna et Corinna poctriis in his Kl. Sch. 2. 145. SUSEMIAL: Geschichte der griech. Litteratur in ἃ. Alexandriner- zett, 2. 527, Leipz. 1891. CXXXVLL SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY. EUMELOS. SitzLER: Die Lyriker Eumelus, Terpander und Alkman in ihrem Verhdltnis zw Homer, Karlsruhe 1886. FOLK-SONGS. ZELL: in his Ferienschriften, Freiburg 1826. Korster: De cantilenis popularibus veterum Graecorum, Berol. 1831. RivscHL: Ode (Volkslied) der Griechen (1830) in his Opuse. 1. 245 ff. SCHNEI- DEWIN: review of Koester in Schulzeitung, 1832, p. 926. WELCKER: Ueber den Linos (1830) in his Kl. Schr. 1. 8 ff. ; Ueber den Ursprung des Hirtenlieds, ib. 1. 402 ff. Brnoist: Des chants populaires dans la Gréce antique, Nancy 1857. Crrrato: I canti populari della Grecia antica in Rivista di Filol. 13 (1884-85) 193 ff., 289 ff. HYMENAIOS. See under EPITHALAMIUM. HYPORCHEME. WALTHER: Comment. de Graecorum hyporchematis pars prior, Bochum 1874. IBYKOS. ScHNEIDEWIN: Ibyci Rhegini carminum reliquiae, Gott. 1833. WeELCKER: Die Kraniche des Ibykos (1833) in his Al. Schr. 1. 89 ff.; Zbykos (1834) in his AU. Schr. 1. 220 ff. G. HERMANN: in Jahn’s Jahrb. 8 (18833) 371 ff. ION. KorPKe: De Ionis Chii poetae vita et fragmentis, Berol. 1836. ALLEGRE: De Ione Chio, Parisiis 1890. KORINNA. BorckH: in Οἱ 1. G. 1. 720. AHRENS: in his De Graecae linguae dialectis 1. 277. WELCKER: see under ERINNA. LANGUAGE, DIALEOTS,! ETC. (1.) Krtcer: Griechische Sprachlehre, 5th ed., Leipz. 1875-79. BRUGMANN: Griechische Grammatik, 2nd ed. (1888), in the 2nd vol. of the Handbiicher d. kluss. Altertums-wissenschaft, Miinchen. Grundriss d. vergl. Gramm. d. indogerm. Sprachen, 4 vols., Strassburg (2nd ed. of vol. 1, 1897). Syntax by Delbriick, 1897. Ktuner: Ausfiihrliche Grammatik der griech. Sprache, 3rd ed.; Morphology, vols. 1. 2. by Blass (1890-92); -Syntax, vol. 1. by Gerth (1898), Leipzig. MEYER: Griechische Grammatik, 3rd ed. 1 See also under the several authors. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY. ΟΧΧΧΙΧ Leipz, 1896. (11.) AHRENS: De Graecae linguae dialectis: vol. 1, Aiolic, vol. 2, Doric, Gott. 1839-43. Ueber die Mischung der Dialecte in der griech. Lyrik (Verhandl. der Gott. Phil.-versamml. 1852). MEISTER: Die griech. Dialekte; vol. 1, Aiolic, Boiotian, Thes- salian (1882), vol. 2, Eleian, Arkadian (1889), Gottingen. Horv- MANN: Die gricch. Dialekte, vol. 2, Aiolic, Thessalian (1893), vol. 3, Tonic (1898), Gott. SmyrH: The Ionic dialect, Oxf.1894. FUHRER: De dialecto Boeotica, Gott. 1876 ; Die Sprache und die Entwickeluny der griech. Lyrik, Minster 1885, SCHAUMBERG: Quaestiones de dialecto Simonidis Ceti, Bacchylidis, Ibyci, Celle 1878. Muck: De dialectis Stesichort, Ibyci, Simonidis, Bacchylidis aliorumque poetarum choricorum cum Pindarica comparatis, Lips. 1879. HOLSTEN: De Stesichori et Ibyci dialecto et copia rerborum, Gryphisw. 1884. Fick: Die Sprachform der altionischen und altattischen Lyrik (Anakreon) in Bezz. Beitr. 13 (1888) 173 ff. ; Die Sprachform der lesbischen Lyrik in Bezz. Beitr. 17 (1891) 177 ff. MONRO: Grammar of the Homeric Dialect, 2nd ed., Oxf. 1891. SCHULZE: Quaestiones Epicae, Gueterslohae 1892. CavuER: De- lectus inscriptionum Graecarum propter dialectum memorabilium, 2nd ed., Lips. 1893, GERSTENHAUER: De Alcaei et Sapphonis copia vocabulorum in Dissert. Philol. Halenses, vol. 12, Hal. Sax. 1894. (111.) Breper: De duali numero apud Epicos, Lyricos, Atticos, 1864. Wiutpert: De schemate Pindarico et Alemanico, Vratisl. 1878. Srurm: Geschichtliche Entwickelung der Con- structionen mit πρίν, 3rd part of Schanz’ Beitrdge zur histor. Syntax d. griech. Sprache, Wiirzburg 1882. BIRKLEIN: Entwickelung des substantivierten Infinitivs, 7th part of Schanz’ Beitriige, Wiirzburg 1888. DoERWALD: De duali numero in dial. aeol. et dor., Rost. 1881. ScHaus: De usu conjunctivi et optativi in enuntiatis lyri- corum Graecorum secundartis, Liestal 1889. MOMMSEN: Griech. Prépositionen, Berl. 1895. _(IV.) HENSE: Poetische Personifica- tion in gricch. Dichtungen, Halle 1868. LASOS. SCHNEIDEWIN : De Laso Hermionens? in Ind. lect. hib., Gottingen 1842 LITERATURE. MULLER: History of the Literature of Ancient Greece, Lond. 1840, MuRE: Critical History of the Language and Literature of Antient Greece, 5 vols., Lond. 1850-57, vol. 3 deals with Melic. BopE: Geschichte der hellenischen Dichtkunst, 3 vols., Leipz. 1838-39 ; vol. 2 Gesch. αἰ. lyrischen Dichtkunst. WALTHER: De Graecae poesis melicae generibus, Hal. Sax. 1866. MotieRs: De origine poesis melicae apud Graecos, Monasterii 1869. BERNHARDY: Grundriss der gricchischen Litteratur, 2 vols.; vol. 2, part i. 3rd ed. (Halle 1877) deals with Melic. Brrcak: G@ricchische Literatur- geschichte, 4 vols., Berl. 1872-87 ; vol. 2 deals with Melic. FLACH: Geschichte der griechischen Lyrik, Tiibing. 1884. Srrru: Geschichte der griechischen Literatur, 3 vols., Miinchen 1884-1887. NAGEOTTE: Histoire de la poésie lyrique grecque, 2 vols., Paris 1888-89. exl SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY. CROISET: Histoire de la littérature grecque, vol. 1, Paris 1887, vol. 2 (Lyrisme), 2nd ed., 1898. Crusrus: Articles on Alkaios, Alkman, Anakreon, and Bacchylides in Pauly-Wissowa’s Real- Encyclopidie, Stuttgart 1894 ff. CHRIst: Geschichte der Gricch- ischen Litteratur, 3rd ed., Miinchen 1898. LOHAN: Poesis melicae generum nominibus quae vis subiecta sit a classicis scrip- toribus Graccis, pars i. (paian, hymn), Lauban 1898. ~ MELANIPPIDES. EmpErivs: in Zcitschr. fiir Alterthumswissenschaft, 1835, p. 8 ff. SCHEIBEL : De Melanippide Melio, partic. i. ii., Guben 1848, 1853. METRE. GraserR: De stropha Alcaica, Madgeburgi 1865. ScumiptT: Die Eurhythmie in den Chorgesingen der Griechen, Leipz. 1868 ; Dic antike Compositionslehre, 1869; Gricchische Metrik, 1872 ; Rhyth-— mic and Metric, transl. by White, Boston 1878. VELKE: De metrorum polyschematistorum natura, Gott. 1877. CHRist: Metrik der Griechen und Rémer, 2nd ed., Leipz. 1879. ZAMBALDI: Metrica Greca e Latina, Torino 1882. GLepitscH: Metrik der Griechen αι. Romer, in Handbuch d. klass. Altertwms-wissenschaft, vol. 1. 491 tf., Nérdlingen 1885. RossBAcH AND WESTPHAL: Theorie der musischen Kiinste der Hellenen, vol. 1, Griech. Rhyth- mik by Westph., Leipz. 1885, vol. 2, Griech. Harmonik αι. Melopocie by Westph., 1886, vol. 3. 1, Allgem. Theorie αἰ. yricch. Metrik by Westph. and Gleditsch, 1887, 3. 2, Griech. Metrik, 3rd ed. by Rossb., 1889. LuTHMER: De choriambo et ionico a minore diiambi loco positis, Argent. 1884, "W1ILAMOWITZ-MOELLEN- porEF: Loniker bez den Lyrikern in Isyllos von Epidauros, 9th part of Philolog. Untersuch. ed. by Kiessling and W.-M., Berl. 1886. USsENER: Altgriechischer Versbau, Bonn 1887. BurzEr: Der Tonicus a maiore, Frankfurt a. M. 1889. KALKNER: Sym- bolac ad historiam versuum logacedicorum, Marpurgi 1892. JusatTz: De irrationalitate studia rhythmica, Lips. 1893. LAMER : De choriambicis Graecorum poetarum versibus, Lips. 1896. GRAF: De Graecorum veterum re musica quaest. capita duo, Marburg 1889. SmyTH: Mute and liquid in Greek melic poetry, in the Trans. Amer. Phil. Assoc. 28 (1897) 111 ff., 29 (1898) 86 ff. NOME. WALTHER: See under LITERATURE. GUHRAUER: Der Pythische Nomos in Jahrb. 8 suppl. vol., p. 311 ff., Leipz. 1876; οἵ. Jahrb. 121 (1880) 689 ff.; Zur Geschichte der Aulodik bei den Griechen, Waldenburg 1879. REIMANN: Studien zur griech. Musik- Geschichte: A. Der Νόμος, Ratibor 1882. Crustus: See under eer ania Dipre: in Wochenschr. f. klass. Philol. 5 (1888) os. 33 PAIAN. ScHWALBE: Ueber die Bedeutung des Pdan als Gesang des apollinischen Cultus, Marburg 1847. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY. exli PHILOXENOS. WYTTENBACH: Diatribe de Philoxenis in his Opusc. 1. 294 fi., Leyden 1821. BrereLetn: De Philoxeno Cytherio dithyramborum poeta, Gott. 1843. Brppart: Philoxeni, Timothei, Telestis dithyr. reliquiae, Lips. 1843. KLINGENDER: De Philoxeno Cytherio, Marburgi 1845. PINDAR (Fragments). Boeck: Pindari opera, vol. 2. 1, 553 ff., Lips. 1821. DiIssEn: Pindari opera, vol. 2. 603 ff., Gothae et Erfordiae 1830, Berek: Poeae Lyrici Graeci, 1. 367 ff., 4th ed., Lips. 1878. Srymour: Selected Odes of Pindar, 208 ff., Boston 1882. FENNELL: Pindar, 2. 196 ff., Cambridge 1888. CHRIsT: Pindari carmina, 380 ff., Lips. 1896 ; Beitrage zwm Dialekte Pindars in Sitz.-Ber. d. Bayer. Akad., Miinchen 1891, 25 ff. PretTer: De dialecto Pindari, Hal. Sax. 1866. Linp: De dialecto Pindarica, Lundae 1893, PRAXILLA. NeEvE: De Prawillae Sicyoniae reliqwis comment., in Ind. Schol., Dorpati 1844. PROSODIA. REIMANN: Studien zur griech. Musik-Geschichte : B. Die Pro- sodien, Glatz 1885; Disputat. de prosodiorum similiwmque apud Graecos carmirum natura nuper editae additamentum, Gleiwitz 1886, SAPPHO. VoicEeR: Sapphus Lesbiae carmina et fragmenta, Lips. 1810. Neve: Sapphonis Mytilenacae fragmenta, Berol. 1827. Wo.r: Sapphus poetriae Lesbiae fragmenta, Hamburgi 1833. AHRENS: in his De Graecae linguae dialectis 1. 256 ff., Gott. 1839. Horr- MANN: in his Die griech. Dialekte 2. 133 ff., Gott. 1895. WHARTON : Sappho: Memoir, Text, Selected Renderings and Literal Translations, 2nd ed., Lond. 1887. Contains a good bibliography. WELCKER: Sappho von einem herrschenden Vorurtheil befreyt (1816) in his Kl. Schr. 2. 80 ff. ; Ueber die beiden Oden der Sappho (1856), ἐδ. 4. 68 ff. Kook: see under ALKAIOS. ScHONE: Untersuchungen δον" d. Leben der Sappho in the Symb. philol. Bonn., Leipz. 1864-67. RiepDEL: Der gegenwartige Stand der Sapphofrage, Ilgau 1881. ComPARETTI: Saffo e Faone in the Nuova Antologia, 2nd ser., vol. 1. 253 ff., Firenze 1876 ; Saffo nelle antiche rappresen- tanze vascolari in Mus. ital., 2 (1888) 40 ff. Lunak: Quaestiones Sapphicae, Kazaniae 1888. CIPOLLINI: Saffo, Milano 1889. SIMONIDES. SCHNEIDEWIN: Simonidis Ceti carminum reliquae, Brunsvigae 1835. Crsatr: Simonide di Ceo, Casale 1882. exlii SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY. SKOLIA. ILGEN: SKOATA hoe est carmina convivalia, Jenae 1798. HALL- str6M: De scoliis Graecorum comment. academ., Londini Gothorum 1827. Grim: Prolusio scholastica de scoliis Graecorum, Dordraci 1889, KorsTER: Comment. de scoliis, fase. 1, Flensburg 1846; see under Fouk-Sones. A. Ἐς Rrpspeck : Ueber die Tafelgescinge der Griechen, Berl. 1848. Runck: De scoliorum origine et usu, Berol. 1876. ENGELBRECHT : De scolvorwm poest, Vindob, 1882, ΒΕΙΤΖΕΝ- STRIN: EHpigramm und Skolion, Giessen 1898. WiLAMOWITZ- MORLLENDOREF: Die attische Skoliensammlung in Aristotles wnd Athen, 2. 316 ff., Berl. 1893. STESICHOROS. KLEINE: Stestchori Himerensis fragmenta, Berol. 1828. WELCKER: Slesichorus (1829) in Kl. Schr. 1. 148 ff. BERNAGE: De Stesichoro lyrico, Lutet. Paris. 1880. Sreniger: Die Ueberlie- ferung der griech. Heldensage dei Stes. 1, Meissen 1886, Crustus: Stesichoros wnd die epodische Komposition in der griechischen Lyrik in the Commentat. philologae in honour of Ὁ. Ribbeck, Leipz. 1888. TELESILLA. Never: De Telesillae Argivae reliquiis comment., Dorpati 1843, TELESTES See under PHTLOXENOS. TERPANDER. Lorwk: De Terpandri Lesbii acetate comment., Halis 1869. SITZLER: see under EUMELOS, TIMOKREON. Borcku: De Timocreonte Rhodio (1833) in his Al. Schr. 4. 375, Leipz. 1874. G. HERMANN: in his Opusc. 5. 198, Lips. 1834. AHRENS: in his De Graecae linguae dialectis, 2. 477 ffh.; R. AL, 2 (1848) 457 ff Enerr: De Zimocreontis Rhodii carmine a Plutarcho servato, Posen 1866. TIMOTHEOS, See under PHILOXENOS, ABBREVIATIONS. A. J.P. =American Journal of Philology. B.C. H. =Bulletin de Correspondance Hellénique. Carm, pop. =Carmina popularia in Bergk’s Lyrici. Cauer =Cauer’s Delectus inscriptionum Graecarum propter dialectum memorabilium. C.I.A. =Corpus Inscriptionum Atticarum. C.1,G. | =Corpus Insecriptionum Graecarum. C. R. = Classical Review. Hymn = Homeric Hymn. I1.G. A. =Inseriptiones Graecae antiquissimae. Jahrb. =Jahrbiicher fiir classische Philologie. 7. Ἡ. 5, =Journal of Hellenic Studies. Kaibel =Kaibel’s Epigrammata Graeca ex lapidibus conlecta. L. and 5, =Liddell and Scott’s Greek Lexicon. Mnem. = Mnemosyne. Mus. ital. = Museo italiano. Penthim. =Penthemimeral or penthemimeres. Philol. = Philologus. R. M. = Rheinisches Museum. 5, G. D.-I. =Sammlung der griechischen Dialekt-Inschriften. The melic fragments not included in the text but referred to in the notes, and the fragments of the elegiac and iambic writers, are cited in Arabic numerals following the order of Bergk. The fragments with Roman numerals are those of the text. Pindar is cited from Bergk, the scenic poeta from Dindorf, the tragic fragments from Nauck, the comic fragments from Kock. The fragments of Bacchylides follow Kenyon’s numbering ; and Arabic numerals are used in citing from omitted portions of odes that have been included in this edition. Hephaistion is cited by the pages of Westphal. <= =} indicates words omitted by the writer of a ms. [ indicates omitted letters or words which were probably found in the ms. or mss. In the text of Alkman iv. and of Bacchylides i.-x., the brackets are used to denote only those lacunae of the papyrus which are of some length or open to doubt. In the case of the latter poet, all emendations not specially referred to other sources are due to Kenyon. iad exliii GREEK MELIC POETS. EUMELOS. IIPOZTOAION ΕἸΣ AHAON. I( . . . . . . —_—_—~ee - --ὄ --- - ὦ --ΌὉ --οὃὖὖ- -- ee Ἑ -.. --- . . . e . --- ὕ---. --..ὗὕὃ ὄἔς--- --θ-.Ῥ..: -- ὔὕ-»- ς- ---- -. Τῷ γὰρ ᾿Ιθωμάτᾳ καταθύμιος ἔπλετο Moo ἃ καθαρὰ καὶ ἐλεύθερα σάμβαλ᾽ ἔχωσα. TERPANDER. L (1). EIS ATA. Zed πάντων ἀρχά, πάντων ἁγήτωρ, »“ Ν ,ὔ Ζεῦ, σοὶ πέμπω ταύταν ὕμνων ἀρχάν. II. (2). ΕΠΣ ATIOAAQNA. "Api μοι αὖτε ἄναχθ᾽ ἑκαταβόλον dead, ὦ φρήν. EumMetos—1. Méca Fiihrer: μοῖσα. 2. ἔχωσα Hiller: ἔχουσα. TERPANDER—I. 8. πέμπω (σπένδω Bergk),. II. ἑκατηβόλον. ἄειδ᾽ ὦ : ἀοιδέτω Suid. A; ἀειδέτω Suid. 8. 1 The numerals in parentheses give the order of the Fragments in Bergk. C A TERPANDER. III. (3). ΕἸΣ ATIOAAQNA KAI ΜΟΥ͂ΣΑΣ. Σπένδωμεν ταῖς Mvapas Ν 7 παισὶν Μώσαις καὶ τῷ Μωσάρχῳ lb t Λατῶς υἱεῖ, IV. (4). ΕἸΣ ΔΙΟΣΚΟΥΡΟΥ͂Σ. Ὦ Ζηνὸς καὶ Λήδας κάλλιστοι σωτῆρες. [V. (5).] THE SEVEN-STRINGED PHORMINX. Σοὶ δ᾽ ἡμεῖς τετράγηρυν ἀποστέρξαντες ἀοιδήν ἑπτατόνῳ φόρμιγγι νέους κελαδήσομεν ὕμνους. VI. (6). SPARTA, "Ev αἰχμά τε νέων θάλλει καὶ μῶσα λίγεια \ 7 5 / an > ’ὕ ” καὶ δίκα εὐρυάγυια, καλῶν ἐπιτάρροθος ἔργων. ALKMAN. I. (1) EXORDIUM OF A PARTHENEION. TERPANDER—III. 1. μνάμαις. 2. μούσαις. 3. μουσάρχῳ. 4, Λατοῦς Ac; Λητοῦς 86. ALKMAN. 3 Moo’ aye, Μῶσα λίγεια πολυμμελὲς αἰενάοιδε μέλος νεοχμὸν ἄρχε παρθένοις ἀείδην. II. (9). THE DIOSKUROI. ete ek) eS yt ς, , / > , la} 2 / 7 Κάστωρ te πώλων ὠκέων δματῆρες, ἱππόται σοφοί, καὶ ἸΠωλυδεύκης κυδρός III. (16). A MAIDEN’S OFFERING TO HERA. . . . 5 ---ὄ - —— ὦ ---ὄὕ..- — , . . 5 Saree EY SS ESE EE . . oS Kee SSS OS = Kai τὶν εὔχομαι φέροισα τόνδ᾽ ἐλιχρύσω πυλεῶνα a 5 κὴἠρατῶ κυπαίρω. IV. (23). PARTHENEION. one es ors SN eer ee isk Lo =A Seer ον Oe ἘΠῚ 655 =A = Se ee ΞΕ =A 5-8 = 1-4 Ξ-- ᾿ => ——— ---- -.-- --᾿-- -. - .--.. ---: ~~ --.-.-: -.- ---.......ὕ.... Te Io acs nel ἘΞΞ Meee SC rips io A = ALKMAN—TI. 2. αἰὲν ἄειδε Plan. Schol. An. 3. νεωχμόν Plan. Par. 2916, cf. Erotian 262; παρσένοις. αἰειδεν Prisc.; καὶ ἄειδε Plan. II. 1. δαμάντορες A; ταχέων δμητῆρες Schol. κ 513; ἐλατῆρες δ. ; ἐλατῆρε Eust. 1667. 34. 2. Πολυδεύκης. IIT. 2, πυλεω A. 8. ακηράτων A. κυπερω A. 4 ALKMAN. (Seven verses missing. ) [τὸν ἔκτανε] ἸΤωλυδεύκης. στρα ἘΠῚ 5 > , 2 A 2) 2 [οἷον οὐ] Λύκαιθον ἐν καμῶσιν ἀλέγω, [ἀλλ᾽ ᾿Εναρσφόρον τε καὶ Σέβρον ποδώκη, [Βωκόλο]ν τε τὸν βιατάν, 5 [Ἱπποθῶ]ν τε τὸν κορυστάν, Εὐτείχη τε, Εάνακτά τ᾽ ᾿Αρήϊον, [ΔκμονΊ]ά 7’ ἔξοχον ἡμιθίων, [καὶ στρατῶ] τὸν ἀγρέταν στρ. β΄. [Σκαῖον] μέγαν Εὐρυτόν τε, 10 ["Apeos ἀν] πώρω κλόνον [[Δλκωνά] τε τὼς ἀρίστως [ἄνδρας οὐ] παρήσομες, [κράτησε γ]ὰρ Αἶσα παντῶν [καὶ ἸΠόρος,] γεραιτάτοι 15 [θιῶν » ἀλλ᾽ ἀπΊέδιλος ἀλκαά. [μήτις ἀνθ]ρώπων ἐς ὠρανὸν ποτήσθω, [μηδὲ πει]ρήτω γαμῆν τὰν ᾿Αφροδίταν, [Kurpiav] ἄνασσαν, ἢ τιν [ἡνυειδ] παίδα ΤΙόρκω 20 [εἰναλέω. Χά]ριτες δὲ Διὸς δόμον [εἰσβαίνου]σιν ἐρογλεφάροι. ALKMAN—IV. 2. Λύκαισον. καμοῦσιν. 7. ἡμισίων. 8. ἀγρόταν. 18. τινὰ scriptio plena. 19. ἠνειδῆ Crusius. 35 40 45 50 55 60 a ALKMAN, (Twelve verses mutilated.) ἄλαστα δὲ ἔργα πάθον κακὰ μησαμένοι. Pen » “A 7 / ἐστι τις θιῶν τίσις" στρ. δ΄. ὁ δ᾽ ὄλβιος, ὅστις εὔφρων ἁμέραν [δι]απλέκει ἄκλαυστος. ἐγὼν δ᾽ ἀείδω ᾿Αγιδῶς τὸ φῶς" ὁρῶ pM ἀξ Ue A a @ Γ᾽ ὦτ' ἅλιον, ὅνπερ ἅμιν ᾿Αγιδὼ μαρτύρεται ΄ BEN το yy 9 A φαίνην " ἐμὲ δ᾽ οὔτ᾽ ἐπαινῆν 3} , ε x οὔτε μωμήσθαι νιν ἃ κλεννὰ Xopayds 90, ε 4 da a Ἂς ” > > | οὐδ᾽ ἁμὼς ἐῇ" δοκεῖ yap ἤμεν αὐτὰ ἐκπρεπὴς τώς, ὥπερ αἴ τις ἐν βοτοῖς στάσειεν ἵππον παγὸν ἀεθλοφόρον καναχάποδα τῶν ὑποπετριδίων ὀνείρων. FN 3 e “ e Ν ’, , ἢ οὐχ ὁρῃς ; ὃ μὲν κέλης στρ. εἰ. Rye , + e Ν , νετικός" ἃ δὲ χαίτα τᾶς ἐμᾶς ἀνεψιᾶς ε , > » ᾿Αγησιχόρας ἐπανθεῖ χρυσὸς ὡς ἀκήρατος" τό 7 ἀργύριον πρόσωπον -- διαφάδαν τί τοι λέγω; ε , A 2 Αγησιχόρα μὲν αὕτα. ἁ δὲ δευτέρα rev” ᾿Αγιδὼν τὸ Feidos ἵππος Εἰβήνῳ Κολαξαῖος δραμείται. ταὶ Πελειάδες γὰρ ἅμιν IV. 35. πάσον. 41. p’. cure corr. to dre. 43. φαίνεν. 44. μωμέσθαι. 45. δοκέει. 46. ὥιπερ. δ]. ἐνέτικός. 65 70 75 80 85 ALKMAN. +) , “ ω» Ορθίᾳ φᾶρος φεροίσαις νύκτα δι’ ἀμβροσίαν ἅτε σήριον ἄστρον ἀυειρομέναι μάχονται. ” ᾽ὔ id ͵ οὔτε γάρ τι πορφύρας στρ ἃ. τόσσος κόρος ὥστ᾽ ἀμύναι, ” ie / οὔτε ποικίλος δράκων παγχρύσιος, οὐδὲ μίτρα Λυδία, νεανίδων ἱανογλεφάρων ἄγαλμα, Pp. III. OX Ν᾿ Ἢ A ΄ οὐδὲ ταὶ Ναννῶς κόμαι, GAN οὐδ᾽ ᾿Αρέτα θιειδής, οὐδὲ Θυλακίς τε καὶ Κλεησιθήρα, οὐδ᾽ ἐς Αἰνησιμβρότας ἐνθοίσὰ φασεῖς" “«ἸΑσταφίς τέ μοι γένουτο καὶ ποτιγλέποι Φιλύλλα Δαμαρέτα τ᾽ ἐρατά τε FravOepis” —- ἀλλ᾽ “Αγησιχόρα με τηρεῖ. οὐ γὰρ ἁ καλλίσφυρος στρ. η΄. AN , ον τῆ, 3 r γησιχόρα map’ αὐτεῖ, ᾿Αγιδοῖ δ᾽ ἔκταρ μένει, θωστήριά 7 ἅμ᾽ ἐπαινεῖ ; ἀλλὰ τᾶν εὐχάς, θιοί, δέξασθε: [δι’ ἃ]ν γὰρ ἄνα ρ καὶ τέλος χοροστάτις. ” Ἐπ 5. Ὁ ᾿ 5. εἴποιμί κ᾽, “ἐγὼν μὲν αὐτὰ παρθένος μάταν ἀπὸ θράνω λέλακα γλαύξ ---- ἐγὼν δὲ τᾷ μὲν ᾽Αώτι μαλίστᾳ ALKMAN—IV. 6]. ὀρθρίαι corr. to ὀρθίαι. 7]. σιειδής, 72. Συλακίς. Κλεησισήρα. 76. Ἰανθεμίς. 82. σιοί. 86. παρσένος. 90 [εἰρ]ήνας ἐρατᾶς ἐπέβαν." “ie Ἂν , g’ τῷ TE γὰρ σηραφόρῳ στρ. ὅ. αὐτῶς ἔ[αδεν] μέγ᾽ [- --] co 3 β t δὲ Ὶὴ τῷ κυβερνάτᾳ δὲ χρὴ > a 7] Doh " 95 κὴν νᾷ μάλ᾽ [ἀΐεν] ὦκα. ἁ δὲ τῶν Σηρηνίδων > / Ν 5 ἀοιδοτέρα μὲν [οὐχί], Ἂς / > Ν 7° θιαὶ γάρ, ἀντὶ δ᾽ ἕνδεκα παίδων δεκ[ὰς of” ἀείδει. 100 φθέγγεται δ᾽ [ἀρ w7 ἐπὶ Ἐάνθω ῥοαῖσι 7 ε “5 / om 1 κύκνος" ἃ δ᾽ ἐπιμέρῳ ξανθᾷ κομίσκᾳ (Four verses missing.) V. (24). A DEFENCE OF THE POET. ΞΕ ee eee τινα, eines --.ὄἝ-.ὕ» ἘΞ’ τεσσ PF SS ee SS —— Ὁ Ἤ Οὐκ ἧς ἀνὴρ ἀγροῖκος οὐδὲ a xX ἠδὲ * Ἂς Ὁ σκαιὸς οὐδὲ παρὰ σοφοῖσιν οὐδὲ Θεσσαλὸς γένος οὐδ᾽ ᾿Βρυσιχαῖος οὐδὲ ποιμήν, ἀλλὰ Σαρδίων ἀπ᾽ ἀκρᾶν. IV. 98. σιαί. 4 V. . 97 1. 2. ALKMAN. ε , BP an , Ν ἁνδάνην ἐρῶ" πόνων γὰρ ἅμιν ἰάτωρ ἔγεντο ---, ἐξ ᾿Αγησιχόρας δὲ νεάνιδες ἧς Chr.; εἷς St. Β. 4. ἐρυσίχαιος Schol. Apoll. Rhod. 3 ALKMAN, VI. (256), ICH SINGKE WIE DER VOGEL SINGT. ‘ ‘ ee | ee ὦ aw wy Lf. am “\ * a ake, > als wy = Ἂς ’ ᾿ ᾿ SF —— . — a met ee et = Ἂς "Karn τάδε καὶ μέλος 'Λλκμὰν εὗρε, γεγλωσσαμένον καιικα [ἰδὼν στόμα συνθέμενος, VII. (20), IN OLD AGE, Οὐ p ἔτι, παρθενικαὶ pedvydpues ἱμερόφωνοι, γυῖα ψέρην δύναται" Bare δὴ βάλε κηρύλος εἴην, " 9 #4 7 " a [ee | A bor’ ἐπὶ κύματος Gv0og ἅμ᾽ dAKvéverot ποτῆται νηδεὲφ ἤτορ ἔχων, ἁλυτόρψυρος εἴαρος ὄρνις, VIII, (28) NAUSIKAA’S PLAYMATES, i. ‘ ᾿ ~~} es ——— ἣν“, a —_- \ ed ᾿ et -- A ν“«- ---- Λῦσαν δ᾽ drpaxra νεάνιδες, ὥστ᾽ ὄρνεις ἱέρακος ὑπερπτα μένω, ΙΧ, (20), NAUSIKAA’S PRAYER, ‘ ‘ . et ee — a νυ; -- -' .- “εἶ πάτερ, αἱ yap ἐμὸς πόσις εἴη, --ὄ-. θς-..-... -. ee: ALMEMAN—=VI, ἐπῆγε 6A, ὦ, τὲ γλωσσαμένον A, 3, ὄνομα A, VIL, 1, Ἱερόψνωνοι, Ὁ, φέρειν, 4, νηλεέφ Antigns ἀδεέν Phot, 3.48, 22, ΨΠΠ, ὑπερπταμένωι Δ, ALKMAN. 9 x. (33). A GIET. .—_ -_ - . --- τ. --ὕοὃ. ὦν ὧν — ~~ —_— Kai ποκά τοι δώσω τρίποδος κύτος, @ > 7 14 oe} V4 oe} la ᾿ ᾧ κ᾽ ἔνι {σιτί᾽ ἀολδλέ ἀγείρῃς GAN ἔτι νῦν γ᾽ ἄπυρος, τάχα δὲ πλέος ἔτνεος, οἷον 6 παμφάγος ᾿Αλκμὰν > /, x Ν Ἂν / 5 ἠράσθη χλιερὸν πεδὰ τὰς τροπάς" ov τι γὰρ ἠὺ τετυγμένον ἔσθει, ἀλλὰ τὰ κοινὰ γάρ, ὦ δ δὰ γάρ, ὥσπερ ὃ δᾶμος, (ατεύει. ΧΙ. (34). A BACCHANTE. . . . . —_—_~_— ~— —— -- er --- .Ἅ0 Πολλάκι δ᾽ ἐν κορυφαῖς ὀρέων, ὅκα a / ie ε A θεοῖσι ξάδῃ πολύφανος copra, χρύσιον ἄγγος ἔχοισα μέγαν σκύφον. οἷά τε ποιμένες ἄνδρες ἔχουσιν, 5 χερσὶ λεόντεον ἐν γάλα θεῖσα, τυρὸν ἐτύρησας μέγαν ἄτρυφον . ἀργύφεόν τε XII. (35). LYRE AND SWORD. SS a ee ere Ἕρπει yap ἄντα τῶ σιδάρω τὸ καλῶς κιθαρίσδην. X. 2. Skévitea Γειρης A. oir? Crusius; ἀολλέ᾽ Jurenka. 5. xatepov mada A. 6. AU: οὐ. τετυμμένον A. 7. καινά A. XI. 2. θεοῖς ἄδῃ A. 3. χρύσεον A. 5. ἐπαλαθεισα A. 7. ἀρ- - γειοφεονται A; ἀργειοφόνται BP ; ἀργύφεόν τε VL. XII. τῷ cidd py. κιθαρίσδειν. 10 ALKMAN. XIII. (36). LOVE. "Epos pe δαῦτε Κύπριδος βέκατι γλυκὺς κατείβων καρδίαν ἰαΐνει., XIV. (37. MEGALOSTRATA. 2a 2S ce (Eon Nc) Si siete Se ty ce Pee ἘΞ Bowe τας Sly δ — eee es Τοῦτο Fadevav «ἐμὶν» Μωσᾶν ἔδειξεν δῶρον μάκαιρα παρθένων a ξανθὰ Μεγαλοστράτα. XV. (38). EROS. a ee ee ee es ποῖ το ᾿Αφροδίτα μὲν οὐκ ἔστι, papyos δ᾽ "Kpws ofa παῖς παίσδει " J σ᾽ 3. ψ, a / ie lal ’ὔ ἄκρ᾽ ex ἄνθη καβαίνων, ἃ μή μοι θίγῃς, τῶ κυπαιρίσκω. XVI. (40). PARIS. Δύσπαρις, aivorapis, κακὸν “HAAG. βωτιανείρᾳ. XVII. (41). KIRKE. Καί ποκ᾽ ᾿᾽Οδυσσῆος ταλασίφρονος bFal’ ἑταίρων ἢ ρ ρ Κύρκα ἐπαλείψασα ALKMAN—XIII. δ᾽ αὖτε A. ἕκατι A. XIV. 1. adevay μοῦσαν A. 2. μακαίρᾳ παρθένῳ PVL. XV. ἄνθη Μ. 2. τῶ κυπαιρίσκω A; κιπαρίσσω Apost. XVI. Bwriavetpy. XVII. ποτ᾽. ὦτά θ᾽. ἑτάρων. Κίρκη. ALKMAN. 1 XVIII. (45). INVOCATION OF KALLIOPE. er ess ae ee ee ee nee J 4 , Moo’ ἄγε, Καλλιόπα, θύγατερ Διός, ” "9 “A ey FN 7 ὦ apx’ ἐρατῶν ἐπέων, ἐπὶ δ᾽ ἵμερον ὕμνῳ καὶ χαρίεντα τίθει χορόν. XIX. (48). DEW. —— — —— — a Oia Διὸς θυγάτηρ ἔρσα τρέφει καὶ Σελάνας δίας. XX. (58). MOUNT RHIPA. A ee ---- eek oS nos es. Ῥίπας ὄρος ἀνθέον ὕλᾳ νυκτὸς μελαίνας στέρνον. XXI. (60. NATURE’S SLEEP. 5 —— - τς. eee Soe EE Se eet Se Se Ξε" — ~~ — ee ee —— .Ύ — —— — ~—— —~ Spo — ἐς ae SS - τοὺ ὺς- . 5 SiS 5 Lo Se SS . = — .-- —eSs Sa . . Ξ ----- -.ὈἨ ---.., -. ,κκ XVIII. 2. ἱερόν Plan. 3. ὕμνῳ Heph.; ὕμνον Plan., Schol. Hermog. p. 400. XX. Ριπὰς. ἔνθεον thar. στέρνων (στέρνον Tricl.). 12 ALKMAN. Εὕδουσιν δ᾽ ὀρέων κορυφαΐ τε καὶ φάραγγες, πρώβονές τε καὶ χαράδραι, lel / Ws ἣν ,ὔ ΄ ζ -. φῦλά θ᾽ ἑρπετὰ τόσσα τρέφει μέλαινα γαῖα, θῆ Ψ» 3.019 a Ν ,ὔ A ἡρές τ᾽’ ὀρεσκῷοι καὶ γένος μελισσᾶν 5 καὶ κνώδαλ᾽ ἐν βένθεσι πορφυρίας ἁλός" εὕδουσιν δ᾽ ὀΐϊωνῶν φῦλα τανυπτερύγων. XXII. (62). TYCHE. Ses 5. ».5.25» —— Fe Ξξ SS Oe πποεσὐν ΡΣ ἰδ, 8. ἃ Εὐνομίας καὶ Πειθῶς ἀδελφὰ καὶ Ipopabeias θυγάτηρ. XXIII. (63). THE BEGINNING OF LEARNING. © . s. ° __— — ν-: —— —— Iletpa τοι μαθήσιος ἀρχά. XXIV. (66). PRAISE OF THE POET. Ὅσαι δὲ aides ἁμέων 5 7 QA Df, ἐντί, Tov κιθαριστὰν atvéovTt, ALKMAN—XXI. 1. φάλαγγες. 2. mpwrovécre. 8. θ᾽ ὅσα. 4. μελισσῶν. 5. πορφυρῆς. 6. οἰωνῶν. - XXII. ἀδελφή. Προμηθείας. XXIV. παῖδες. ALKMAN. 13 XXV. (67). THE NOTES OF THE BIRDS. Οἶδα δ᾽ ὀρνίχων νόμως Lal πάντων, XXVI. (74 Β. A BANQUET. τ πο ee en es - - 4 Sees τσ πίθου. Κλ 4 ε \ Ἁ , / ναι μεν επτα και τοσαι τράπεσδαι 7 ” > 2 μακωνίδων ἄρτων ἐπιστέφοισαι λίνω τε σασάμω τε κὴν πελίχναις παίδεσσι χρυσοκόλλα. XXVII. (76). ‘*FOUR SEASONS FILL THE MEASURE OF THE YEAR.” as foe Ces A i eee gl ay Ὥρας δ᾽ ἔθηκε τρεῖς, θέρος καὶ χεῖμα χὠπώραν τρίταν ἃς oe ΕΥ ἴω hid kal τέτρατον τὸ Fp, ὅκα θάλλει μέν, ἐσθίεν δ᾽ ἄδαν > 5 οὐκ ἔστιν. XXV. δι’ A. πάντων. XXVI. 2. ἐπιστέφοισαι A3 ἐπιστεφεῖς σελίνῳ CE. 3. λίνῳ. σασάμῳ. 4. πέδεσσι. XXVILI. 1. ἔσηκε. 2. χειμάχωι" παραν A. 8. τοηροκας ἀλλ᾽ εἰ μὲν Α. 4. ἐσθειεν Α. 14 ALKMAN. XXVIII. (22). A BANQUET PAIAN. εὐ ite . a Ἀν τΑ eee Ne ewe wes “-Ξ-3Ὀ᾽ . . . . . . —_—_ ee Ow wae ee Tesié’*’"™CONNNn!| Φοίναις δὲ καὶ ἐν θιάσοισιν ἀνδρείων παρὰ δαιτυμόνεσσι πρέπει παιᾶνα κατάρχην. XXIX. (85 a). APOLLO AND THE MUSES. ciate . . a ee ee a “Exatov μὲν Διὸς υἱὸν τάδε Μῶσαι κροκόπεπλοι XXX. (86). A PRAYER TO APOLLO. Se Oa Sod ease Mae oS τοῦ πῶ Sy ees (ork thn SUE) “Αδοι Διὸς δόμῳ ὁ χορὸς ἁμὸς καὶ τοί, Favaé. XXXI. (87). TANTALOS. spite . . ~~ _—_ —~— 7X . 5 1 . — —~— —_———= —“_—~— — ee -.. Eee Je . ~— .,:..--... ΕΒ - ae ..- -- ᾿Ανὴρ δ᾽ ἐν ἀσμένοισιν > [4 Ὁ Md ak / Ν , ἀλιτήριος Hor’ ἐπὶ θάκω κατὰ πέτρας, ε ig XN 559 a , ὁρέων μὲν οὐδέν, δοκέων δέ. Ἦ, XXXII. THE MAIDENS OF DEMETER. "HyOopev es μεγάλας Aaparepos ἐννέ᾽ ἐάσσαι παίσαι παρθενικαί, παίσαι καλὰ ἔμματ᾽ ἐχοίσαι, καλὰ μὲν ἔμματ’ ἐχοίσαι ἀριπρεπέας δὲ καὶ ὅρμ[ως] πριστῶ ἐξ ἐλέφαντος ἰδῆν ποτεοικότας α[ἴγλᾳ]. ALKMAN—XXVIII. φοίνες Β. θοίναις τι. “ ἀνδρίων BC, ete. XXX. γ᾽ ἄναξ. XXXI. 2. θάκας. [ARION.] 15 [ARION.] SOR ee pen Ty Pale ae ae eee 1p pCa ΕΞ ἘΞ Ey en aS se ee ν΄ ees ΓΞ ΞΕ Ἐς SS eS fs cca aN τ 5 ae πάλ εος s eS SS pete, ΟΣ ee IN 10 > eS να νε, ολτου sie a5 a, Sour oS Oh ee A ee ee Spe ἘΠΕ ἐπε a ὁ ΞΞΕ ΤΟΣ ΟΣ eee ates = A ee me ZO ee pe Ν Sw ey BOS αἴας σι Sj — τ ποὺς Ὁ ΞΕ ῈΞΞ δι Fae ats er Ὕνψψιστε θεῶν, / , I , ὃ πόντιε χρυσοτρίαινε Πόσειδον, γαιάοχ᾽, ἐγκύμον᾽ (ἀν ἅλμαν' / - Ν ὯΝ mi βράγχιοι περὶ δὲ σὲ πλωτοὶ 5 θῆρες χορεύουσι κύκλῳ, κούφοισι ποδῶν ῥίμμασιν ἐλάφρ᾽ ἀναπαλλόμενοι, σιμοί, v4 > , , , φριξαύχενες, ὠκύδρομοι σκύλακες, φιλόμουσοι δελφῖνες, ἔναλα θρέμματα 10 κουρᾶν Νηρεΐδων θεᾶν, ἃς ἐγείνατ᾽ ᾿Αμφιτρίτα" - ARION—3. χαιήοχ᾽ ἐγκυμονάλμαν ἃ; γαιήοχε κυμονάρχα Ὁ; γαιηόχε ἐγκύμου ἁλμάς Tzetz. 4. βράγχια, ΤΖ. ; -οις Herm. 5. χορεύουσ᾽ ἐν MS. except bv. 6. ῥιπάσμασι Tz. 16 ALKAIOS. οἵ μ᾽ εἰς Πέλοπος γᾶν ἐπὶ Ταιναρίαν ἀκτὰν > 7 / Fo Line date." / ἐπορεύσατε πλαζόμενον Σικελῷ evi πόντῳ, κυρτοῖσι νώτοις ὀχέοντες, τις ἄλοκα Νηρεΐας πλακὸς τέμνοντες, ἀστιβῆ πόρον, φῶτες δόλιοι “ Jane Neth ὃ , a Ἀ ὡς p ad’ ἁλιπλόου γλαφυρᾶς νεὼς 3 eS ΤᾺ / Y 9 p ” εἰς οἶδμ᾽ ἁλιπόρφυρον λίμνας ἔριψαν. ALKATOS. I. (5). EIS EPMHN. T=3 Js SS πὶ co GP ee, SS Χαῖρε Κυλλάνας ὃ μέδεις, σὲ γάρ μοι θῦμος ὕμνην, τὸν κορύφαισ᾽ ἐν ἄγναις Μαῖα γέννατο Kpoviéa μίγεισα παμβασίληϊ., II. (9). ΕἸΣ ΑΘΗΝΑΝ. ΔΝ Favaco’ ᾿Αθανάα πολεζμάδοκοςΣ, ἄ ποι Κορωνείας ἐπιδεύαο ναύω πάροιθεν ἀμφὶ (βώμῳ;» Κωραλίω ποτάμω rap’ ὄχθαις. ARION—14. χορεύοντες. 17. ἁλιπλοῦ a; -πλούου Ὁ. 18. ῥίψαν. ALKAIos—I. 1. 64; ὁ 5; ὅς ΕἾ. 2. ὑμνεῖν. κορυφαῖσιν ἁγναῖς U; κορυφᾶσιν αὐγαῖς KS. 98. γέννα τῶ.. κρόνιδα U. μαιεία ΚΒ ; μεγίστα U. II. 1. doo’ ἀθάνα diode. 22. ἀπὸ κοιρωνίας. ἐπιδεων avw A; ἐπιδέων αὔω C, ALKATOS. 17 III. (13 8). EROS. δεινότατον θέων «τὸν» γέννατ᾽ εὐπέδιλλος Ἶρις χρυσοκόμᾳ Ζεφύρῳ μίγεισα. IV. (18). THE SHIP OF STATE. ᾿Ασυνέτημι TOV ἀνέμων στάσιν" δὲ τ κ᾿ ” an ΄ τὸ μὲν γὰρ ἔνθεν κῦμα κυλίνδεται, νοῦ " >? \ 2 τὸ δ᾽ ἔνθεν - ἄμμες δ᾽ ov τὸ μέσσον “πεν 4 \ 7 vai φορήμεθα σὺν μελαίνᾳ, a Lal / / 5 χείμωνι μοχθεῦντες μεγάλῳ μάλα" περ μὲν γὰρ ἄντλος ἰστοπέδαν ἔχει, λαῖφος δὲ πὰν ζάδηλον 75H καὶ λάκιδες μεγάλαι κατ᾽ αὖτο" χόλαισι δ᾽ ἄγκυλαι. V. (19). Td δ᾽ αὖτε κῦμα τῶν προτέρων ὄνω , ΄ 7 7 /, ΄ στείχει, παρέξει δ᾽ ἄμμι πόνον πόλυν ” > /, an μὰ ἄντλην, ἐπεί κε νᾶος ἔμβᾳ VI. (20. NUNC EST BIBENDUM. Νῦν χρῆ μεθύσθην καί τινα πρὸς βίαν πώνην, ἐπειδὴ κάτθανε Μύρσιλος. III. 2. γείνατο. εὐπέδιλος. 3. μιχθεῖσα. ΤΥ. 1. ἀσυνέτην νή AB; συνίημι Cocond.; ἀσυνετῆ éxt Oxon. ἀσυνέτημι Theod. Can. iv. 88. 3. 3. ἂν ΑΒ. μέσον AB. 6. περὰ AB. 9. ἄγκυραι AB. V. 1. τὸ δ᾽ αὖτε Oxon.; τόδ᾽ εὖτε AB. Tw προτέρω νέμω AB; νόμω Oxon, 2. στίχει AB. 3. καὶ ΑΒ. ἐμβαίνει AB. VIL 1. μεθύσκειν A. 2. πονεῖν A. B 18 ALKATOS. VII. (30). DEATH IN BATTLE. τὸ yap "Apeve κατθάνην κάλον. VIII. (27). THE TERROR OF THE FOE. "Extafov ὥστ᾽ ὄρνιθες Gkvv ” > , / αἴετον ἐξαπίνας φάνεντα. IX. (34). ‘‘WHEN ICICLES HANG BY THE WALL.” "Ye μὲν ὁ Ζεῦς, ἐκ δ᾽ ὀράνω μέγας , , δ᾽ ἢ ΄ὔ 7 χειμὼν, πεπαγαισιν VOATWV poat. κάββαλλε τὸν χείμων᾽, ἐπὶ μὲν τίθεις πῦρ, ἐν δὲ κέρναις οἶνον ἀφειδέως Γ μέλιχρον, αὐτὰρ ἀμφὶ κόρσᾳ μάλθακον appt Bdrwv> γνόφαλλον X. (35). DISSIPAT EUHIUS CURAS EDACIS. Οὐ χρῆ κάκοισι θῦμον ἐπιτρέπην ° προκόψομεν γὰρ οὖδεν ἀσάμενοι, ὦ Βύκχι, φάρμακον δ᾽ ἄριστον οἶνον ἐνεικαμένοις μεθύσθην. XI. (53). WINE THE WINDOW OF THE SOUL. Οἶνος γὰρ ἀνθρώποισι δίοπτρον. -- ALKAIOS—VII. καταθανεῖν. VIII. ἐξαπτήνας. TX. 1. ὠρανῶ ac. 2. πεπάγασιν A. 8. κάββαλε Ac. 4. κέρναις Meister: kipyais A. X. μῦθον A. ἐπιτρέπειν A. XI. ἀνθρώποισι Fick : -ous. ALKATOS. 19 XII. (55). SHAME QUELLS MY SPEECH. Θέλω τι Feirnv, ἀλλά pe κωλύει αἴδως. XIII. (55). ΤῸ SAPPHO. oe . Ω . a Net ese es —$ See "TorAok’ dyva μελλιχόμειδε Σάπφοι XIV. (36). GARLANDS AND MYRRH. "AXN ἀνήτω μὲν περὶ ταῖς δέραισι περθέτω πλέκταις ὑποθύμιδάς τις, kad δὲ χευάτω μύρον Gdv κατ τῶ στήθεος ἄμμι. XV. (23). ‘‘ WHAT CONSTITUTES A STATE?” Gee . ΞΞΞ ΞΘ ΞΘ - . . ----ςο-. -_ — "Avopes yap πόλιος πύργος ἀρείιοι. XVI. (33). ΠΡῸΣ ANTIMENIAAN. Ἦλθες ἐκ περάτων yas ἐλεφαντίναν λάβαν τῶ ξίφεος χρυσοδέταν ἔχων, «ἐπειδὴ» μέγαν ἄθλον Βαβυλωνίοις , ΄ a7 , a) ΄, συμμάχεις τέλεσας, βυσαὸ T εκ TOVMWYV, XII. τ᾽ εἰπῆν a. XIV. 1. ἀννήτω aA. δέραις A. 2. πλεκτὰς ὑποθυμιάδας A. καδδ᾽ ἐχεύσατο A; καδδεχεύατο E. XV. πόλεως. ἀρεύιος Schol. Pers. 847. πύργοι ἀρήϊοι Schol. 0.T. 56. 20 ALKATOS. , ” / of 5 κτένναις ἄνδρα paxaitay βασιληΐων παλαίσταν ἀπυλείποντα μόναν ἴαν παχέων ἀπὺ πέμπων. XVII. (82). THE LAST MOVE. νῦν δ᾽ οὗτος ἐπικρέτει ΄ \ ἔων δ; , , κιννήσαις TOV ἀπ ιρας πυκινὼως λίθον. XVIII. (37 a). PITTAKOS. OS oS ~— : | : . : —_—_— eee -- πῆ ῦῸ ὈῸ .-..»: "στο. ee τὸν κακοπάτριδα Πίττακον πόλιος τᾶς ἀχόλω καὶ βαρυδαίμονος > ΄ὔ , χες ἡ ΄ 57 εστασᾶντο TUPAVVOV μεγ επαινεντες ἀόλλεες. XIX. (39). SUMMER. Téyye πλεύμονα ξοίνῳ: τὸ yap ἄστρον περιτέλλεται, a. δ᾽ ὥρα χαλέπα, πάντα δὲ δίψαισ᾽ ὑπὰ καύματος. ἄχει δ᾽ ἐκ πετάλων βάδεα τέττιξ, πτερύγων δ᾽ va κακχέει λιγύραν {πύκνονΣ ἀοίδαν, (σέλας ὄπποτα 5 φλόγιον κατὰ γᾶν πεπτάμενον {πάντας καταυάνῃ. ἄνθει καὶ σκόλυμος " νῦν δὲ γύναικες μιαρώταται, λέπτοι δ᾽ ἄνδρες, ἐπεὶ Cal) κεφάλαν καὶ γόνα Σείριος ἄξει. ALKAIOS—XVI. 5. βασιλήων. 6. μόνον ἀνίαν. XVII. ἐπικρέκει. κιννήσαις Fick: κινήσας. τὸν πείρας πυκινόν. XVIII. πόλεως. ἐπαινέοντες. XIX. 1. πλεύμονας Pl., Athen. ac; πνεύμονα Gel. οἴνῳ. 2. ὑπό A. 3. Faden: τάδε ἂν. 4. ὅτι mor’ ἂν R. 5. καθέταν ἐπιπτάμενον καταυδείη BR; Oéos ὄπ. φλόγμον πρὸς κ. ἱστάμενος θῇ καματώδεα Emper; φλόγισμον κατὰ γᾶν πεπτ. θῇ Kap. Hiller ; φλογίαν (- φλόγα) ἐπὶ γᾶν π. Gerstenhauer. σέλας Crusius. 6. ἀνθεῖ δὲ καὶ AB; μιαρ. yuv. ΑΒ. 7. δέ τοι ΑΒ. κεφαλὴν ΑΒ. ALKATOS. . 2] XX. (41. A REVEL IN THE GLOAMING. Πίνωμεν " τί τὰ λύχν᾽ ὀμμένομεν ; δάκτυλος ἀμέρα. Kad δ᾽ ἄερρε κυλίχναις μεγάλαις, αὔιτα, ποικίλαις" οἶνον γὰρ Σεμέλας καὶ Δίος υἷος λαθικάδεα ἀνθρώποισιν ἔδωκ᾽" ἔγχεε κέρναις Eva καὶ δύο 5 πλέαις Kak κεφάλας" a δ᾽ ἀτέρα τὰν ἀτέραν κύλιξ ὠθήτω. XXI. (42). IN OLD AGE. Kar τᾶς πόλλα παθοίσας κεφάλας κακχεάτω μύρον 3 “ F, , καὶ κατ TO πολίω στήθεος. XXII. (44. THE VINE ABOVE ALL. Μῆδεν ἄλλο φυτεύσῃς πρότερον δένδριον ἀμπέλω. XXIII. (83. CONTUMELIAM SI DICIS AUDIES. Αἴ κ᾽ εἴπῃς τὰ θέλεις, (αὐτὸς» ἀκούσαις {κεδ τά κ᾽ οὐ [θέλοις. XXIV. (15. THE POET’S ARMOURY. eS = = . ἘΠ See ἘΠ . - 5 —~—_ e———— ----; -͵᾿"--.. -- . - ---- ---: ---: --...--. Μαρμαίρει δὲ μέγας δόμος χάλκῳ᾽ παῖσα δ᾽ "Apy κεκό- σμηται στέγα λάμπραισιν κυνίαισι, κατ τῶν λεῦκοι κατύπερθεν ἵππιοι λόφοι XX. τὸν λύχνον ἀμμένομεν A. 2. ἄειρε A} αιτα ποικιλα and ποικιλλις A. 4. κιρναις and κερνὰ A. 5. ἑτέραν A. XXII. δένδρον ac. XXIII. εἴκ᾽ εἴποις. οὐ θέλεις. XXIV. a has 1. πᾶσα. στέγη. 2. λαμπραῖσι. καθύπερθεν. 22 : ALKATOS. νεύοισιν, κεφάλαισιν ἄνδρων ἀγάλματα: χάλκιαι δὲ πασσάλοις ω ᾿ 7 / tf ” κρύπτοισιν περικείμεναι λάμπραι κνάμιδες, ἄρκος > 7 ΄ ἰσχύρω βέλευς, -5 θώρακές τε νέω λίνω κούιλαΐί τε κατ᾽ ἄσπιδες βεβλή- μεναι" παρ δὲ Χαλκίδικαι σπάθαι, παρ δὲ ζώμματα πόλλα καὶ κυπάσσιδες" τῶν οὐκ ἔστι λάθεσθ᾽, ἐπειδὴ πρώτιστ᾽ ὑπὰ Fepyov ΕΣ / ἔσταμεν τόδε. XXV. (49. MONEY MAKES THE MAN. "Os yap δή ποτ᾽ ᾿Αριστόδαμόν dato’ οὐκ ἀπάλαμνον ἐν Σπάρτᾳ λόγον εἴπην᾽ ““ χρήματ᾽ ἄνηρ᾽" πένιχρος δ᾽ οὔδεις πέλετ᾽ ἔσλος 5ῸΧ , οὐδὲ τίμιος. ΧΧΥ͂Ι. (48.4). AIAS. Digs | Ls : Re | Ce eer Kpovida βασίληος γένος Aiav, τὸν ἄριστον red’ ᾿Α χίλλεα. XXVII. (62). TO A BEAUTIFUL GIRL. Set ι-Ξ 3 ΞΞ πο τος es Κόλπῳ σ᾽ ἐδέξαντ᾽ ἄγναι Χάριτες, Kpoxor. ALKAIOS—XXIV. 8. νεύουσιν. πασάλοις. 5. θόρρακες. νεῶι. Kora. 6. ζώματα. κυππαττιδεςς 7. πρώτισθ᾽ ὑπὸ ἔργον. ΧΧΥ. 1. ᾿Αριστόδημόν φασιν. 2. εἰπεῖν. XXVI. παῖδ᾽. XXVII. Κρόνῳ. ALKAIOS. 23 XXVIII. (45). DRINK, FOR SPRING HAS COME! x ἮΗρος ἀνθεμόεντος ἐπάιον ἐρχομένοιο. ἐν δὲ κέρνατε τῶ μελιάδεος ὄττι τάχιστα κράτηρα. XXIX. (92). POVERTY AND HELPLESSNESS. ᾿Αργάλιον πενία κάκον ἄσχετον, ἂ μέγα δάμναι Adov ἀμαχανίᾳ σὺν ἀδελφίᾳ. XXX. (25). PITTAKOS. x , : ee es ORES of AOU SESE Re | eae, ee "Ὥνηρ οὗτος ὁ μαιόμενος τὸ μέγα κρέτος ὀντρέψει τάχα τὰν πόλιν" ἀ δ᾽ ἔχεται ῥόπας. ΧΧΧΙ. (93). THE ROCK OF TANTALOS. Κεῖσθαι περ κεφάλας μέγας, ὦ Αἰσιμίδα, λίθος XXXII. (57). IN VINO VERITAS. xX . . . — τ ——S> — ——= —“_—~— Οἶνος, ὦ φίλε παῖ, καὶ ἀλάθεα. b) ᾿] XXVIII. κέρνατε Meister: κιρνᾶτε A. XXIX. ἀργαλέον. δάμνησι. ἀμηχανίᾳ. ἀδελφεᾷ. XXX. κράτος RV. ἀνατρέψεις RV. XXXI. zap A. XXXII. ἀλήθεια. 24 ALKAIOS. XXXII. (59). ‘“‘“BUT LEFT THE THORN WT ME.” -- ΡΣ ἘΞ. - ς ὕὕὉ ο΄ .ἥ-Ὡ Θεέ. "Eve δείλαν, ἔμε παίσαν κακοτάτων πεδέχοισαν. XXXIV. (56). SERENADE. ces we EO ae con eee Δέξαι pe κωμάζοντα, δέξαι, λίσσομαί σε, λίσσομαι. SAPPHO. I. (1). TO APHRODITE. I-3 aS: eh es eS oy τν- -- 4 SS Ποικιλόθρον᾽, ἀθάνατ᾽ ᾿Αφρόδιτα, παῖ Δίος, δολόπλοκε, λίσσομαί σε, γι - καὶ τῇ fol ieee , μή μ᾽ ἄσαισι μηδ᾽ ὀνίαισι δάμνα, πότνια, θῦμον" 5 ἀλλὰ τυϊδ᾽ ἔλθ᾽, ai ποτα κἀτέρωτα -“ »” ” oF , Tas ἔμας αὔδως ἀΐίοισα πήλυι ἔκλυες, πάτρος δὲ δόμον λίποισα 7 x χρύσιον ἦλθες apy’ ὑπαζεύξαισα" κάλοι δέ σ᾽ ἄγον Ιο ὥκεες στροῦθοι περὶ γᾶς μελαίνας , , Tee ae ee ae ee ” πύκνα δίννεντες πτέρ᾽ ἀπ᾽ ὠράνω aibe- ‘ Ὡ» ρος διὰ μέσσω. ALKAIoS—XXXIII. πᾶσαν a. SappHo—l. 1. v.1. ποικιλόφρον M. ᾿Αφροδίτα DMAU. 6. αὐδῶς P; avdas DM. πόλυ P; πηλοὶ L. 8. χρύσέιον P. 9. ὑπασδεύ- ξαισα L; ὑποζεύξασα P. 1]. δινῆντες P; διννηντε V (a copy of L); δινεῦντες DM. wparvw Oepos L; αἰθέρος M. 15 20 25 SAPPHO. 25 αἶψα δ᾽ ἐξίκοντο" τὺ δ᾽, ὦ μάκαιρα, 8 ΄ ? 10 , Foe pee διάσαισ᾽ ἀθανάτῳ προσώπῳ, ” > ” > , 4 npe, ὄττι δηὖτε πέπονθα κὦττι Lo 7 δηὖτε κάλημι, κὦττι ἔμῳ μάλιστα θέλω γένεσθαι ad μαινόλᾳ θύμῳ" “τίνα δηὖτε ei bw Ὅλ ἡ τ 3 N ΄ 7 > 4 μαῖς aynv ἐς σὰν φιλότατα, τίς σ᾽, ὦ Ward’, ἀδικήει ; Ν Ν > Δ) " 7 καὶ yap at φεύγει, ταχέως διώξει, αἱ δὲ δῶρα μὴ δέκετ᾽, ἀλλὰ δώσει, αἱ δὲ μὴ φίλει, ταχέως φιλήσει KwvK ἐθέλοισα." ἔλθε μοι καὶ νῦν, χαλέπαν δὲ λῦσον 5 tf ” 4 7 ἐκ μερίμναν, ὄσσα δέ μοι τέλεσσαι θῦμος ippepper, τέλεσον᾽ σὺ δ᾽ αὔτα σύμμαχος ἔσσο. II. (2). IN THE PRESENCE OF THE BELOVED. ’ ’ Lal ΕΣ , Φαίνεταί μοι κῆνος ἰσος θέοισιν ἔμμεν᾽ ὥνηρ, ὄστις ἐνάντιός TOL ἰζάνει καὶ πλάσιον adv φωνεί- σας ὑπακούει A 7 5 , » μὴ καὶ γελαίσας ἱμμέροεν, τό μοι μὰν » > , > / καρδίαν ev στήθεσιν ἐπτόασεν" i 1] ‘fu τὸΡ. KkOreDM. 17. κωτεμω 1,: κὄττι ἐμῷ ασ. 18. τινα δηυτε πειθω και σαγήν εσσαν L; τιναδ᾽ ἐυτεπείθωμαι σαγηνέσσαν Ῥ. 20. ἀδικήη Hi. Mag. 485. 41. 21. ἢ τι; εἰ other mss. 24. κωῦκ ἐθέλουσα τ. 27. ἱμμέρρει Fick: tuépe P. 11. Ρ has 3. πλησίον. φων-σαῖσ. 5. ἱμερόεν. μὴ ἐμὰν. 20 SAPPHO. os σε yap Fidw, Bpoxéws pe φώνας οὖδεν ἔτ᾽ εἴκει" ἀλλὰ καμ μὲν γλῶσσα Feaye, λέπτον δ᾽ 10 αὔτικα χρῷ πῦρ ὑπαδεδρόμακεν, ὀππάτεσσι δ᾽ οὖδεν ὄρημ᾽, ἐπιρρόμ- βεισι δ᾽ ἄκουαι: 5 , 3. 55 Fi ᾿ Ν a δέ μ᾽ ἴδρως κακχέεται, τρόμος δὲ παῖσαν ἄγρει, χλωροτέρα δὲ ποίας 15 ἔμμι, τεθνάκην δ᾽ ὀλίγω ᾿πιδεύην U ” φαίνομαι ἄλλα. ΠῚ. (3. INTER IGNES LUNA MINORES. "Aotepes μὲν ἀμφὶ κάλαν σελάνναν ἂψ ἀπυκρύπτοισι φάεννον εἶδος, = ὄπποτα πλήθοισα μάλιστα λάμπῃ γᾶν (ἐπὶ Tatra, » IV. (4). A GROTTO. ἀμφὶ δ᾽ ὕδωρ ζύψοθενΣ ψῦχρον κελάδει δι’ ὄσδων μαλίνων, αἰθυσσομένων δὲ φύλλων κῶμα καταρρεῖ. V. (5). INVOCATION TO KYPRIS. ἔλθε, Κύπρι, χρυσίαισιν ἐν κυλίκεσσιν ἄβρως SappHo—lIl. 7. wo γὰρ σἴδω. 9. κἂν. ἔαγε. 10. χρῶ. 1]. ὀππάτεσι. ὁρῆιμὴ. 13. éxade μ᾽ ἰδρῶσ ψυχρὸσ κ᾿ ακχέεται. 18. πιδεύ- σην. 10. ἀλλὰ παντόλμα τον ἐπεὶ καὶ πένητα οὐ θαυμάζεις. III. σελάναν. ἀποκρύπτουσι φαεινόν. ὁπότ᾽ ἄν. V. 2. χρυσείαισιν A. ᾿αβροῖς A. 5243 }27ο. 27 συμμεμείγμενον θαλίαισι νέκταρ , οἰνοχόεισα. VI. (11). SAPPHO’S GIRL FRIENDS. 4 la) 5 ’ὔ τάδε νῦν ἐταίραις a_ ΄ , Say ταις εμαισι TEPT VG κάλως αξίσω. VII. (16). THE DISMAY OF THE BIRDS. Ταῖσιν ψαῦκρος μὲν eyevto θῦμος, yo” \ ΄ παρ δ' ἴεισι τὰ πτέρα. VIII. (28. THE HONEST THOUGHT FEARS NOT. ΤᾺΣ Ξε πεῖν σε moses Blt δεν φεύγ ιν Si ξεῖνον a 2 Ss SS τς, —— Αἱ δ᾽ χες ἔσλων ἴμμερον ἢ κάλων, Ν ΄΄ ἊΝ lal ree. / / καὶ μή τι Fetrnv γλῶσσ᾽ ἐκύκα κάκον, ΕΣ , > > ἴω ” ᾽ αἴδως κέ σ᾽’ οὐ κζατ»ῆχεν ὀππατ᾽, ἀλλ’ ἔλεγες περὶ TO δικαίω. IX. (29). THE BRIDE. ΞΕ ρον ray " ἘΞΑ, στάθι κἄντα, φίλος, ἣν 3 ᾽ τ , καὶ τὰν ἐπ’ ὄσσοισ᾽ ὀμπέτασον χάριν. 9. συνμεμιγ-. 8m. 4. οἰνοχοοῦσα A. VI. ἐμαῖς A. VII. ψυχρὸς. ἐγένετο. VIII. 1. ἐς ἐσθλῶν ἵμερον A. 2. τειπῆν γλῶσσαι κυκᾶι A. 3. κέν σε οὐκ εἶχεν A. ὄμματ᾽ A. Neue δέ κέν σ᾽ οὐκ εἶχεν. Ahrens κε νῦν σ᾽ οὐκ ἦχεν. IX. ἀμπέτασον A. 28 SAPPHO. X. (32). NON OMNIS MORIAR. .Χ SS . - 5 —— . —_—_—_ Ss .-- --- - -- .--.. —~S ὁ»-- Μνάσεσθαί τινά φαμι καὶ ὕστερον ἀμμέων. ΧΙ. (33). ATTHIS. "Hpdpav μὲν ἔγω σέθεν, "Arh, πάλαι πότα. XII. (34. ATTHIS. Σμίκρα μοι πάϊς eupev’ ἐφαίνεο κἄχαρις. XIII. (42. LOVE THE STORM WIND. "Epos δ᾽ ἐτίναξ᾽ ἔμαις φρένας ὡς ἄνεμος κατ᾽ ὄρος δρύσιν ἐμπέσων. XIV. (101. BEAUTY AND GOODNESS. Ὀ μὲν yap KdXos, ὄσσον ἴδην, πέλεται , > Ν ” ” ~ a ” oO δὲ κἄγαθος αυτικα και κάλος εσσεται.,. XV. (39. THE ANGEL OF THE SPRING. ἮΗρος ἄγγελος ἰμμερόφωνος ἀήδων. ΞΑΡΡΗΟ---Χ, μνάσασθαι. ΧΙ. ἅτ σ.. πόκα. ΧΙ]. ἔμμεναι. φαίνεο. XIII. Ἔρως ἐτίναξε τάς. : XIV. 1. ὅσον ἰδεῖν. κάλος suppl. Herm., ἄγαθος Bergk. μόνον Hiller. 2. ἔσται. XV. iupep- Fick: ἱμερ-. SAPPHO. 29 XVI. (40). LOVE’S ASSAULT. "Epos Satré μ᾽ ὁ λυσιμέλης Sdver, γλυκύπικρον ἀμάχανον ὄρπετον. XVII. (41). ATTHIS. "ATO, cot δ᾽ ἔμεθεν μὲν ἀπήχθετο φροντίσδην, ἐπὶ δ᾽ ᾿Ανδρομέδαν πότῃ. XVIII. (51). A WEDDING FESTIVAL. BES SS ee μου flake Ss ee 5 Ξ- 4 Sp a ΠΕ eee eS ism as an δ Κὴ δ᾽ ἀμβροσίας μὲν κράτηρ ἐκέκρατο, "Eppas δ᾽ ἔλεν ὄλπιν θέοισ’ οἰνοχόησαι. lo >” / ΄ / 3 Ss κῆνοι δ᾽ dpa πάντες καρχήσιά {τ ἦχον ” > / Ν 7 ” κἄλειβον: ἀράσαντο δὲ πάμπαν ἔσλα 5 τῷ γάμβρῳ. XIX. (52). DESERTED. Ξὶ τϑ' . . ~—i-—_~ ~— -- - --- — Δέδυκε μὲν ἀ σελάννα καὶ ἸΤληΐαδες, μέσαι δὲ Ἃ Ν Ve ee > 7 νύκτες, παρὰ δ᾽ ἔρχετ᾽ wpa, ΕΣ x ff 7 ἔγω δὲ μόνα κατεύδω. XVIII. 2. δὲ ἑλών AcE. 3. ἔχον A. 4. καὶ ἔλειβον A. XIX. καθεύδω. 80 SAPPHO, 7 XX. (53). PERVIGILIUM. TIAnpys μὲν ἐφαίνετ᾽ d σελάννα' αἱ δ᾽ ws περὶ βῶμον ἐστάθησαν XXI. (54). CRETAN DANCES. SS — ep tee, (LO eS AOE τς Ξ- Κρῆσσαί νύ ποτ᾽ ὧδ᾽ ἐμμελέως πόδεσσιν > CN. I, ) 5 ΠΕΣ ἢ, A ὠρχεῦντ᾽ ἀπάλοισ᾽ ἀμφ᾽ ἐρόεντα βῶμον πόας τέρεν ἄνθος μάλακον μάτεισαι. XXII. (60). ΑΝ INVOCATION. 4 Ξ cae ΠΥ ν΄ ΙΕ ΠΥ ΘΟ SO oe Δεῦτέ νυν, ἄβραι Χάριτες, καλλίκομοί τε Μοῖσαι. XXIII. (62). ADONIS IS DEAD. fe ἘΞ ΘΕ πρὶν - Ce ΟΝ Κατθναίσκει, ἹΚυθέρη᾽, ἄβρος Λδωνις, τί κε θεῖμεν ; (44 “4 θ la Ν Υ̓, θ ' 7) KAaTTUTTEO VE, KOpGl, και KATEPELKETUE χιτωναᾶς, XXIV. (68). NEGLECT OF THE MUSES. Κατθάνοισα δὲ κείσεαι οὐδέ ποτα μναμοσύνα σέθεν ἔσσετ᾽ οὐδ᾽ ἔρος (εἰς) ὕστερον" οὐ γὰρ πεδέχεις ξρόδων τῶν ἐκ Ivepias' ἀλλ᾽ ἀφάνης κὴν ’Aida δόμοις πον / , > , φοιτάσεις TED ἀμαύρων νεκύων ἐκπεποταμενα. ΞΆΡΡΗΟ---Χ Χ, σελάνα. XXII. νῦν ac. XXIIL. 1. καταθνάσκει. Kudépe’ vl. pm. 2. κατερύκεσθε AP. XXIV. 1. οὐδέποκα Stob. x. πότα κωὐ μ. o. Bergk. 2. οὐδέποκ᾽ ὕστερον Stob. οὔτε τότ᾽ οὔτ᾽ ὕστερον Herm., Bergk. ἔρος Crusius. ρόδων Fick: βρόδων. 8. κεὶν. ᾿Αἴδαο a. 4. παῖδ᾽. SAPPHO. 31 XXV. (69). A GIFTED SCHOLAR. Οὐδ᾽ ἴαν δοκίμοιμι προσίδοισαν φάος ἀλίω ᾿ / , 3 ” / / ἔσσεσθαι σοφίαν πάρθενον εἰς οὔδενά πω χρόνον , TOLAUTAV, XXVI. (70). ANDROMEDA. tis δ᾽ ἀγροίωτίς {τοι ἐπεμμένα emonat ελγε όσοι... οὐκ ἐπισταμένα τὰ ξράκε᾽ ἔλκην ἐπὶ τῶν σφύρων ; XXVII. (72). SAPPHO’S TEMPERAMENT. ἀλλά τις οὐκ ἔμμι παλιγκότων ὄργαν, GAN ἀβάκην τὰν ppev’ ἔχω. XXVIII. (75). “AGE AND YOUTH CANNOT LIVE TOGETHER.” aes 2 a —_—_—_— Se, aa ”_—~ eS) ORR a SS Ss Se LN ms SO EEN "AAN ἔων φίλος ἄμμιν , 5 / + λέχος ἄρνυσο νεώτερον > \ , a ΄ οὐ γὰρ τλάσομ᾽ ἔγω συνοί- ΚΉΨν ἔοισα γεραιτέρα. XXVI. 1. ἀγροιῶτις C3 ἀγροιώτατον Ἑ; ἀγροιωτειν Max. 2. στολήν. 3. βράκεα CE. ἕλκειν ©. XXVIII. 1. ἔμμιν. 2. ὀργάνων. παμῴρενα. XXVIII. 1. ἁμῖν. 3. ξυνοικεῖν 4. ἔσσα 85; οὖσα AB. 32 SAPPHO. XXIX. (78). THE GODS LOVE FLOWERS. Σὺ δὲ στεφάνοις, ὦ Δίκα, πέρθεσθ᾽ ἐράταις φόβαισιν, dpTakas ἀνήτοιο συνέρραισ᾽ ἀπάλαισι χέρσιν' +s Ν A s Ν / / εὐάνθεα Cuev> yap πέλεται καὶ χάριτος μακαίραν A , > ΄ γ 5 ΄ ἢ μᾶλλον προτέρην’ ἀστεφανώτοισι δ᾽ ἀπυστρέφονται. XXX. (80). WEALTH WITHOUT VIRTUE. ’O πλοῦτος ἄνευ {τᾶς» ἀρέτας οὐκ ἀσίνης πάροικος. XXXI. (85). SAPPHO’S CHILD. - . . . . . —— —| —— -ο.-.. — eS SS κ ἐσ -:-- - --Ξ Ry (λ , / > θέ στι μοι κάλα πάις, χρυσίοισιν ἀνθέμοισιν 2 ἐμφέρην ἔχοισα poppav, Kretus ἀγαπάτα, 5 Ν an 7 ION 7 Ta) 3Q) ἘΞ si ἀντὶ τᾶς ἔγω οὐδὲ Λυδίαν παῖσαν οὐδ᾽ ἐράνναν XXXII. (90). I CANNOT MIND MY WHEEL. Γλύκεια μᾶτερ, οὔτοι δύναμαι κρέκην τὸν ἴστον, πόθῳ δάμεισα παῖδος Εραδίναν δι’ ᾿Αφροδίταν. SappHo—XXIX. 1. ὡδικα A. παρθεσθ A. 2. αννήτωι A. ἀπαλλαγισὴ A. 8. χάριτες μάκαιρα A. XXXI. 1. χρυσέοισιν. 2. ἐμφερῆ. Κλεῖς. 8. πᾶσαν. XXXII. 1. γλυκῆα ap. 4. Foadivay Fick: βραδίναν. SAPPHO. 33 ἘΠΙΘΑΛΑΜΤΙΑ. ΧΧΧΙΠΙ. (91). THE BRIDEGROOM. "Y wou δὴ τὸ μέλαθρον -- Ὑμήναον --- ἀέρρετε τέκτονες ἄνδρες" - Ὑμήναον. --- 5 γάμβρος ἐσέρχεται ἰσσος “Apevt, ἄνδρος μεγάλω πόλυ μείζων. XXXIV. (93). “ἘῸΝ LOVE IS CROWNED WITH THE PRIME.” Ovov τὸ γλυκύμαλον ἐρεύθεται ἄκρῳ ex’ ὄσδῳ, ἄκρον ἐπ᾽ ἀκροτάτῳ, λελάθοντο δὲ padodpdryes, οὐ μὰν ἐκλελάθοντ᾽, ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἐδύναντ᾽ ἐπίκεσθαι. ΧΧΧΥ. (94). THE UNPROFITABLE VIRGIN. ” \ 27 res ΄ " Οἷαν τὰν ὑάκινθον ἐν ὄρρεσι ποίμενες ἄνδρες , ΄ ΄ ΄ ΄ ” ποσσι καταστείβοισι, χάμαι δέ iG πόρφυρον ἄνθος XXXII. 8. ἀείρετε c. ὅ. εἰσέρχεται ἴσος Dem. R; ἔρχεται ἴσος Heph. 6. μεγάλου πολλῷ Dem. ΕΒ. XXXIV. 8. ἐφικέσθαι. ΧΧΧΥ. 1. τήν. οὔρεσι. 2. καταστείβουσι. σ 84 SAPPHO. XXXVI. (95). VESPER. / if , ” / > , ? δ Feorepe, πάντα φερων, doa φαίνολις ἐσκέδασ᾽ αὔως, , “ Ψ. > , ” / A φέρεις ov, φέρες αἶγα, φέρεις ἄπυ μάτερι παῖδα. XXXVII. (98. THE DOORTENDER. _& Ξ-- ἘΞ . . —_~"~_ —“__"~_ == Θυρώρῳ πόδες ἐπτορόγυιοι, τὰ δὲ σάμβαλα πεντεβόεια, πίσυγγοι δὲ δέκ᾽ ἐξεπόνασαν. XXXVIII. (99). THE BRIDAL DAY. 5 . ----- . — — -- -- "OAPre γάμβρε, σοὶ μὲν δὴ γάμος, ws ἄραο, ἐκτετέλεστ᾽, ἔχης δὲ i? nn 7 πάρθενον, αν apao. XXXIX. (104). THE BRIDEGROOM. x . . . . ἘΞ: NE Τίῳ σ᾽, ὦ φίλε γάμβρε, κάλως ἐικάσδω ; ὄρπακι ξραδίνῳ σε μάλιστ᾽ ἐικάσδω. SappHO—XXXVI. 1. φέσπερε Et. Gud. 2. φέρεις οἷον φέρεις, οἶνον φέρεις, alya φέρεις ἄποιον μητέρι π. Vetus Et. Mag.; φέρεις οἶνον, φέρεις alya, φέρεις ματέρι π. Dem. ἢ ΧΧΧΥΊΤΙ. 1. θυρωρῶ A. ἑπταθορρόγυιοι ACP; ἑπταθόργυιοι Μ. 2. πεντεβόηα ACP; πενταβόεια M. XXXIX. tlw. Bpadivy. SAPPHO. 35 XL. (109). VIRGINITY. A. IlapGevia, παρθενία, ποῖ pe λίποισ᾽ ἀποίχῃ ; ” ” " Wk « / Σ " εἰ μ Β. Οἴὔκετι εἴξῳ, (οὔκετι εἰξὼ» πρός σ᾽, οὔκετι εἴξω. XLI. (136). TEARS AND THE MUSE. x == δ Sie πὸ τς Sex 3 Ἂν 5 / > / 7 Ov yap οἰκίᾳ ev μοισοπόλῳ θέμις θρῆνον ἔμμεναι" οὐκ ἄμμι πρέπει τάδε. ΧΙ. TO HER BROTHER CHARAXOS. [Κύπρι καὶ] Νηρήϊδες, ἀβλάβη[ν por | [τὸν κασίγνητον δότε τυῖδ᾽ ἴκεσθαι, [kdooa Flo θύμῳ κε θέλῃ γένεσθαι [ταῦτα τε]λέσθην, ς [ὄσσα δὲ πρ]όσθ᾽, ἄμβροτε, πάντα λῦσα[ι,] [ὡς φέλοισ]ι ξοῖσι χάραν γένεσθαι, [κὠνίαν ἐ]χθροισι" γένοιτο δ᾽ ἄμμι [μήποτα μήδεις. [τὰν κασιγ]νήταν δὲ θέλοι πόησθαι Ιο [ἔμμορον] τίμας" [ὀν]ίαν δὲ λύγραν [ἐκλάθοιτ᾽,] ὄτοισι [πάρ]οιθ᾽ ἀχεύων [κἄμον ἐδάμνα XL. 1. λιποῦσα οἴχῃ. 2. οὐκ ἔτι ἥξω πρός σε, οὐκ ἔτι ἥξω. XLI. 1. οὐ γ. θέμις ἐν μουσοπόλων οἰκίᾳ ; μοισοπόλω Schneid. 2. εἶναι. XLIT. 1. K. καί Earle. μοι Wilam. 2. τόν Wilam. vis. 5. λῦσαι Wilam. 9. τὰν Wilam. 10. ἔμμορον Wilam. 36 15 ERINNA. [κῆρ, oveidir|w εἰσαΐων, τό κ᾿ ἐν χρῷ [κέρρον 7A]N ἐπ’ ἀγ[λαΐ]ᾳ πολίταν, [καὶ βρόχυ ζ]άλειπ[ον ὀ]νῆκε δαὖτ᾽ οὖ- [δεν διὰ μά]κρω. (Four mutilated verses. ) ERINNA. HAAKATH. I. (2). GRAY HAIRS. TlavpoAdyou πολιαί, ταὶ γήραος ἄνθεα θνατοῖς. II. (3). SILENCE IN HADES. Τουτόθεν εἰς ’Atdav κενεὰ διανήχεται ἀχώ, σιγᾷ δ᾽ ἐν νεκύεσσι" τὸ δὲ σκότος ὄσσε κατέρρει. STESICHOROS. THPYONHI2. I. (5). THE TARTESSOS. σχεδὸν ἀντιπέρας κλεινᾶς ᾿Βρυθείας, Ταρτησσοῦ ποταμοῦ παρὰ παγὰς ἀπείρονας ἀργυρο- ἐν κευθμῶνι πέτρας [ρίζους, SappHo—XLII. 15. οὖδεν Smyth. Erinna—I. πολιοὶ τὰς γήρας. II. τοῦτό κεν. SresicHoros—I. *Epv@las . κευθμώνων. | STESICHOROS. 37 II. (7. HERAKLES AND PHOLOS. ξ ὁ . . . . Oey ~— eS ea Nw iN ee Was we Ss tI Σκύφιον δὲ λαβὼν δέπας ἔμμετρον ὡς τριλάγυνον “5 , FL OK” τς , ΄ ΄ Tl’ ἐπισχόμενος, τό ῥά οἱ παρέθηκε Φόλος κεράσας. III. (8). HELIOS’ CUP. . . . . 5 Oe Ξ ——_— —_—" —~_—_— ~— —=——— ------ - ----ς-- 5 . . . . Se ee eee τοῖς στ ee eae 5 . . . SS Se eee es 5 5 . . On A a men ee .-- em Nae ae et re we SN 5 ay ue . . . Se τς νὰ 5 ς ῷὦὁἠ᾽ Soe ee EE a ᾽Αέλιος δ᾽ Ὑπεριονίδας δέπας ἐσκατέβαινεν ΄ ” 9 A ΄ χρύσεον, ὄφρα δι’ ᾽Ωκεανοῖο περάσας ἀφίκοιθ᾽ ἱερᾶς ποτὶ βένθεα νυκτὸς ἐρεμνᾶς ποτὶ ματέρα κουριδίαν 7 ἄλοχον πάιδάς τε φίλους: ς ὁ δ᾽ ἐς ἄλσος ἔβα δάφναισι κατάσκιον ποσσὶ πάις Διός. IAIOY ΠΕΡΣΙΣ. IV. (18). EPEIOS. fe . . . . Ce SS ES Ss Πϑϑέ'ἐ ee ee ee τον "Quxtipe yap αὐτὸν ὕδωρ αἰεὶ φορέοντα Διὸς κούρα βασιλεῦσιν. Il. wi? πὶ; 7?’ a. IIT. 1. ἅλιος A. 8. ἀφίκηθ᾽ A. 4. παῖδας A. 6. παῖς A. IV. ῴκτιρε Smyth: @xreipe A. del A. 38 STESICHOROS. HAENA. V. (26). APHRODITE’S WRATH. ee ee — Se — raw Lon RS, a 4. δΞ Es ————— Le SS -- - Οὕνεκα Τυνδάρεως ῥέζων ποτὲ πᾶσι θεοῖς μούνας λάθετ᾽ ἠπιοδώρω Κύπριδος" κείνα δὲ Τυνδάρεω κόραις χολωσαμένα διγάμους τε καὶ τριγάμους τίθησιν 5 kat λιπεσάνορας. VI. (29). THE WEDDING OF HELEN AND MENELAOS. Ee —— Sac Se Se Seer eee ἘΠ ie ug ee eee Πολλὰ μὲν Κυδώνια μᾶλα ποτερρίπτευν ποτὶ δίφρον πολλὰ δὲ μύρσινα φύλλα [ἄνακτι, καὶ ῥοδίνους στεφάνους ἴων τε κορωνίδας οὔλας. VII. (32). THE PALINODE. =O . . ~— —S :--- ef —_—— —_ — ee Hoes Se τ een | se 5 ” >” / “ 4 Οὐκ ἐστ᾽ ἔτυμος λόγος οὗτος 5 οὐδ᾽ ἔβας ἐν ναυσὶν εὐσέλμοις, οὐδ᾽ ἵκεο πέργαμα Τροίας. STESICHOROS—V. 2. ποτέ from οὕνεκά ποτε, 1. 1, ABM. μόνας A; μιᾶς BMI. ἠπιοδώρου. 4. χολωσαμέντα I. 1. ποτερρίπτουν APL. 2, μύρσεινα A; μύρρινα PLY. VIL. νηυσίν. STESICHOROS. 39 OPESTEIA. VIII. (35). THE MUSE’S THEME. ΓΌΝΟΣ gi M a \ \ oe 3 ΄ ΝΣ. σόοι οὔσα, σὺ μὲν πολέμους ἀπωσαμένα μετ᾽ ἐμεῦ , an , 5 nw a A κλείουσα θεῶν τε γάμους ἀνδρῶν τε δαῖτας καὶ θαλίας μακάρων. ΙΧ. (36). THE SWALLOW. le lel = ee RE ἀπ τὺ ee LO Ὅταν ἦρος ὥρᾳ κελαδῇ χελιδών. X. (37). SONGS FOR THE SPRING. es Se θυ τ ee OER = Se .- τ" Lae LS Toudde χρὴ Χαρίτων δαμώματα καλλικόμων ὑμνεῖν Φρύγιον μέλος ἐξευρόντας ἁβρῶς ἦρος ἐπερχομένου. ΧΙ. (42. KLYTAIMNESTRA’S DREAM. . . . . . . Cus --- --’..τ-Ὁ-.᾿.’'’-.ς-.-. —_ - —$ ~~ -- ο΄ ws .ὕ-΄ Τᾷ δὲ δράκων ἐδόκησε μολεῖν κάρα βεβροτωμένος ἄκρον" ἐκ δ᾽ ἄρα τοῦ βασιλεὺς Πλεισθενίδας ἐφάνη. X. ἐξευρόντα. 40 STESICHOROS. PAAINA. XII. (44. INVOCATION TO THE MUSE. (MONO ΣΝ On Re ἀπε ete ee as CaN "Ave Μοῦσα Aliyev, ἄρξον ἀοιδᾶς ἐρατωνύμου yy Yel, ap Σαμίων περὶ παίδων ἐρατᾷ φθεγγομένα λύρᾳ. EZ AAHAQN ΕἸΔΩΝ. XIII. (50). APOLLO AND HADES. _ VSL Le -- -Ξ---- - ςτὸ -Ξ-ς- ς- τ΄ -- LS — . . . . oo I I Ee a μάλα τοι *pddiora παιγμοσύνας φιλεῖ μολπάς τ᾽ ᾿Απόλλων" κάδεα δὲ στοναχάς τ᾽ ’Aidas ἔλαχεν. XIV. (51). FOR THE DEAD NO TEARS. toe . . . _ ~~ -οσ..- 5..΄.. --- ςς.-. — ~~ -- ὦ ----ΞθΞ ᾽ ΄ Ἂν Ἂν > / Ν lf Ατελέστατα yap καὶ ἀμάχανα τοὺς θανόντας κλαίειν. XV. (52). NO REGARD FOR THE DEAD. Peery a Bea ae 8 MeN Stage tn OE eS BCS ON Θανόντος ἀνδρὸς πᾶσ᾽ ἀπόλλυται ποτ᾽ ἀνθρώπων χάρις. SrestcHoros—XII. λιγεῖα. ἐρατῶν ὕμνους. XIII. 8. κήδεά τε. XIV. ἀμήχανα. XV. ὄλυτ᾽ ἀνθρ. vulg.; πᾶσα πολιά ποτ᾽ ἀνθρ. Vind. IBYVKOS. 41 IBYKOS. I. (1). SPRING-TIDE AND LOVE. Bie 505 ea ey OA sex τυ eek, ae ὑπ γ΄ ς BOs — eS ; freee Ly Ξε σον ΕΣ Αγ 15. sea) MAYS ἼπΡῸ ses ἮΗρι μὲν αἵ τε Κυδώνιαι στρ. μαλίδες ἀρδόμεναι ῥοῶν > nw [7 ἊΨ ἐκ ποταμῶν, ἵνα παρθένων n > , a > > θί κᾶπος ἀκήρατος, αἵ 7’ οἰνανθίδες 3 ’ὔ ἴων ε ᾽ 7 5 αὐξόμεναι σκιεροῖσιν ὑφ᾽ ἕρνεσιν οἰναρέοις θαλέθοισιν" ἐμοὶ δ᾽ ἔρος > , ΄ o ἀν ἘΝ ἰῷ a ΄ οὐδεμίαν κατάκοιτος ὥραν, ἅθ᾽ ὑπὸ στεροπᾶς φλέγων of fx +7 \ ΩΝ, 5. ΄ὔ΄ Θρηΐκιος βορέας, ἀίΐσσων παρὰ Κύπριδος ἀζαλέαις μα- / 5 x 5 Ν νίαισιν ἐρεμνὸς ἀθαμβὴς ἐγκρατέως πεδόθεν τινάσσει ε ΄ὔ 4 > το GpeTepas φρένας. ἄντ. II. (2). LOVE IN OLD AGE. cone} . . . . . — i i wre YS ww ONS -. NS Ni AS aia aa ο.-.-. 0 . . hoes . τες ---- --- ---..-.- --ς“ρ’σ-ς---- -Ὀὔὕῦ-΄.---Ἐ-Ἐ-,ς. - - ΞΟ ae SS πξς Se ee Ee δῦσα: IpyKos—I. 2. μολίδες Α. ῥοάν A. 4. κῆπος Α. οἰνανθίδος A. 7. κατάκητος. κατάκηλος Kaibel. ἅθ᾽ : τε A. 8. Θρηίκοις A. ἀθάμβησεν κραταιῶς A. 9. παῖδ᾽ ὅθεν φυλάσσει AZ τινάσσει Naeke ; σαλάσσει Schoemann. 10. ἡμετέρας. LB YKOS. Ξ —— cee . . ΟΡ a π 0 SS γὰς . . . . . . a ese SS OS es τ τὸ) SS = SS SS SS τς πὸ neal . . . ite - ξερὸ τὰς i ee "Epos αὖτέ με κυανέοισιν ὑπὸ βλεφάροις τακέρ᾽ ὄμ- κηλήμασι παντοδαποῖς ἐς ἄπειρα [μασι δερκόμενος δίκτυα Κύπριδός {μεὲδ βάλλει" ἢ μὰν τρομέω νιν ἐπερχόμενον, ὥστε φερέζυγος ἵππος ἀεθλοφόρος ποτὶ γήραι ἀέκων σὺν ὄχεσφι θοοῖς ἐς ἅμιλλαν ἔβα. III. (3. THE RADIANCE OF THE STARS. ze . . . . . ἃ fo. Se ees — el a Ὁ- “ὦ. ὧὖὖὸ ὖῷς» -ὦὄ..Ὅὕχὕτὸ Φλεγέθων, ἅπερ διὰ νύκτα μακρὰν σείρια παμφα- / VOWVTA IV. (4). Αἰεί μ᾽, ὦ pire Oupé, τανύπτερος ws ὅκα πορφυρίς V. (5). EURYALOS. . . . . —_— — — —_ — — ow —— SS . . . . . . _ τὰν — eS .ὄ -.--. τς -ς. --.. .-ς.ς- . --ἧ--ς- -ν.ὕ-΄΄““- -. ----- Εὐρύαλε, γλαυκξων Χαρίτων θάλος, καλλικόμων μελέδημα, σὲ μὲν Κύπρις ἅ 7 ἀγανοβλέφαρος Πειθὼ ῥοδέοισιν ἐν ἄνθεσι θρέψαν. InyKos—II. 2. εἰς. 6. ἀσκῶν. TIT. ἅπερ διὰ : ἅπερ τὰ. IV. θυμέ: οὐμε A. LBY KOS. 43 VI. (6). FLORAL OFFERINGS. . . Ω . ----.᾽ - --- «ἧς --Ὄ" — «-ἤὠ . . . . -----. ’ -- - ς- --.-- ὄβ --..ὕ. —_ ~~ Μύρτα τε καὶ ia καὶ ἑλίχρυσος μᾶλά τε καὶ ῥόδα καὶ τέρεινα δάφνα VII. (7). THE DAWN. . 4 . . “ . π = aS Se SS LSC SS LS EC SS ss SN Τᾶμος ἄυπνος κλυτὸς ὄρθρος ἐγείρῃσιν ἀηδόνας. VIII. (9). KASSANDRA. SS SEES I ap ep SC ee ek Re OAR Τλαυκώπιδα Κασσάνδραν, 5 / 4 , “Ὁ ” ἴω ἐρασιπλόκαμον κούραν Πριάμου φᾶμις ἔχῃσι βροτῶν. IX. (16). THE MOLIONES. — — ——— ees a Τούς τε λευκίππους κόρους τέκνα Μολιόνας κτάνον, . > / ε ,ὔ ἅλικας ἰσοπάλους, ἐνιγυίους, Lal > + δ 2 ἀμφοτέρους γεγαῶτας ἐν ὠέῳ 5 ἀργυρέῳ. VI. τέρινα δαφηα, A. VIII. κόρην A; κόραν cD. πριάμου AB; πριάμοιο CD. ἔχησι. IX. 1. κούρους. 8. ἰσοκεφάλους . ἑνιγύους. 44 LBYVKOS. X. (22. ORTYGIA’S DIKE. Ν 7 παρὰ χέρσον λίθινον ἔκλεκτον παλάμαισι βροτῶν" πρόσθεν νιν med ἀναριτᾶν 5 ᾽ὔ > £ , ἰχθύες ὠμοφάγοι νέμοντο. ΧΙ. (24. ΤῊΝ VOX POPULI NOT THE VOX DEI. Δέδοικα, μή τι παρ θεοῖς ἀμβλακὼν τιμὰν πρὸς ἀνθρώπων ἀμείψω. XII. (27). NO MEDICINE FOR DEATH. oe . . . . . a ----- — —_ — — —_—_~_ ~— —_— Οὐκ ἔστιν ἀποφθιμένοις (was ἔτι φάρμακον εὑρεῖν. PYTHERMOS. . - . . . -..: ewer — —_ ~~ -- — Οὐδὲν ἣν ἄρα τἄλλα πλὴν ὁ χρυσός. IpyKos—X. 2. τὸν παλάμαις. 8. πρόσθε. παῖδα νήριτον. μ' ρ np XI. 1. παρά Plato, Plut., Suidas; περί Suidas, s.v. Ἴβυκ. pno. 2 v.l. ἀμπλακών. ANAKREON. ANAKREON. I. (1). EIS APTEMIN. any a ἐξ το. EIN SS) ee ee BLN. Tovvotpaé σ᾽, ἐλαφηβόλε, Ἀ lal Ἅ ᾿ / ξανθὴ παῖ Διός, ἀγρίων δέσποιν’ Αρτεμι θηρῶν" “ “ DEN / 9 κου νῦν ext Ληθαίου ’ / 5 δίνῃσι θρασυκαρδίων 5 A“ 2 L / ἀνδρῶν ἐσκατορᾷς πόλιν χαίρουσ᾽ " οὐ γὰρ ἀνημέρους ποιμαίνεις πολιήτας. II. (2). EIS ΔΙΟΝΥ͂ΣΟΝ °Q’vak, ᾧ δαμάλης Ἔρως καὶ Νύμφαι κυανώπιδες πορφυρῆ τ’ ᾿Αφροδίτη συμπαίζουσιν, ἐπιστρέφεαι ὃ « Z > 7 = A τ 5 ὑψηλῶν κορυφὰς ὁρέων, γουνοῦμαί σε’ σὺ δ᾽ εὐμενὴς " me ΒΟΥ ον ΄ ? EXP ἡμῖν, κεχαρισμένης ὃ εὐχωλῆς ἐπακούειν. Κλευβούλῳ δ᾽ ἀγαθὸς γενεῦ 10 σύμβουλος" τὸν ἐμὸν δ᾽ epwr’, ὦ Δεύνυσε, δέχεσθαι. 45 ANAKREON—II. 3. roppupén. 5. ὑψηλὰς ὀρέων κορυφάς BVMW. 46 ANAKREON. . III. (3). KLEUBULOS. Κλευβούλου μὲν ἔγωγ᾽ ἐρέω, Κλευβούλῳ δ᾽ ἐπιμαίνομαι, Κλεύβουλον δὲ διοσκέω. IV. (4). LOVE UNHEEDED. Ὦ παῖ παρθένιον βλέπων, δίζημαί σε, σὺ δ᾽ οὐ Koes, > > / a nw 5 lal οὐκ εἰδώς, OTL τῆς ἐμῆς ψυχῆς ἡνιοχεύεις. V. (7). A STORM. Mels μὲν δὴ Ποσιδηϊὼν ἕστηκεν, νεφέλαι δ᾽ ὕδει «βρίθονται», βαρὺ δ᾽ ἄγριοι χειμῶνες παταγεῦσιν. VI. (8). MODERATION IN DESIRE. "Eyowy’ ov?’ ἂν ᾿Αμαλθείης βουλοίμην κέρας οὔτ᾽ ἔτεα πεντήκοντά τε κἀκατὸν Ταρτησσοῦ βασιλεῦσαι. VII. (14). A LESBIAN LOVE. Σφαίρῃ δηὖτέ pe πορφυρῇ βάλλων χρυσοκόμης "Epws ANAKREON—III. 1. ἐρῶ. 8. διοσκνέω cp. IV. 2. οὐ καιεις Α ; οὐκ ἀίεις B. VI. 1. ἐγώ 7’ ἂν οὔτ᾽. ᾿Αμαλθίης. 2. οὔτε Ta. 3. καὶ ἑκατόν. VII. 1. δεῦτε A. πορῴυρενι A. ANAKREON. 47 vive ποικιλοσαμβάλῳ συμπαίζειν προκαλεῖται" Ὁ ae) \ N is eee) ΄, ς ἡ δ᾽, ἐστὶν γὰρ ἀπ᾽ εὐκτίτου 4 ‘\ x > ἈΝ / Λέσβου, τὴν μὲν ἐμὴν κόμην, λ X\ , 7 εὐκὴ γάρ, καταμέμφεται, Ν 7 7 Ν ΄ πρὸς δ᾽ ἄλλην τινὰ χάσκει. VIIL. (17). WEIN WEIB UND GESANG. π΄ ee Ae DOE CRO Ξε ene I LC NS ᾿Ἠρίστησα μὲν itpiov λεπτοῦ μικρὸν ἀποκλάς, οἴνου δ᾽ ἐξέπιον κάδον, νῦν δ᾽ ἁβρῶς ἐρόεσσαν ψάλλω πηκτίδα TH φίλῃ κωμάζων rad’ ἁβρῃ. IX. (19). THE LEUKADIAN CLIFF. Be a SN a> NSE TS -.- πος YE Ρ| τ tS HY ᾿Αρθεὶς δηὖτ᾽ ἀπὸ Λευκάδος πέτρης ἐς πολιὸν κῦμα κολυμβῶ μεθύων ἔρωτι. X. (20). THE DELIGHTS OF YOUTH. τίς ἐρασμίην τρέψας θυμὸν ἐς ἥβην τερένων ἡμιόπων ὑπ᾽ αὐλῶν ὀρχεῖται ; ΧΙ. (21). ARTEMON. TsO, fe (Co) πο τος οἷ. OR eo Caen NO ΓΕ OS) γ{-Ξ οὐ Ξ- ΒΕ ον ν᾿ te τςς ts Ὁ τ EIN 3,6,9, 12 ΞΞΞ See ΞΡ ἘΞ ΘΒ es ΞΞΞ VII. 8. ποικίλος λαμβάνω A. 4. ἀπευκτικοῦ A. VIII. 3. παιδί. X. θρέψας. ἐσέβην τέρεν ws ἡμίοπον. 48 ἌΜΑ KREON. Πρὶν μὲν ἔχων βερβέριον, καλύμματ᾽ ἐσφηκωμένα, καὶ ξυλίνους ἀστραγάλους ἐν ὠσὶ καὶ ψιλὸν περὶ πλευρῇσι (δέρριονΣ βοός, / ” Lal > 49 > / νεόπλυτον εἴλυμα κακῆς ἀσπίδος, ἀρτοπώλισιν 9, Ψ' ε lA ε Ν 3 [4 ς κἀθελοπόρνοισιν ὁμιλέων ὁ πονηρὺς ᾿Αρτέμων, κίβδηλον εὑρίσκων βίον, 4 πολλὰ μὲν ἐν δουρὶ δεθεὶς αὐχένα, πολλὰ δ᾽ ἐν τροχῷ, πολλὰ δὲ νῶτον σκυτίνῃ μάστιγι θ θείς, κό ῶ ῃ μάστιγι θωμιχθείς, κόμην πώγωνά τ’ ἐκτετιλμένος" fal >>? , ΄ ΄ ΄ ΄ το νῦν δ᾽ ἐπιβαίνει σατινέων χρύσεα φορέων καθέρματα, πάις Kikys, καὶ σκιαδίσκην ἐλεφαντίνην φορεῖ γυναιξὶν αὔτως (ἐμφερής). XII. (24, 25). EROS FLIES FROM THE AGED. es) ee ee SS ΓΞ στ σον θεν - ᾿Αναπέτομαι δὴ πρὸς "Ολυμπον πτερύγεσσι κούφαις διὰ τὸν "Epwr’ οὐ γὰρ ἐμοὶ {παῖς» ἐθέλει συνηβᾶν. (Ἔρως) ὅς μ᾽ ἐσιδὼν γένειον «ε , 4 ’ ΜΡ Ἂν ὑποπόλιον χρυσοφαέννων πτερύγων ἀήταις ΄ παράπετεται. XIII. (28. RELICTA NON BENE PARMULA. τὸς ἘΞ Pico jeg ws Fe me nO -- ᾿Ασπίδα ῥίψας ποταμοῦ καλλιρόου παρ᾽ ὄχθας. ANAKREON—XI. 5. καὶ ἐθ. AR. ὁ πονηρὸς ὁ A. 7. τιθείς A. 8. δ᾽ ἐν ὠτω σκυτίνω A. 10. φαρέων A. 1]. παῖς ΔΑ. 13. αὕτως. ΧΙ]. 2. θέλει. 4. ἀετοῖς. j XIII. ριψες B. ποταμὸν A. ιλλιροου with κα superscr. over XA. παρ᾽ ὄχθας : τροχοὰς AB. 5 ANAKREON. 49 XIV. (41). MEGISTES. Hg . . . nN ~~ :- ew ww SS 4ΦἉ, --- --ὄ τ Ὁ - ---- -- «Ὁ» Μεγίστης δ᾽ ὁ φιλόφρων δέκα δὴ μῆνες ἐπεί τε στεφανοῦταί τε λύγῳ καὶ τρύγα πίνει μελιηδέα. XV. (42). THE PROPER MIXTURE. ) Καθαρῃ ὃ ἐν κελέβῃ πέντε CTE> καὶ τρεῖς ἀναχείσθω. XVI. (48). OLD AGE AND DEATH. Πολιοὶ μὲν ἡμὶν ἤδη κρόταφοι κάρη Te λευκόν, χαρίεσσα δ᾽ οὐκέτ᾽ ἥβη πάρα, γηραλέοι δ᾽ ὀδόντες, γλυκεροῦ δ᾽ οὐκέτι πολλὸς βιότου χρόνος λέλειπται" διὰ ταῦτ᾽ ἀνασταλύζω θαμὰ Τάρταρον δεδοικώς. ’Aidew γάρ ἐστι δεινὸς μυχός, ἀργαλῆ δ᾽ ἐς αὐτὸν / Ν Ν ε lal 4 Ν > lal κάθοδος" καὶ yap ἑτοῖμον καταβάντι μὴ ἀναβῆναι. ~— XVII. (45). THE POET’S CHARM. Ἐμὲ yap λόγων {μελέων 71> εἵνεκα παῖδες ἂν φιλοῖεν" χαρίεντα μὲν yap ἄδω, χαρίεντα δ᾽ οἶδα λέξαι. XVIII. (46). THE DICE OF EROS. = . . je ee— — —_—_~_ — —_— --- ᾿Αστραγάλαι δ᾽ "Ερωτός εἰσιν μανίαι τε καὶ κυδοιμοί. XVI. 1. ἡμῖν. 2. οὐκ ἔθ᾽. 6. ἕτοιμον. XVIII. εἰσι. κυδοίμοιο. Ρ 50 ANAKREON. XIX. (47). EROS THE SMITH. — — kk ΕΝ ΕΘ (LILI) 0h τονε pS Μεγάλῳ δηῦτέ μ᾽ [ἥρως ἔκοψεν ὥστε χαλκεὺς πελέκει, χειμερίῃ δ᾽ ἔλουσεν ἐν χαράδρῃ. XX. (50). DEATH FREES FROM PAIN. "Aro μοι θανεῖν γένοιτ᾽" οὐ γὰρ ἂν ἄλλη λύσις ἐκ πόνων γένοιτ᾽ οὐδαμὰ τῶνδε. ΧΧΙ. (51). THE DESERTED FAWN. ᾿Αγανῶς οἷά τε νεβρὸν νεοθηλέα γαλαθηνόν, ὅστ᾽ ἐν ὕλῃ κεροέσσης ἀπολειφθεὶς ὑπὸ μητρὺς ἐπτοήθη XXII. (54). THE FESTIVAL OF DIONYSOS. "Ext δ᾽ ὀφρύσιν σελίνων στεφανίσκους / / ε ἈΝ 5 {A θέμενοι θάλειαν ὁρτὴν ἀγάγωμεν Διονύσῳ. XXIII. (62). EROS THE BOXER. Φέρ᾽ ὕδωρ, φέρ᾽ οἶνον, ὦ παῖ, φέρε (δ᾽) ἀνθεμοῦντας ἡμὶν στεφάνους, ἔνεικον, ὡς δὴ πρὸς ἔρωτα πυκταλίζω. ANAKREON—XXI. 8. ὑπολ- ν.]. ἀπό v.1. XXII. ἑορτήν, perhaps with synizesis. XXIII. 2. ἀνθεμεῦντας ἡμῖν. 3. δή Orion; μή Athen. cE. ANAKREON. 51 XXIV. (63). SOBRIETY IN THE REVEL. "Aye δή, φέρ᾽ ἡμίν, ὦ παῖ, κελέβην, ὅκως ἄμυστιν προπίω, τὰ μὲν δέκ᾽ ἐγχέας ὕδατος, τὰ πέντε δ᾽ οἴνου 5 κυάθους, ὡς ἀνυβρίστως ἀνὰ δηὖτε βασσαρήσω. ” a a) “ ἄγε δεῦτε μηκέτ᾽ οὕτω {γι ἰλαλητῷ πατάγῳ τε κἀλαλητᾷ Σκυθικὴν πόσιν παρ᾽ οἴνῳ Ic μελετῶμεν, ἀλλὰ καλοῖς ὑποπίνοντες ἐν ὕμνους XXV. (65). EROS THE SOVEREIGN. «Τὸν» "ἔρωτα τὸν yap ἁβρὸν μέλομαι βρύοντα μίτραις πολυανθέμοισ᾽ ἀείδειν" ὅδε γὰρ θεῶν δυνάστης, ὅδε καὶ βροτοὺς δαμάξει. XXVI. (74). THE POET’S TEMPERAMENT. ΡΞ τειν -Ξ od a τ ἐγὼ δὲ μισέξω πάντας, ὅσοι χθονίους ἔχουσι ῥυσμοὺς καὶ χαλεπούς: μεμάθηκά o’, ὦ Μεγίστη, τῶν ἀβακιζομένων. XXIV. 1. ἡμῖν. 5. ἂν ὑβριστιῶσανα A. 6. δευτε A. 7. δηυτε μηκέθ᾽ Α. ΧΧΥ. 9. μέλπομαι. XXVI. 2. ὅσοι: οἵ. ῥυθμούς. 3. μεμαθήκασιν, ὡς μεγίστη ; perhaps δ᾽ ὦ, 52 ANAKREON. XXVII. (75). A COY MAIDEN. = es Rae . . . . - .-- — --- -᾿ ----. --- -, --- -- . . . ο . . -- .--. --- -- -- --᾿ —_ —_~ —— ςς. Πῶλε Θρῃκίη, τί δή pe λοξὸν ὄμμασιν βλέπουσα νηλεῶς φεύγεις, δοκεῖς δέ μ᾽ οὐδὲν εἰδέναι σοφόν ; ἴσθι τοι, καλῶς μὲν ἄν τοι τὸν χαλινὸν ἐμβάλοιμι, ἡνίας δ᾽ ἔχων στρέφοιμί ἀμφὶ τέρματα δρόμου. 5 νῦν δὲ λειμῶνάς τε βόσκεαι κοῦφά τε σκιρτῶσα παίζεὶς" δεξιὸν γὰρ ἱπποσείρην οὐκ ἔχεις ἐπεμβάτην. XXVIII. (76). ΑΝ OLD MAN’S LOVE. Κλῦθί μευ γέροντος, εὐέθειρα χρυσόπεπλε κούρη. XXIX. (86). THE EFFEMINATE MAN. Καὶ θάλαμος, ἐν τῷ κεῖνος οὐκ ἔγημεν, GAN ἐγήματο, XXX. (89). LOVE UNDER CONTROL. CB Προ τα Sathag puis NC a pra Stee ei δε; nia τον hae * 4 "Epéw τε δηὖτε KOUK ἐρέω καὶ μαίνομαι κοὺ μαίνομαι. ANAKREON—XXVII. 2. δοκέεις. 6. ἱπποπείρην.. οὐχ ἕξεις. XXVIII. ν.]. εὐέθειρε Schol. κούρα. ; XXIX. 6. XXX. ἐρῶ. LASOS. 53 LASOS. ΥΜΝΟΣ ΕἸΣ THN EPMIONI AHMHTPA. Bet ἐμοὶ OE ee ee eon -Ξ Ὡς ey ΞΕ τ ον τ πὸ τσ τὸ ως Δάματρα μέλπω κόραν τε Κι λυμένοι᾽ ἄλοχον Μελίβοιαν ὕμνων ἀναγνέων Αἰολίδ᾽ ἅμα βαρύβρομον ἁρμονίαν. TELESILLA. pe τ τ τι "Ad Ἄρτεμις, ὦ κόραι, φεύγοισα τὸν ᾿Αλφεόν. SIMONIDES. EIKOMIA. I. (4). ΕἸΣ TOTS EN OEPMOIITAAIS OANONTAS. ao εὐ Ce Re ὁ ς - Ἐξεῖ--- - τὺ, τ Ξ- το ς το ee Ξε τ ν πὸ οἷς we aN 5 cows Ses, ὡς, Hones ee =A Ses es a —— 53 — .--ἀ͵͵χΌκνι peer τ το τ RN Ste) nae | Sek Re Pee —— SNS Se LS eS ee — IN . © ς: . --ὄὕ.. SSS SS eS Se EE a γ8, Tov ἐν Θερμοπύλαισι θανόντων εὐκλεὴς μὲν ἃ τύχα, καλὸς δ᾽ ὁ πότμος, ΠΕ ES τὰνν δε τος τ ee Lasos+2. ὕμνον ἀναγνῶν A. 3. ἅμα Wilam.: ἀνά. 84 STMONIDES, βωμὸς δ᾽ ὁ τάφος, πρὸ γόων δὲ μνᾶστις, ὁ δ᾽ οἶκτος > / \ lel Ce | > Ἂν " ἐντάφιον δὲ τοιοῦτον οὔτ᾽ εὐρὼς [ἔπαινος" 5 ov ὁ πανδαμάτωρ ἀμαυρώσει χρόνος. > A > a “ δ ἜΝ > , ἀνδρῶν ἀγαθῶν ὅδε σακὸς οἰκέταν εὐδοξίαν Ἑλλάδος εἵλετο" μαρτυρεῖ δὲ καὶ Λεωνίδας ὁ Σπάρτας βασιλεύς, ἀρετᾶς μέγαν λελοιπὼς κόσμον ἀέναόν τε κλέος. II. (5). ΣΚΟΙΑΙῚ TOI ΚΡΕΟΝΤΟΣ ΘΕΣΣΑΛΩΙ. ‘ 3 es ee αν ue aN : . - ΞΞΞῊ 65 ΞΕ EP Se το σε Ὁ ne τὰν Oe [ΣΕ : a _—_—_~— «---..-. 7 ὃ [᾿Ξ : a ee ee ee =a Η . ~ Ww: Ξ -- ee ς, 5 Δὶς i 5 Ὁ 3) -- Le ee ας fag (hoe as ἘΞ SS --:ς. -΄΄΄ ῦῸῬῸ-ς...λὲΣ ---.ς. ee -. «---"ὄ -.--»“’ῖ. _—_—_ "Ανδρ᾽ ἀγαθὸν μὲν ἀλαθέως γενέσθαι χαλεπόν, στρ. α΄. χερσίν τε καὶ ποσὶ καὶ νόῳ τετράγωνον, ἄνευ ψόγου τετυγμένον. (Five verses missing). οὐδέ μοι ἐμμελέως τὸ Πιττάκειον νέμεται, στρ. β΄. , lal Ν ΟΝ > / Ξ A καίτοι σοφοῦ Tapa φωτὸς εἰρημένον χαλεπὸν γι 9 Ἂς ” par’ ἐσθλὸν ἔμμεναι. \ ” , A)» ΄ ” ) > " ς θεὸς ἄν μόνος τοῦτ᾽ ἔχοι γέρας" ἄνδρα δ᾽ οὐκ ἔστι μὴ οὐ κακὸν ἔμμεναι, a > / Ν / dv ἀμάχανος συμφορὰ καθέλῃ. ΄ 2 Ss [4 > ‘ > ¥; πράξας yap εὖ πᾶς ἀνὴρ ἀγαθός, Srmonipes—I. 3. προγόνων. oiros. 6. ὁ δὲ σηκός οἰκετᾶν. 7. εἵλατο. II. 6. ὃν ἄν. 7. πράξας μὲν γάρ. « STMONIDES. 55 κακὸς δ᾽, εἰ κακῶς {τ καὶ τὸ πλεῖστον ἄριστοι, τοὺς θεοὶ φιλέωντι. “4, " ” rly EDEN \ \ 4 x if το TOVVEKEV OVTOT’ ἐγὼ τὸ μὴ γενέσθαι δυνατὸν OTP. Y. ’, \ > ” 2 ΄ ἴω διζήμενος κενεὰν ἐς ἄπρακτον ἐλπίδα μοῖραν 3A - αἰῶνος βαλέω, , ” > “4 iid ὃ πανάμωμον ἄνθρωπον, εὐρυέδεος ὅσοι καρπὸν αἰνύμεθα χθονός" > /, tka | ἰ - ἊΝ > ΄ ἐπί T ὕμμιν εὑρὼν ἀπαγγελέω. , » 9 ΄ \ ΄ πάντας δ᾽ ἐπαίνημι καὶ φιλέω, ε Ν a ψ 15 ἑκὼν ὅστις ἕρδῃ μηδὲν αἰσχρόν" ἀνάγκᾳ δ᾽ οὐδὲ θεοὶ μάχονται. , : : : : 5 : ἐ στρ. δ΄. > REBT. cS) 7 : εὐ ἐξαρκεῖ γ᾽ ἐμοΐ, ca A > Ν 9) Oo, 3 , > 4 3 ὃς ἂν ἢ κακὸς μηδ᾽ ἄγαν ἀπάλαμνος, εἰδώς Y 3 / , ὀνασίπολιν δίκαν, ε nN J. 7 ION , SN ὑγιὴς ἀνήρ᾽ οὐδὲ μή μιν ἐγὼ ͵, a 2 Sr GNLOE 20 μωμήσομαι" TOV yap ἀλιθίων 5 Bi 7 ἀπείρων γενέθλα. vA - r / ᾽ 5 ἣν Ν ry πάντα τοι καλά, τοῖσί τ’ αἰσχρὰ μὴ μέμεικται. ἘΠΙΝΤΚΟΙ. Ill. (7). VICTORIOUS MULES. Xaiper’ ἀελλοπόδων θύγατρες ἵππων. II. 9. ἐπὶ πλεῖστον δὲ καί. 13. ἔπειθ᾽ ὑμῖν. 10. ἀνάγκῃ. 18. ὃς μὴ κακὸς ἢ. γε ὀνήσει πόλιν. 19. οὐ μὴν ἐγώ. 20. ἠλιθίων. 21. γένε- Ora, 22, μέμικται Smyth. 56 SIMONIDES. IV. (8). TAATKOI ΚΑΡΥΣΤΊΩΙ ΠΥΚΤΗΙ. οὐδὲ Πολυδεύκεος βία lal > 7 De > 7 > nw χεῖρας ἀντείναιτ᾽ ἂν ἐναντίον αὐτῷ, οὐδὲ σιδάρεον ᾿Αλκμάνας τέκος. V. (10. ΑΣΤΎΛΩΙ KPOTONIATHI. ΕΞ is ἘΞ τ es Ἐν : πε τ νος 5 ΞΡ ἀπ τς τ τν τ τ τ ΎΘ ΎΘΘΕΘ Re hire τ δόντες τς Τίς δὴ τῶν νῦν τοσάσδε πετάλοισι μύρτων ἢ στεφάνοισι ῥόδων ἀνεδήσατο νίκας ae. ΑΝ σι ΄ εν αγωνι TEPLKTLOVOV 5 VI. (12). HALCYON DAYS. eee YE eee ee ee τ πϑν τὸ ea en ee re te Cie ΞΞ ΚΞ ΕΞ ee (LCL Be ποτ ς 8 Ὁ τ ΘΕ ‘Os ὁπόταν χειμέριον κατὰ μῆνα πινύσκῃ Ζεὺς ἄματα τέσσαρα καὶ δέκα, λαθάνεμόν τέ μιν ὥραν καλέουσιν ἐπιχθόνιοι ἱρὰν παιδοτρόφον ποικίλας / ἀλκυόνος. ΞΙΜΟΝΙΡΕΒ -ἰΝ. ἐναντίας. V. τοσάδε vulg.; τόσας δή Flor. STMONIDES. 57 VIl. (18). THE PELEIADES. : . - ᾿Ξ ΕΞ Ξ-ς σ —— ες ee, ——S SS _ =~ Ld ° = = . . . ΄. —— —S => — es SCL — —=— Ss τὶ . = . = . et ee ee .".. ---- — :- ------- - . . ° . . . —~— - Lr —— mess ws —— Δίδωτι δ᾽ εὖχος “Eppas ἐναγώνιος, Μαιάδος οὐρείας ἑλικοβλεφάρου παῖς" ἔτικτε δ᾽ "AtAas ἑπτὰ ἰοπλοκάμων φιλᾶν θυγατρῶν τάν γ᾽ ἔξοχον εἶδος, ταὶ καλέονται ΤΠελειάδες οὐράνιαι. ΥΠΟΡΧΗΜΑΤΑ. VIII. (29. A WINDING BOUT. CO ees, ROSS: 20 eee =A ΕΞ -- --- Se = TN CO Bn - -, τς SE SES ᾿Απέλαστον ἵππον ἢ κύνα ᾿Αμυκλαίαν ἀγωνίῳ ἐλελιζόμενος Todi μίμεο, καμπύλον μέλος διώκων. IX. (80. THE CHASE. ° “4. ταὶ ων στ νον τὰ ene οὐ SS ae ae mes ----.-.-. -ὄἕ -: κα 5 Loa pie fee σα, es ee gee ene bist ey Aoi 5 oats οἷος ἀνὰ Δώτιον ἀνθεμόεν πεδίον tA / ig TETATAL θάνατον κεροέεσσᾳ VII. 1. δευτεσερμας A. εὖχος Jacobs. 8. ἔπιτα A. φίλαν θυγαγέρων A. 4. ἁγικαλ-. A. IX. 2. τε πεδίον. 3. κεράσασα. 58 SITMONIDES. ε ΄ , εὑρέμεν ματεύων ἐλάφῳ" Ἂν ype ) ΕἸ 5 τὰν δ᾽ ἐπ’ αὐχένι στρέφοισαν ἔτειρ᾽ ὃν κάρα , hee Jot } “5 TAVT ἐπ οὐμον. X. (31). THE CRETAN STRAIN. πα δὲ γαρῦσαι σύν 7 ἐλαφρὸν ὄρχημ᾽ ἀοιδᾷ ποδῶν μιγνύμεν Κρῆτά μιν καλέουσι τρόπον, τὸ δ᾽ ὄργανον Μολοσσόν. OPHNOI. ΧΙ. (32). EI ΣΚΟΠΑΔΑΣ. oer eee eee ey atu te στ τ een Le -- -.-.ὕ. le a a es EN Se a πὸ ae Ὲ ἘΞΞ EN AN. a) 20 n / μὲ ! ᾿ " νθρωπος ἐὼν μήποτε φάσῃς ὅ τι γίνεται αὔριον, 2) oF ION ” “ , μὲ τ μηδ᾽ ἄνδρα ἰδὼν ὄλβιον, ὅσσον χρόνον ἔσσεται ὠκεῖα γὰρ οὐδὲ τανυπτερύγου μυίας / ε ΄ οὕτως α μεταστασίις. XII. (36). THE LIFE OF THE DEMI-GODS. --ἬὔΟὔὌἨὈ... ἘΞ τ 15ς- παρα τας ὦ πεν Sa 5 — ΞΕΞΕ Θ΄ π5 SS ee τ ΞΕ meee LE -- ον τὸς, «:--Ξ ---.. =A SS “SS — ~~ LO a ΞΞ Κ᾿ ΞΙΜΟΝΙΡΕΒ--Χ. 4. μανύων. 5. στέφοιαν ἕτερον κάρα. 6. πάντα ἕτοιμον. X. ὅταν δὲ γηρῶσαι νῦν ἐλαφρὸν ὄρχημα οἶδα. ΧΙ. 1. φήσῃς. STMONIDES. 59 Οὐδὲ yap ot πρότερόν ποτ᾽ ἐπέλοντο, θεῶν δ᾽ ἐξ ἀνάκτων ἐγένονθ᾽ υἷες ἡμίθεοι, ἄπονον οὐδ᾽ ἄφθιτον οὐδ᾽ ἀκίνδυνον βίον ἐς γῆρας ἐξίκοντο τελέσσαντες. XIII. (37). DANAE AND PERSEUS. Ξ -- τς ee eS SRK CTP Sens os Ss -- - oo een Bes 2 Sgt ΟΞ ξ ge Rar nae SS SC ws Se — SN Es SS ae oo ee 5. ΞΞΞ Sy SS eR ee ἘΞ τὸ εν -- -ο-.ὕ᾿ς.,.. τ-- ΕΟ τ Aes τ τους τ ν᾿ Rees ΕΞ Se itd ie EONS ἐπ. Sys a TSS SS -τὰ 2 @ : [see ss ee τεῷ SS —_~— τ τὶ τὺ Ὁ κ5...-- πὸ τ ξὺν ΞΕ Se ES SR i SO NSLS CS Saas Sess Ὅτε λάρνακι δαιδαλέᾳ ἄνεμος τέτμε πνέων κινηθεῖσά τε λίμνα, δείματι ἤριπεν οὐκ ἀδιάντοισιν παρειαῖς ἀμφί τε Περσέϊ βάλλε φίλαν yep’, εἶπέν τ᾿ “ὦ ς οἷον ἔχω πόνον᾽ σὺ δ᾽ ἀωτεῖς" [τέκος, ἀντ. XII. τελέσαντες. XIII. 1. ἐν δαιδαλαίᾳ. τε μὴν πνέων. οὔτ᾽ ἀδίαν τοῖσι. δέ. 8. δείματι ἔριπεν 5. οὐ δ᾽ ἀυταῖς Reg.; σὺ δ᾽ αὖτε εἰς Athen. 60 10 I αι SIMONIDES. γαλαθηνῷ δ᾽ ἠθεὶ κνώσσεις ἐν ἀτερπεῖ δούρατι χαλκεογόμφῳ, νυκτιλαμπεῖ κυανέῳ τε δνόφῳ ταθείς" ἅλμαν δ᾽ ὕπερθεν τεᾶν κομᾶν βαθεῖαν ΄, ΄ > ΝΡ JQ) 3. ἐν παριόντος κύματος οὐκ ἀλέγεις, οὐδ᾽ ἀνέμων φθόγγον, πορφυρέαισιν , 2 ΄ὔ la XQ / κείμενος ἐν χλανίσιζν, προσίχων καλὸν» πρόσωπον. εἰ δέ τοι δεινὸν τό γε δεινὸν ἦν, ἐπ. καί κεν ἐμῶν ῥημάτων λεπτὸν ὑπεῖχες ovas. κέλομαι εὗδε βρέφος, εὑδέτω δὲ πόντος, εὑδέτω (δ) ἄμετρον κακόν" μεταιβολία δέ τις φανείη, Ζεῦ πάτερ, ἐκ σέο. bid \ , a ὅττι δὲ θαρσαλέον ἔπος " \ , , ΄ ΄, 2) εὔχομαι καὶ νόσφι δίκας, σύγγνωθί μοι. XIV. (38). DEATH THE END OF ALL THINGS. . . i Πάντα γὰρ μίαν ἱκνεῖται δασπλῆτα Χάρυβδιν, ε ΄ὔ 2, 5 \ Are x a at μεγάλαι τ᾽ ἀρεταὶ καὶ ὃ πλοῦτος. XV. (39). ‘*MAN’S FEEBLE RACE, WHAT ILLS AWAIT?” — ew Ὁ .---- 55" --- - —S oe wes wes Stmon1pEs—XIII. 6. ἐγαλαθηνωδεῖ θεικνοώσσεις. 7. x. δέ. 8. ταθείς: τὰ δ᾽ εἰς. 9. ἅλμαν : αὐλέαν. τεὰν κόμαν. 10. περιόν- τος. ἀνέμον. 11. πορφυρέα. 12. χλανίσι πρόσωπον. 13. ἢν : ἢ. 14. κεκεν. λεπτῶν. 17. μᾶιβουλία. 18. ὅτι δή. 19. εὔχομαι κνόφι. SITMONIDES. 61 ᾿Ανθρώπων ὀλίγον μὲν κάρτος, ἄπρακτοι δὲ μεληδόνες, 3A SS ’ὔ i. > Ν / αἰῶνι δὲ παύρῳ πόνος ἀμφὶ Tove’ ς >» CEN. 2 ΄ ΄ ὁ δ᾽ ἄφυκτος ὁμῶς ἐπικρέμαται θάνατος" ΄, \ ” , ΄ τ, i973 Q κείνου yap ἰσον λάχον μέρος οἵ τ’ ἀγαθοὶ ᾽ὔ ὅστις τε κακός. 5 Ez AAHAQN EIAQN. XVI. (40). ORPHEUS. Sf ee ee ot ON τοῦ καὶ ἀπειρέσιοι πωτῶντ᾽ ὄρνιθες ὑπὲρ κεφαλᾶς, ἀνὰ δ᾽ ἰχθύες ὀρθοὶ κυανέου ᾿ξ ὕδατος ἅλλοντο καλᾷ σὺν ἀοιδᾷ. XVII. (41). ORPHEUS. ΒΝ eS es Bee wat Seen ΠΌΑ Ἢ er aaa Ea Οὐδὲ yap ἐννοσίφυλλος ἀήτα τότ᾽ ὦρτ᾽ ἀνέμων, ἅτις κατεκώλυε κιδναμένα μελιαδέα γᾶρυν > a <3 κ A αράρειν AKOGLOL βροτῶν. XVIII. (4. MAN BEGUILED BY THE GODS. peer elena BML TOA) CEES? iat. SR “Petia θεοὶ κλέπτουσιν ἀνθρώπων νόον. NOVA 3. ἐξ. XVII. 1. ἀήτη. 2. σκιδναμένα. 62 SITMONIDES. XIX. (46). THE MUSE’S HARVEST. ee aN . . a . . yy > sees ss ἘΠ es SS OC SS. Ow ‘A Μοῖσα yap οὐκ ἀπόρως yever τὸ παρὸν μόνον, > aS oe ἀλλ᾽ ἐπέρχεται , θ ana ΄, ΡΟΣ ee eh) ” πάντα θεριζομένα" μή μοι καταπαύετ᾽, ἐπείπερ ἄρξατο τερπνοτάτων μελέων ὁ καλλιβόας πολύχορδος αὐλός. XX. (52). ARCHEMOROS. . . "τ... — ς.. -'ἰ-.-.- ΡΣ ΘΕ ς Spee pe a pS ee > ΄ A > / ἰοστεφάνου γλυκεῖαν ἐδάκρυσαν Ν > "As Ἂς ta ἢ ψυχὰν ἀποπνέοντα γαλαθηνὸν τέκος ΧΧΙ. (53). MELEAGER. _ —_~— — — Ab Ὁ Ξ - A ee es ee ---- - 4 Se > a) ~~ τον, S55 ----- a Ν ’ ὃς δουρὶ πάντας νίκασε νέους δινάεντα βαλὼν "Avavpov ὕπερ πολυβότρυος ἐξ Ἰωλκοῦ" [2 Ν “3 ἠδὲ ys , ” Xr nr οὕτω yap Ὅμηρος ἠδὲ Στασίχορος ἄεισε Acaots. XXII. (57). AGAINST KLEOBULOS. . . —_~_~_ ~~ ----ὔς-- ---..-.1..ὕ ..-- SrmonipDES— XIX. 1. Μοῦσα. XXI. 2. νικᾶις eveous A. 5 SIMONIDES. = eae ee ees — ~—— — —=— | δεν ee ee, So π᾿ [uns στ ke π τ τ΄ see ΠΕ eg ee te (ie ee Les =) ——/N\ ieee SS ae a Tis κεν αἰνήσειε vow πίσυνος Λίνδου ναέταν Κα λεύ- ee? - ” θ ees gg 5 A ἀενάοις ποταμοῖσιν ἄνθεσί τ᾽ εἰαρινοῖς [βουλον ἀελίου τε φλογὶ χρυσέας τε σελάνας καὶ θαλασσαίαισι δίναις avti θέντα μένος στάλας ; Ld , Σ las 2 / Ν ἅπαντα γάρ ἐστι θεῶν ἥσσω: λίθον δὲ καὶ βρότεοι παλάμαι θραύοντι" μωροῦ φωτὸς ἅδε βουλά. XXIII. (58). VIRTUE. eS ee aN eres 11}: τ ΠΣ ΤΕ Εἶδε γε SS co ee ace Ss sz —S SS ΞΕ ΞΞ ( |:- ( =) SS eee Saat oe ὅσ τὰς ᾿Ξ SS ΝΎ: ( Ἔστι τις λόγος τ΄--. ..:᾿ς-ς. _—_ ys —— JN τ ἢ --.-.-" ..-ΌὔΌΎῪΓΛ — — - 6 —~ — — Ν ) ἣν , / 5 Ν £ = τὰν ᾿Αρετὰν ναίειν δυσαμβάτοις ἐπὶ πέτραις ἁγνὰν δέ μιν θεὰν χῶρον ἁγνὸν ἀμφέπειν. JX lA οὐδὲ πάντων βλεφάροις θνατῶν ἔσοπτος, ᾧ μὴ δακέθυμος ἱδρὼς Ε , [2 / ? > 5» ἔνδοθεν μόλῃ, ἵκηταί 7 ἐς ἄκρον 5 ’ ἀνδρείας. XXII. 1. νῷ. 2. ποταμοῖς. 8. χρυσᾶς. 6. βρότειοι. XXIII. 8. νῦν δέ μιν θυάν. 6. ἵκητ᾽ ἐς. 4, ἀντιθέντα στήλας. θά SIMONIDES. XXIV. (60). THE DEAD IN LIFE. a) Ce ΕΞ εν ae 8 ΞΕ. Ὥνθρωπε, κεῖσαι ζῶν ἔτι μᾶλλον τῶν ὑπὸ yas ἐκείνων. ΧΧΥ. (61). VIRTUE IS OF HEAVEN. ee εν. =N ety Ss es es es Ξ 3 ” ” A Ours ἄνευ θεῶν ἀρετὰν λάβεν, οὐ πόλις, οὐ βροτός. τ Ἔ , ey? \ θεὸς ὁ rappntis’ ἀπήμαντον δὲ 557 3 > A οὐδέν ἐστιν ev θνατοῖς. ΧΧΥ͂Ι. (62). RES HUMANAE INSTABILES. es RoR =A ester — a — ome πα οὐκ ἔστιν κακὸν ἀνεπιδόκητον ἀνθρώποις, ὀλίγῳ δὲ χρόνῳ ὔ ’ ) πάντα μεταρρίπτει θεός. XXVII. (65. MORS ET FUGACEM PERSEQUITUR VIRUM. shia . - . 65 Se ΞΟῚ ae —S—— a FIN Ὃ & αὖ θάνατος κίχε καὶ τὸν φυγόμαχον. SimontpEs—XXIV. γῆς. XXV. 4. αὐτοῖς. STMONIDES. XXVIII. (66). SILENCE. ee er ee, en I Se » QA nw 5 , A Ἔστι καὶ σιγᾶς ἀκίνδυνον γέρας. ἢ ρ XXIX. (69). WHAT’S DONE IS DONE. ~~ i-we wa ——~_—S SS —~_~— ~— —_ --- — --- TS yap γεγενημένον οὐκέτ᾽ ἄρεκτον ἔσται. XXX. (70). HEALTH. Se Ss τες ὙΠ τς [ee SS eas: . . . — Se _— —_~_— ~— — Οὐδὲ Karas σοφίας ἐστὶν χάρις, εἰ μή τις ἔχει σεμνὰν ὑγίειαν. XXXI. (71). PLEASURE. iC ve vas $2 SUA ΞΕ OS ἘΝ ΕΣ SS ee ey Bee -Ξ ὦ. -- —— ~— SS ΟΞ oS Tis γὰρ adovas ἄτερ θνατῶν Bios ποθεινὸς ἢ ποία τυραννίς ; τᾶς δ᾽ ἄτερ οὐδὲ θεῶν ζαλωτὸς αἰών. XXXII. (72). ROSY LIPS. eae > wv Satan Spe —~S— w~ —- > — ae , πορφυρέου ΠΡΌ ΟΝ, ’ ca Ν Ua aro στόματος ἱεῖσα φωνὰν παρθένος. 65 i, XXXI. 2. θνητῶν. 3. ζηλωτός. EB 66 STMONIDES. XXXII. (73). THE NIGHTINGALE. Sf > —— a a BE ye SEIN ee ee Kir’ ἀηδόνες πολυκώτιλοι, χλωραύχενες, εἰαριναί XXXIV. (74. THE HARBINGER OF SPRING. et a ~S Se = Ὁ ἢ = = eer en a Ce δος ἴΑγγελε κλυτὰ ἔαρος ἁδυόδμου, Kvavea χελιδοῖ XXXV. (75). WINE AND POETRY. ἐξελέγχει (δ᾽ ὁ νέος i 3 ve. “ > ἣν ε Ν lal οἶνος οὐ τὸ πέρυσι δῶρον ἀμπέλου" ὁ δὲ μῦθος ao ’, ὅδε κενεόφρων. XXXVI. (76). APPEARANCES AND TRUTH. Τὸ δοκεῖν καὶ τὰν ἀλάθειαν βιᾶται. TIMOKREON. TI. (1). THEMISTOKLES.. a a ee ey rege he τ ΠΟΥ τ 19 Se ΞΕ ἘΞ OTP. ἘΞ κα Ὁ τος εξ, ee | Ὁ Ὁ ee = TIMOKREON. 67 ἐπ. Ξ ἘΠ ee Le Ψ es a Σ- ε:.- παν σις εν δα st Seg ποτ. Sew SS SS a+ Eee Boe Bee EN ΞΟ ΒΕ 555 "AXN εἰ τύγε Παυσανίαν ἢ καὶ τύγε Ἐάνθιππον αἰνεῖς στρ. ἢ τύγε Λευτυχίδαν, ἐγὼ δ᾽ ᾿Αριστείδαν ἐπαινέω ἄνδρ᾽ tepav am’ ᾿Αθανᾶν ἐλθεῖν ἕνα λῷστον, ἐπεὶ Θεμιστοκλῆ᾽ ἤχθαρε Λατώ, 5 ψεύσταν, ἄδικον, προδόταν, ὃς Τιμοκρέοντα ξεῖνον ἐόντα ἄντ. 5 Pp lal Ν » an ἀργυρίοισι κυβαλικοῖσι πεισθεὶς οὐ κατᾶγεν ἐς πατρίδ᾽ ᾿Ιάλυσον᾽ λαβὼν δὲ τρί ἀργυρίου τάλαντ᾽ ἔβα πλέων εἰς ὄλεθρον, Ἂν ἘΝ 4, 3Q7 : Ν » > » Ἂν τοὺς μὲν κατάγων ἀδίκως, τοὺς δ᾽ ἐκδιώκων, τοὺς δὲ καίνων, ἐπ. το ἀργυρίων ὑπόπλεος" Ἰσθμοῖ δ᾽ ἐπανδόκευε γελοίως ψυχρὰ κρέα παρέχων" εῷν " " Nee ͵ ΄ οἱ δ᾽ ἤσθιον κηὔχοντο μὴ ὦραν Θεμιστοκλέος γενέσθαι. — II. (2). SS ———— [ee SON SS SE ee SN oS a πεν πὰ po © Μοῦσα, τοῦδε τοῦ μέλεος κλέος av “KAAavas τίθει, [2 > x A ᾽ὔὕ ὡς ἐοικὸς καὶ δίκαιον. TimoKREON—I. 4. Θεμιστοκλῆα vulg., -κλέα δ᾽ Fa. 6. σκυβαλικοῖσι vulg.; βαλικοῖσι i; κυμβαλικοῖσι Fa., C. superscr. 7. els. 10. ὑπόπλειος Fa. 12. ὥραν Θεμιστοκλέους. 68 TIMOKREON. ΤΠ: 15). ον στ 5} peat =n Ss Ee 533. ei —— Sex 5 ee 0 eres χε ὦ ” ᾿» ἴω Οὐκ ἄρα Τιμοκρέων μοῦνος Ψ,. e ᾿ς Μήδοισιν ὁρκιατόμει, GAN ἐντὶ κἄλλοι δὴ πονηροί" ἌΠΟ Ν ΄ , δ οὐκ ἐγὼ μόνα κόλουρις 5 ἐντὶ καὶ ἄλλαι ἀλώπεκες. IV. (8). PLUTOS. DO a i ed een Lae SE τ τὸ τς ee a SS [HA "Ωφελέν σ᾽, ὦ τυφλὲ Πλοῦτε, μήτε γῇ μήτ᾽ ἐν θαλάσσῃ μήτ᾽ ἐν ἠπείρῳ φανῆμεν, > 4 , , ΄ δ. Ὁ; : Ν \ \ eo Τὰ ἀλλὰ Τάρταρόν τε ναίειν κἀχέροντα' διὰ σὲ yap πάντ (ἔστ᾽ ἐν ἀνθρώποις κακά, KORINNA. I. (2). ORION. τ 1.5. ΞΞΞ τος 2) ὁ Ξε τὸς TrmoKREON—III. 2, ὅρκια τέμοι vulg. IV. 1. ἐν γῇ . φανήμεναι. KORINNA, — 69 Νίκασ᾽ ὁ μεγαλοσθένης Ὦαρίων, χώραν τ᾽ ἀφ᾽ eds πᾶσαν ὠνύμανεν. IL. (9. AWAKE, KORINNA! Ἤ διανεκῶς εὕδεις ; οὐ μὰν πάρος ἦσθα, Κόριννα, III. (10). HER THEME. SS ee τὺ es “Ἰώνη δ᾽ ἡρώων ἀρετὰς χήρωάδων (ἀείδων IV. (20). SONG AT TANAGRA. Oe ee ees SN Καλὰ γεροῦ ἀεισομένα Ταναγρίδεσσι λευκοπέπλοις" μέγα δ᾽ ἐμὰ γέγαθε πόλις λιγυροκωτίλαις ἐνόπαις. V. (21). MYRTIS’ CONTEST WITH PINDAR. . a4 = See, IE —S SS ~——S>— WY Les ete, IN Bees Ἐξ στ tN μέμφομαι δὲ καὶ λιγυρὰν Μυρτίδ᾽ idvya, ὅτι Bava pio’ ἔβα Πινδάροι ποτ᾽ ἔριν. Korinna—l. 9, dr’ ἑοῦς, 3. ὥνυμανεν Michelangeli: ὠνούμηνεν. TIL. 1. ἴωνει ηδ᾽. χειρωαδων. IV. 1. γέροια εἰσομένα. 3. ἐμή. 4. λιγουροκωτίλης ἐνοπῆς. V. 2. λιγουράν. 3. φοῦσ᾽. 4. Πινυδαρίοιο. 70 | LAMPROKLES. VI. (23). THESPIA. Θέσπια καλλιγένεθλε, φιλόξενε, μωσοφίλητε. LAMPROKLES. ΕἸΣ AOHNAN, Παλλάδα περσέπολιν, δεινὰν θεὸν ἐγρεκύδοιμον, ποτικλήζω πολεμαδόκον, ἁγνὰν i] μ ? 2 παῖδα Διὸς μεγάλου δαμάσιππον PRATINAS. I. (1). AGAINST THE ENCROACHMENT OF THE FLUTE ACCOMPANIMENT. —— _—“™"~—_ ~—— ~~" _—— —— -.-- _—_—— —_ ION, Ξ ~—— ~_—— _—~_——S ~— _—“_—" -Ο»Ὸος-.- ---.-ὃὈὑ.»-Ἕ —— .ὕῦῦὕ-ς-ῸῈΎῸ —~—— we πωρ . eee ee ees SS —“~— SS — ---- --ὃἔ -οΟΡΟῬ΄- ’- —=—~_— ~~ — ee ee SE πὸ -ς ἘΞΕΞς Ὁ, ἘΠ SANS BES = 5 me ES ee ee οὐ ee ee - ἘΞ ΤΣ ae Les So Ξ- ee ane ee ae ---Φ- |S LL “ON —_—_— — — — ~~ --- --...-.-. -----Ό i —— ας ΞΞΞ ee es Naot een st —S So [ WX Korwwna—VI. μουσοφίλητε. LAMPROKLES—1. περσέπτολιν v.1. 2. ποτικληΐζω. PRATINAS. 71 cal Ret. ee, wee MEN 10 me (es ἘΠΕῚ ἘΞ =e Ζς ane cee, oe Core yo ἘΠ τσ ν ἜΝ ae ee eR πο ρος 2s One es PON re τον τ 5 15 hee, fem τϑῖγα κω Mus ΚΡ»: ΤΩΣ ἘΝ MO A Oe σὺ ier Oa κτονστκαχ ει τος ge HA μ ὑῈ Rar SCPE LE), aD MEQ A ἢ». [ies σον ὡδδει, μὰ τὸ κι Tis ὁ θόρυβος ὅδε; τί τάδε τὰ χορεύματα : τίς ὕβρις ἔμολεν ἐπὶ Διονυσιάδα πολυπάταγα θυμέλαν : ἐμὸς ἐμὸς ὁ Βρόμιος" ἐμὲ δεῖ κελαδεῖν, ἐμὲ δεῖ παταγεῖν av’ ὄρεα σύμενον μετὰ Ναϊάδων 5 οἷά τε κύκνον ἄγοντα ποικιλόπτερον μέλος. τὰν ἀοιδὰν κατέστασε ἸΠιερὶς βασίλειαν" ὁ δ᾽ αὐλὸς ὕστερον χορευέτω" καὶ γάρ ἐσθ᾽ ὑπηρέτας. κώμῳ μόνον θυραμάχοις τε πυγμαχίαισι νέων θέλει ἔμμεναι στρατηλάτας. [παροίνων τοπαῖε τὸν φρυνίου ποικίλου πνοὰν ἔχοντα᾽ φλέγε τὸν ὀλεσισιαλοκάλαμον, λαλοβαρυόπα παραμελορυθμοβάταν θ᾽, ὑπας» τρυπάνῳ δέμας πεπλασμένον. τς ἢν ἰδού: ἅδε σοι δεξιὰ καὶ ποδὸς διαρριφά, θριαμβοδιθύραμβε: id >” ” Ἂς ἐστον 7 Ye κισσοχαιτ avaé, GAKOVE τὰν ἐμὰν Δώριον χορειαᾶν. Pratinas—I. 4, σύμενον B; θύμενον AC. Ναΐδων. 6. κατε- στας ἐπιερεις βασιλεια A. 8. κωμῶν A; κώμων μόνων E. θεαεὶ πάροινον A. 10. φρυναίω. 11. προανέχοντα A. 12. ὁλοσιαλο- κάλαμον A. 13. λαλοβαρυοπαραμελορυθμοβαταν θυπα A; λαλο- βαρυπαραμ-. E. 10. πόλος A. 72 PHRYNICHOS. II. (5). THE AIOLIAN MODE. --- ~— --.- — 7_ -.. -."ὕ _— —_—_— — ~~ (is 7__ eee Ὶ BOE τς M , , Ou ͵, Ν 3 ΄ Ὧ] \ a NTE OVVTOVOV OLWKE, PTE ταν αἀνειμεναν αστι μουσᾶν, ἀλλὰ τὰν μέσαν νεῶν ἄρουραν αἰόλιζε τῷ μέλει. πρέπει τοι πᾶσιν ἀοιδολαβράκταις AioXis ἁρμονία. PHRYNICHOS. I, (1). ΕἸΣ AOHNAN. Παλλάδα περσέπολιν κλήζω, πολεμαδόκον, ayvav, παῖδα Διὸς μεγάλου, δάμνιππον αἰεὶ παρθένον. μεγ ν OOP p IL. (2). “THE PURPLE LIGHT OF LOVE.” Λάμπει δ᾽ ἐπὶ πορφυρέαις παρῇσι φῶς ἔρωτος. μ ρ Ϊ PRATINAS—II. 1. ἰασιτὶν οὖσαν AE. 9. ἀοιδὰ λαβρακταις. PrynicHos—I. 2. δαμνοπῶλον ἄϊστον. II. παρηίσιν A; παρειαῖσι Ἐ. DIAGORAS. 73 DIAGORAS. I. (1). ΕΙΣ APIANOHN APIEION. . . . . Sowa ES Ss We Θεός, θεὸς πρὸ παντὸς ἔργου βροτείου vou φρέν᾽ ὑπερτάταν, 3 x mee) \ \ > “ αὐτοδαὴς δ᾽ ἀρετὰ βραχὺν οἶμον ἕρπει. II. (2). ΕἸΣ NIKOAQPON MANTINEA. Kara δαίμονα καὶ τύχαν X , lal 3 a TA TAVTA βροτοῖσιν ἐκτελεῦται. KYDIAS. —~—S— — ee Se oe ea | oe apes ee Ξ ΞΘ. 5 ΞΕ 5: Sa on Εὐλαβεῦ δὲ μὴ κατέναντα λέοντος νεβρὸς ἐλθὼν μοῖραν αἱρεῖσθαι κρεῶν. PRAXILLA. I. (1). AXIAAEYS. ᾿Αλλὰ τεὸν οὔποτε θυμὸν ἐνὲ στήθεσσιν ἔπειθον. Dracoras—II, 2. ἐκ rede . . θαι (τελεῖται Sext. Emp.). 74 PRAXILLA. IL. (2). AAQNTS. Κάλλιστον μὲν ἐγὼ λείπω φάος ἠελίοιο, δεύτερον ἄστρα φαεινὰ σεληναίης Te πρόσωπον᾽ ἠδὲ καὶ ὡραίους σικύους καὶ μῆλα καὶ ὄγχνας. ἘΠῚ (5). πε στ OS Aree σε το Ὦ διὰ τῶν θυρίδων καλὸν ἐμβλέποισα, παρθένε τὰν κεφαλάν, τὰ δ᾽ ἔνερθε νύμφα. PINDAR. TMNOI. I. (29, 30). TMNO> ΘΗΒΑΊΟΙΣ. ἘΞ ἘΣ ἜΞΕΙΞΕ ΣΦ Ξε δον Ὁ, τς ΟΥ̓ ER i ke Β. pil τε ἘΞ τε ee Ἰσμηνὸν ἢ χρυσαλάκατον Μελίαν, στρ. EI / νι “ ε ᾿Ν 7 > la) ἢ Κάδμον, ἢ σπαρτῶν ἱερὸν γένος ἀνδρῶν, 1 Ν , 4 ἢ τὰν κυανάμπυκα Θήβαν, ἢ τὸ πάντολμον σθένος “Ἡρακλέος, δ] Ν ’ὔ le Ψ ἢ τὰν Διωνύσου πολυγαθέα τιμάν, a , 72 ε ’ὔ ς Ἢ ἢ γάμον λευκωλένου“Αρμονίας ὑμνήσομεν.-. . ..- 1] * * * Le) Ν " , » ΄ πρῶτον μὲν εὔβουλον Θέμιν οὐρανίαν στρ. / “Ὁ AN an χρυσέαισιν ἵπποις ᾽Ωκεανοῦ παρὰ παγᾶν “~~ PRAXILLA—II. 3. ὄχνους. Pinpar—lI. 8. ἵπποισιν. πάγον. was PINDAR. 75 Μοῖραι ποτὶ κλίμακα σεμνὰν το dyov Οὐλύμπου λιπαρὰν καθ᾽ ὁδόν, σωτῆρος ἀρχαίαν ἄλοχον Διὸς ἔμμεν. ε Ν Ν / > / /, 5 a δὲ τὰς χρυσάμπυκας ἀγλαοκάρπους τίκτεν ἀλα- θέας Ὥρας. I. (42). THE ADVICE OF AMPHIARAOS. jez OS ται κῶν Oo τας SF ἘΚ ΣΑΣ ΤΟ ν γῆν, δ. Oi Se Re tas ae σε θεν. εν τυ A SE ee tS es τοι 5 (eas AOS re) No cee SE Mn [ESS AT TI ᾿Αλλοτρίοισιν μὴ προφαίνειν, τίς φέρεται μόχθος ἄμμιν. τοῦτό γέ τοι ἐρέω" καλῶν μὲν ὧν μοῖράν τε τερπνῶν ἐς μέσον χρὴ παντὶ δεικνύναι" εἰ δέ τις ἀνθρώποισι θεόσδοτος ἄτα [λαῷ 5 προστύχῃ, ταύταν σκότει κρύπτειν ἔοικεν. ITATAN. III. (61). “THERE IS NO SEARCHING OF HIS UNDERSTANDING.” a Se re ΞΡ ς ΝΠ ἃ τς Pea mes Sa LS συ -πτπϊ-τ... - NS EN A) eo gh τς δ᾽ SS ee rN --.-.-- --. SS -- -.-. NS TS = Ra Rs ἘΣ πὰ Se eat Ee SE ie πον Be ῷ θεν Θεέ ἐὸν ποθ το τὺ. ἐν: Ξε ema ai IN πο Ὁ Il Ἢ 5 τς ΕΗ ΞΕ ΥΗ the ahve, δον PE ΘΙ he ee τ τῷ Re Lee Sn gee ΟΕ Sh py Ie τΥΞ Ἂς 20) ee ΨΤΠΕΞ ae eS TS τον ΞΟ Sees SE ws SK Ἴδετ᾽ ἐν χορόν, ᾿Ολύμπιοι, ἐπί τε κλυτὰν πέμπετε χάριν, θεοί, πολύβατον οἵτ᾽ ἄστεος ὀμφαλὸν θυόεντα 5 ἐν ταῖς ἱεραῖς ᾿Αθάναις οἰχνεῖτε πανδαίδαλόν 7 εὐκλέ᾽ ἀγοράν. ἰοδέτων λάχετε στεφάνων τῶν ξεαριδρόπων λοιβᾶν' Διόθεν τέ με σὺν ἀγλαΐᾳ PINDAR—IV. 8, τε ἀρι- FE; 7’ ἐαρι- P. λοιβάν PM. PINDAR. 77 IO idere πορευθέντ᾽ ἀοιδᾶν. δεῦτ᾽ ἐπὶ κισσοδέταν θεόν, τὸν Βρόμιον ’HpiBdav τε βροτοὶ καλέομεν. γόνον ὑπάτων μὲν πατέρων μελπέμεν γυναικῶν τε Καδμειᾶν ἔμολον" > 4 , / ? 3 Δ Is ἐναργέα τελέων σάματ᾽ οὐ λανθάνει, , Ἐπ £3) 43 ΄ ε a , φοινικοεάνων ὁπότ᾽ οἰχθέντος ‘Qpav θαλάμου ΜΝ ὃ 2 / ” Ν a 7 εὐοῦμον ἐπάγῃσιν ἔαρ φυτὰ νεκτάρεα. τότε βάλλεται, τότ᾽ ἐπ’ ἀμβρόταν χθόν᾽ ἐραταὶ ” ’ CF , 7 ἴων φόβαι, ῥόδα τε κόμαισι μείγνυται, > la 4. 5 \ / δ > lal 20 axel T ὀμφαὶ μελέων σὺν αὐλοῖς, 5 lal ͵ὔ ε if. , axel Te Σεμέλαν ἑλικάμπυκα χοροί. V. (76). ATHENS. Sines Ss ----.:᾿-... Ξεξς ας πω» = N Sei OF | SO Se ee ee ——— = IN °Q ταὶ λιπαραὶ καὶ ἰοστέφανοι καὶ ἀοίδιμοι “Ἑλλάδος ἔρεισμα, κλειναὶ ᾿Αθᾶναι, δαιμόνιον πτολίεθρον. ΠΡΟΣΟΔΤΙΑ. VI. (87, 88). ΕἸΣ ΔΗΛΟΝ. ae soe coe ear Soe ee rs en νι. = (ee ioe eR es a ee == Ye Bk, Oh eee τι 55 56. Ea ——— PERS ee [Ata BN IV. 10. ἀοιδάν ἘΜ. 11. δεύτερον ἐπὶ τόν κισσοδόταν P. 12. Βρόμιον τόν P. 13. μέλπομεν F. 15. ἐν ἄλγεα F; νέμεα or Ψψεμέω μάντιν Ῥ; τεμέων τε μάντιν P. 16. φοίνικος ἑανῶν P. οἰχθόντες ὥραν θάλαμοι Ῥ. 17. εὐόαμον ἐπάγοισιν F; ἐπαίωσιν P. 19. μίγνυ- ται. 20. ἀχεῖ τε ὀμφᾶι Ἑ; οἰχνεῖτ᾽ ὀμφαῖς P. 21. οἰχνεῖτε PF. 78 PINDAR. — 8 Ee a ΞΞ---- SS τ 555 bi Sea sae ee are 5 Ξε δε σοι 3 |e -- oe see se (aes a ——— ----- ΞΘ τ Ses Ἐν τέο oS AR OR π᾿. ἜΠΕΣΕ ταν - Xaip’, ὦ θεοδμάτα, λιπαροπλοκάμου στρ. 7 lel ε vd 3" παίδεσσι Λατοῦς ἱμεροέστατον ἔρνος, Ψ' / x > 7: Se, , πόντου θύγατερ, χθονὸς εὐρείας ἀκίνητον τέρας, ἅντε βροτοὶ Δᾶλον κικλήσκοισιν, μάκαρες δ᾽ ἐν ᾿Ολύμπῳ vA 4 Ἂς m” τηλέφαντον κυανέας χθονὸς ἄστρον. (Sia lines missing.) v yap τὸ πάροιθε φορητὰ κυμάτεσσιν παντο- on do δαπῶν {τ ἀνέμων ἀντ. ῥιπαῖσιν: ἀλλ᾽ ἁ ἹΚοιογενὴς ὁπότ᾽ ὠδίνεσσι anal θύοισ᾽ ἀγχιτόκοις ἐπέβαινεν, ᾽ὔ 5 ἈΝ δὴ τότε τέσσαρες ὀρθαὶ πρέμνων ἀπώρουσαν χθονίων 5 yy esd / vA , PNY 7 av δ᾽ ἐπικράνοις σχέθον πέτραν ἀδαμαντοπέδιλοι ᾽ὔ ” raat 5 iA sc 5 7 / 10 κίονες" ἔνθα τεκοῖσ᾽ evdaipov’ ἐπόψατο γένναν. VII. (89). ΕἸΣ ΑΦΑΙΑΝ, a ς΄ σ΄“... πὸ ee Sa, SS [Ξ : iar ΞΞ Τί κάλλιον ἀρχομένοισιν ἢ καταπαυομένοισιν, ἢ βαθύζωνόν τε Λατὼ καὶ θοᾶν ἵππων ἐλάτειραν ἀεῖσαι : δ PinpaR—VI. 2, παιδός. 3. θυγάτηρ. 4. τηλέφατον. 6. καιογενής. ὠδίνεσι. ἐπεβαίνειν. PINDAR. 79 VIII. (90). ΕἸΣ ΔΕΛΦΟΥ͂Σ. πρὸς ᾽Ολυμπίου Διός σε, χρυσέα κλυτόμαντι ἸΙυθοῖ, λίσσομαι, Χαρίτεσσί τε καὶ σὺν ᾿Αφροδίτᾳ ἐν ζαθέῳ με δέξαι θρόνῳ 5 ἀοίδιμον ἸΠιερίδων προφάταν. ὙΠΟΡΧΗΜΑΤΑ. IX. (106). IEPQNI ΣΥΡΑΚΟΣΊΩΙ. ὌΝ τς ees ἘΠῚ ἘΣ (1 ΣΝ Sy ge ΞΘ. = wai ee sti has EON ΕἾ 6 τ το 1: ee ee ee LS —_—S—S—- OC — HS -- ὄο. ----- .ὕ..ς-ς-ςς.- ----ς.-.. ᾿Απὸ Ταὐγέτοιο μὲν Λάκαιναν > \ Ἂν ὮΝ ν 4 ε Bi ἐπὶ θηρσὶ κύνα τρέφειν πυκινώτατον ἑρπετόν Σκύριαι δ᾽ ἐς ἄμελξιν γλάγεος > > , atyes ἐξοχώταται" 5 ὅπλα δ᾽ ἀπ’ ’Apyeos* ἅρμα Θηβαῖον: ἀλλ᾽ ἀπὸ τᾶς Σικελίας ὄχημα δαιδάλεον ματεύειν. [ἀγλαοκάρπου VIII. 3. ἄσομαι TO. χάριτες. 4. χρόνῳ. ὅ. Πιερίων vulgo. IX. 2. τρέφειν Eust.; τρέχειν Ath. 3. γλάγους Eust.; γάλακτος Ath. 5. ἀλλ᾽ Schol. Pax 78. τῆς. 80 PINDAR. X. (107). ΕἸΣ HAION EKAEINONTA. -Ξ .3Ξ- -: .-.-΄., -- τς οἰ 95 —_ — —~_— — = fs: RL ieee ea ra a et ex _—™"™~— — —_—_—— {- “ — ——— -«χ.::----. wens , τ" -...... ὼς =N eats Hees Ste =A 5 ~— re. -- πξος any φ. SS SS =~ 10 OS SS LS ~A 5 i er ws es ON IN ~— Ne er ee ιςΝ͵ ΕΞ... ΞΞ- — ---ὄοο —_ - “N τ τ ἘΞ ne στο [ss Les SS So woh ES aS Ξε. ee nn eee (Son ἐς ΡΟΣ Se (LE in ene [= ᾿Ακτὶς ᾿Αελίου, τίπολύσκοπε μήσεαι, ὦ μᾶτερ ὀμμάτων 3 ἄστρον ὑπέρτατον ἐν ἁμέρᾳ κλεπτόμενον, ἔθηκας ἀμάχανον ἰσχὺν Ν 5 ,»3 Ν » ε , πτανὸν ἀνδράσι καὶ σοφίας ὁδόν" 5 ἐπίσκοτον ἀτραπὸν ἐσσυμένα ἐλαύνεις τι νεώτερον ἢ πάρος ; ἀλλά σε πρὸς Διὸς ἵππους ζαθόας ἱκετεύω te >? a + , , ἀπήμον᾽ ἐς οἶμόν τινα τράποις Θήβαις, > , / 7 ὦ πότνια, πάγκοινον τέρας. ῬΙΝΡΑΒ---Χ, 1. ἐμῆς θεῶ μ᾽ ἄτερ. 5. ἐσσαμένα. Ἴ. ἵππος θαθοάς. 8. ὄλβον... πρόποιο. “ἢ pict dha? Mpeg neste sagciitct ΥΤΝ PINDAR. 81 το πολέμου δ᾽ εἰ σᾶμα φέρεις τινός, ἢ καρποῦ φθίσιν, ἢ νιφετοῦ σθένος « , I / 5 “Δ ὑπέρφατον, ἢ στάσιν οὐλομέναν, ἢ πόντου κενέωσιν ἀμ πέδον, ΕῚ \ / a’ / , ἢ παγετὸν χθονός, ἢ νότιον θέρος [ἡ / ’, 15 ὕδατι ζακότῳ διερόν, nN A 7, » ἢ γαῖαν κατακλύσαισα θήσεις > A δὲ ΘΟ, Ὁ fal / ἀνδρῶν νέον ἐξ ἀρχᾶς γένος, 5X 4 δέ ᾽ a / 7 / ὁλοφύρομαι οὐδέν, ὅτι πάντων μέτα πείσομαι. XI. (108). SUCCESS IS OF GOD. PEE τύ ἀπο ὰα So 5 8 ΠΟΘ ΒΕ ΤΩΝ σεν [δὰ SD ei (ieee τὶν το στ ὧν ΠῚ -ἰ ee eS [yee Θεοῦ δὲ δείξαντος ἀρχάν, ἕκαστον ἐν πράγος εὐθεῖα δὴ κέλευθος ἀρετὰν ἑλεῖν, τελευταί τε καλλίονες. XII. (109). CONCORD IN THE STATE. ee τ ῪΡ Es Oui §%: | SEMEL.) τευ τον ce aes --ὦς, ᾿ς, , ᾿. ,ι" So ΘΟ ΘΕῈ [ez =A A Ν Τὸ κοινόν τις ἀστῶν ἐν εὐδίᾳ τιθεὶς / / ἐρευνασάτω peyadavopos ᾿Ασυχίας τὸ φαιδρὸν φάος, ΄ Ls: , ΓΝ 3 ΄ στάσιν ἀπὸ πραπίδων ἐπίκοτον ἀνελών, πενίας δότειραν, ς ἐχθρὰν κουροτρόφον. X. 10. πολέμου δὶς ἅμα. 12. οὐλομένην. 13. ἀλλὰ πέδον. 16, ἱερόν. ° 16. κατακλύσασα θήσει. 17. ἀρχῆς. 18. ddop... δέν. XII. 2. Ἡσυχίας. F 82 PINDAR. XIII. (110), “ἘΠῚ JESTS AT SCARS WHO NEVER FELT A WOUND.” Os oy Se ge ee ee Se ee ΞΕῚ ἐπα τὸ τγὺς εἶξε τος, pe Sa τ uN TAvkd δ᾽ ἀπείροισι πόλεμος" πεπειραμένων δέ τις ταρβεῖ προσιόντα νιν καρδίᾳ περισσῶς. ETKQMION. XIV. (121). AAEZANAPOQI AMYNTA. no oe Soe Ee SS — —_—— — - .ΚὉ.-Ὁὖ-τἰὉ Ἔ ------ inet ---- -- a ἘΞ; Fe πρέπει 8 ἐσλοῖσιν ὑμνεῖσθαι.. . καλλίσταις ἀοιδαῖς Lo Ν 5 ; , lal ’ὔ’ ΜΔ τοῦτο γὰρ ἀθανάτοις τιμαῖς ποτιψαύει μόνον" ῥηθὲν (σθένει, θνάσκει δὲ σιγαθὲν καλὸν ἔργον. ΣΚΟΛΙΟΝ. XV. (123). ΘΕΟΞΕΝΩΙ ΤΕΝΈΕΔΙΩΙ. RTE Sh ine, Sor ΤΣ δὰ See yb ip ἀμ ee Dost Ae act ae rcs, legis a τς — ph ee ———— SS a Se ae τς. [sree [asa aS seal te De ἘΞ ΕΝ θῶ τε ἘΞ ES Σ ες τς ΞΕ ΖΞ pos ας το se - 5. ἐπ. Ἐπεὶ τς πε ee eee ee hrf νας PINDAR—XIII. πόλεμος ἀπείροισιν Stob. ν XIV. 1. ὅλοισιν. 8. τιμαῖσι. 4. δὲ σιγαθέν : δ᾽ ἐπιταθέν, PINDAR. 83 Χ “ \ Ν Ss > ie ὃ UA θ θ Δ Ν βρὴν μεν κατὰ καιρὸν EPWTWV ὁρέπτεσσαι, συμε, συν LA pes - ἁλικίᾳ στρ. Ν \ 4 3 » ΄ ’ τὰς δὲ Θεοξένου ἀκτῖνας προσώπου μαρμαριζοῖσας a X\ /, / > 5 / Ν ὃς μὴ πόθῳ κυμαίνεται, ἐξ ἀδάμαντος [δρακεὶς Ἃ ἂν, Zz 4 4 ἢ σιδάρου κεχάλκευται μέλαιναν καρδίαν 5. ψυχρᾷ φλογί, πρὸς δ᾽ ᾿Αφροδίτας ἀτιμασθεὶς ἑλικο- βλεφάρου, ἄντ. ἢ περὶ χρήμασι μοχθίζει βιαίως, ἢ γυναικείῳ θράσει Ἀψυχρὰν φορεῖται πᾶσαν ὁδὸν θεραπεύων. GAN ἐγὼ θεᾶς ἕκατι, κηρὸς ὡς δαχθεὶς ἕλᾳ Ἐν a , Ce gr τ ἀἢ \ , ipav μελισσᾶν, τάκομαι, εὖτ᾽ ἂν ἴδω παιδὸς νεόγυιον 5 a > Ἢ ἐς Pav ἐπ. το ἐν δ᾽ ἄρα καὶ Τενέδῳ ΠΕειθώ τ᾽ ἴαινεν καὶ Χάρις υἱὸν ᾿Αγησίλα. ΘΡΗΝΟΙ. XVI. (129). THE ELYSIUM IN HADES. eeu 5 St ee bos a? ek ΞξΞ- - -- SS πο -Ὁ --- ES — f= 5 Ss τς Σ ae ὭΡΑΝ τι: εν ον 3Ξ τ Ὁ Ἂ5 [ΞΞΞΞ | He REDE —— τος --- .-- ἜΘ. τος Se SS (WS ΞΞ Τὰς oe RU τ τε te XV. 1. μέν: με. ἡλικίᾳ. 7. φορεῖτε. 8. θεᾶς δ᾽ ἕκατι : δεκα- Tiras A. ἕλᾳ ἱρᾶν : ἐλεηρὰὼν. 9. τήκομαι. 10. ἴαινεν : ἔναιεν. 11, ᾿Αγησιλάου. 84 PINDAR. Τοῖσι λάμπει μὲν μένος ἀελίου τὰν ἐνθάδε νύκτα id κάτω, στρ. / eee. ΄ ΄ eo. φοινικορόδοις τ᾽ ἐνὶ λειμώνεσσι προάστιον αὐτῶν καὶ λιβάνῳ σκιαρὸν καὶ χρυσέοις καρποῖς βεβριθός. καὶ τοὶ μὲν ἵπποις γυμνασίοις , τοὶ δὲ πεσσοῖς, Ἂν \ 4 7 Ἂν ’, 5. τοὶ δὲ φορμίγγεσσι τέρπονται, παρὰ δέ σφισιν [εὐανθὴς ἅπας τέθαλεν ὄλβος" 5 4 ἸΕῚ AN A “ ’ ὀδμὰ δ᾽ ἐρατὸν κατὰ χῶρον κίδναται BN , , Ν “ ar nw 5 Ν αἰεὶ θύα μειγνύντων πυρὶ τηλεφανεῖ παντοῖα θεῶν ἐπὶ * * * [Δωμοῖς. ” Ων ” > , / > ἔνθεν τὸν ἄπειρον ἐρεύγονται σκότον ἀντ. βληχροὶ δνοφερᾶς νυκτὸς ποταμοί, XVII. (131). THE SOUL. jase aS Wes Bee ees ἘΞ ee eee [hess τς ὅσα eae ess ESS ——— SS Sess Sa Ss SS = Ree oe Se eer 55 Ss SSS Hore Ξε τ ers [ees aes — Se ——— Sy eee LoD (mes a τὰ κου νόνρους s, _- [tA 'OAPia δ᾽ ἅπαντες αἴσᾳ λυσίπονον {μετανίσσονταιν [τελευτάν. Ν lal ἈΝ , ΄ ’ὔ rf καὶ σῶμα μὲν πάντων ἕπεται θανάτῳ περισθενεῖ, Ν 2 Ὑ ». IA ” \ / 3 , ζωὸν δ᾽ ἔτι λείπεται αἰῶνος εἴδωλον" TO yap ἐστι μόνον J lal “ \ , / > aN ec ’ὔ ἐκ θεῶν" εὕδει δὲ πρασσόντων μελέων, ἀτὰρ εὑδόντεσσιν [ἐν πολλοῖς ὀνείροις ΄ὔ ὑπ yey A , 5 δείκνυσι τερπνῶν ἐφέρποισαν χαλεπῶν τε κρίσιν. PINDAR—XVI. 2. & . προάστειον. 3. χρυσοκάρποισι βέβριθε. 5. τέθηλεν. 6. ἐρατῶν. 7. ἀεὶ θύματα μιγ-. XVII. 5. ἐφέρπουσαν. PINDAR. 85 XVIII. (133). JUST MEN MADE PERFECT. προ ee ey τὺ ξξε εξ -σχκ ἰδ ee oe τῶ τ ες ἀντ τυ ἀξ ps ἘΞ ΟΣ ΣΕ ae eR Lan Βα το Ὁ κῶν SE atte ae “ὦ nes 5 ΚΞ oa Ἐν Ee Re py eS" ΨΥ oN SO οι ΡΤ ΒΞ Οἷσι δὲ Φερσεφόνα ποινὰν παλαιοῦ πένθεος δέξεται, ἐς τὸν ὕπερθεν ἅλιον κείνων ἐνάτῳ ἔτεϊ ἀνδιδοῖ ψυχὰς πάλιν" > ἴω lal . >" ὯΝ Ἅ QA , ἐκ τᾶν βασιλῆες ἀγαυοὶ Kai σθένει κραιπνοὶ σοφίᾳ τε [μέγιστοι ” ΕἸ} ᾽ 5 Ν \ A / ” ε \ 5 ἄνδρες αὔξοντ᾽" ἐς δὲ τὸν λοιπὸν χρόνον ἥρωες ayvot [πρὸς ἀνθρώπων καλεῦνται. XIX. (137). THE ELEUSINIAN MYSTERIES. SD ak Te SCI NE rE LOMO PON fe ert Ὲ "OAB ios ὅστις ἰδὼν κεῖν᾽ εἶσ’ ὑπὸ χθόν᾽" οἶδε μὲν βίου οἶδεν δὲ διόσδοτον ἀρχάν. [τελευτάν, Be AAHAON ΕἸΔΩΝ. XX. (141). THE GIFTS OF GOD. ΟΝ τ ET ΒΝ Baie BLAS Θεὸς ὁ τὰ πάντα τεύχων βροτοῖς Ἂς 4 > oe 7 καὶ χάριν aoa φυτεύει. XVIII. 1. οἷσι γὰρ ἄν. 8. ψυχάν. XIX. ἐκεῖνα κοινὰ εἰς. XX. φοιτεύει. 86 PINDAR. ΧΧΙ. (142). AN ECLIPSE. 2 ° . . : .-- Ὑα ὶ Ὁ... -- τ - - ;: Ξ : ᾿ . Ἢ Ae αὐ τς ΤΣ ES SSS ( V ¢ oe “eS SE ee ΝΜ πὸ ς-- Ξε - ἘΞ ΣΡ Ἐς τ Θεῷ δὲ δυνατὸν ἐκ μελαίνας ὮΝ 3 , ” la νυκτὸς ἀμίαντον ὄρσαι φάος, κελαινεφέϊ δὲ σκότει καλύψαι Ν ε 7 7 καθαρὸν ἁμέρας σέλας. XXII. (148). THE GODS’ FELICITY. Se ae ee ee aN ΕΞ Sg ee see Rl Se LOY AS AY Oe, erg ag See Κεῖνοι yap τ᾽ ἄνοσοι Kat ἀγήραοι πόνων τ᾽ ἄπειροι, βαρυβόαν πορθμὸν πεφευγότες ᾿Αχέροντος, XXIII. (158). A POET’S PRAYER. Sind 5:5... <7 SS ΞΘ τ 59 ee τ :- ἘΠ ἀπ ΞΘ ee Bay SS τὰς ee τί δ᾽ ἔρδων φίλος σοί τε, καρτερόβροντα Kpovida, φίλος δὲ Μοίσαις͵ Εὐθυμίᾳ τε μέλων εἴην" ἮΝ α΄, ἀν ΄ TOUT αυτημι σε. XXIV. (159). TIME THE SAVIOUR OF THE JUST. ΕΣ a cee ee eee ee 7A 8 An ὃ ’ , Ν ; ” VOPWV δικαίων χρόνος σωτὴρ ἄριστος. Pinnrar—XXI. κελαινεφέει. PINDAR. 87 XXV. (169). SOVEREIGN LAW. ere es ee Be ie POLO. Ezz er me, FN we eS ge NS ee 2 eon us Bee {1 Ὲ 2a. nO rile ἘΣ. ΞΕ Ε ὐὴσ νι Νόμος ὁ πάντων βασιλεὺς A AN ἐν / θνατῶν τε kat ἀθανάτων ” Lal ν᾿ , ἄγει δικαιῶν τὸ βιαιότατον ὑπερτάτᾳ χειρί: τεκμαίρομαι » , 5 ἔργοισιν Ἡρακλέος" ἐπεὶ Τηρυόνα βόας Κυκλωπίων ἐπὶ προθύρων Ἐϊὑρυσθέος ἀναιτήτας τε καὶ ἀπριάτας ἔλασεν. XXVI. (194). A SONG FOR THEBES. eee το ah ee πον στο στ ΟΣ ἘΣ (Oe es ἜΘ ΠΕ ΣΕ ΞΕ ΣΤ δ iD ese eee ᾿Ξ ἘΞ τ eo ES τὸς ΒΕ 1989 Adega teres ALi sett well παρ ἔνε een SD se PN Begg ce ks gee 5 (as Oa (ee ee Κεκρότηται χρυσέα κρηπὶς ἱεραῖσιν ἀοιδαῖς" εἶα τειχίζωμεν ἤδη ποικίλων , > la /, κόσμον αὐδάεντα λόγων" , lal Yj lal (ὃς) καὶ πολυκλείταν περ ἐοῖσαν ὅμως Θήβαν ἔτι μᾶλ- 5 καὶ κατ᾽ ἀνθρώπων ἀγυιάς. [λον ἐπασκήσει θεῶν XXV. 7. ἀναιρεῖται. XXVI. 2. ποικίλον. 88 PINDAR. XXVII. (199). SPARTA. iS Se See [eS ho 2S ee IN ss Ἃ "Eva βουλαὶ γερόντων καὶ νέων ἀνδρῶν ἀριστεύοισιν καὶ χοροὶ καὶ Μοῖσα καὶ ᾿Αγλαΐα. [αἰχμαί, XXVIII. (206. A PRAYER TO TRUTH. Ἐπ Fore eS fe πε νς pee hee τ - ᾿Αρχὰ μεγάλας ἀρετᾶς, ὥνασσ᾽ Αλάθεια, μὴ πταίσῃς ἐμὰν σύνθεσιν τραχεῖ ποτὶ ψεύδει. ΧΧΙΧ. (214). HOPE. Ss ἘΞ ΘΕ cee RY TANS ea se Ee SSS " ies == σὴς πον τ τὸς ους Se a ae ES. eS ΤΠ ἐξ τως Si eee ES Τλυκεῖά Fou καρδίαν > 4 7 » ἀτάλλοισα γηροτρόφος συναορεῖ, ἐλπίς, ἃ μάλιστα θνατῶν πολύστροφον ; Ξ γνώμαν κυβερνᾷ. XXX. (218. WINE THAT MAKETH GLAD THE HEART OF MAN. ee ἘΞ 155. ἜΣ ΟΞ ἘΞ ἘΞ: eh δὲΞ-- Sow eS ee Se -ς, os PINDAR—XXVII. ἀριστεύουσι. Μοῦσαι. XXVIII. 2. ποτέ. XXIX. 1. of. 2. ξυναορεῖ. PINDAR. ew ete . . . . ee Sc ee ee | Ee eS 5 000.0 Bo aS SE Se eS ee ε yy 9 , ΄ ” , Ανίκ᾽ ἀνθρώπων καματωδέες οἴχονται μέριμναι στηθέων ἔξω, πελάγει δ᾽ ἐν πολυχρύσοιο πλούτου ’ " Z a Ν > / πάντες tog νέομεν ψευδῇ πρὸς aKTav’ a A) -ογϑ ΄, 2 ΄ ν᾽. 5 ΄ ὃς μὲν ἀχρήμων, ἀφνεὸς τότε, τοὶ δ᾽ αὖ πλουτέοντες. 5... ἀέξονται φρένας ἀμπελίνοις τόξοις δαμέντες. XXXI. (221. CHACUN A SON GOUT. 89 SS cg ες aS Εν Wine Nei eet US ate τ ς τος SS τὸ eer τ ᾿ς ean ree 1 eee pees ΣῊΝ ᾿Αελλοπόδων μέν τιν᾽ εὐφραίνοισιν ἵππων τιμαὶ καὶ στέφανοι, τοὺς δ᾽ ἐν πολυχρύσοις θαλάμοις τέρπεται δὲ καί τις ἐπ᾽ οἷδμ᾽ ἅλιον [Brora vat θοᾷ σῶς διαστείβων. XXXII. (222). GOLD. Cie \ 2ar Ν να κεῖνον οὐ σὴς οὐδὲ κὶς δάπτει, δάμναται «δὲν βροτέαν φρένα κάρτιστον κτεάνων. XXX. 2. ἔξωθεν. πολυχρύσου. 3. ἴσα. 4. ἀφνειός. XXXI. 1. εὐφραίνουσιν. XXXII. 8. κράτιστον φρενῶν. 90 BACCHYLIDES. BACCHYLIDES. ἘΠΙΝΊΚΟΙ. I. (3).1 IEPQNI ΣΥΡΑΚΟΣΊΩΙ INMMOIS ΟΛΥΜΠΤΙΑ. ἘΞ ποεῖ: Ea et OO δυο στρ. Sia eS ν -ἰ Ls SS eee. Et τος Ξ Ξ- ΞΟ ΣΑΣ tee en ee Sly jest BES Ale A See ΞΞ-ΞΞ ee 5 eee Lana ES. LL ae ἘΠΕ Ὲ- ee ae 8 ᾿Αριστοκάρπου Σικελίας κρέουσαν oTp. a. Δάματρα ἰοστέφανόν τε κούραν ὕμνει, γλυκύδωρε Κλειοῖ, θοάς 7’ ’O- λυμπιοδρόμους Ἱέρωνος ἵππους. 7 ᾿ς Ἂν ε ’ὔ tg Ἂν 5 [σεύον]το γὰρ σὺν ὑπερόχῳ τε Νίκᾳ ἀντ. α΄. σὺν ᾿Αγ]λαΐᾳ τε παρ᾽ εὐρυδίναν yf , ρ εὺρ PAAdedy, τόθι ΔΊεινομένεος ἔθηκαν ὄλβιον [γόνον στεφάνω]ν κυρῆσαι. θρόησε δὲ λ[αὸς ἀπείρων"] ᾿ ἐπ. α΄. “> 5 ΄ Ee We 10 ὦ τρισευδαίμ wv ἀνήρ,] ὃς παρὰ Ζηνὸς λαχὼν πλείσταρχον “ὥβλλάνων γέρας 3 lA lal Ν οἶδε πυργωθέντα πλοῦτον μὴ μελαμ- φαρέϊ κρύπτειν σκότῳ." a ᾽ς τς ee eG ee AES BaccHyLipEs—I. 6. σύν Palmer. 7. 760 Palmer. 9. ἀπείρων Blass. 1The numerals in parenthoses give the order of the Fragments in Kenyon. ‘efi BACCHYLIDES. 91 15 βρύει μὲν ἱερὰ βουθύτοις ἑορταῖς, στρ. β'. ᾽ὔ 7 > / βρύουσι φιλοξενίας ἀγυιαί: ΄, 5 yok ea σιν JS Ἂς λάμπει δ᾽ ὑπὸ μαρμαρυγαῖς ὃ χρυσὸς ὑψιδαιδάλτων τριπόδων σταθέντων πάροιθε ναοῦ, τόθι μέγιστον ἄλσος ἀντ. β΄. 20 Φοίβου παρὰ Κασταλίας ῥεέθροις Δελφοὶ διέπουσι. θεόν, 6[ε6]ν τις > 44 c ἈΝ " ” ἀγλαϊζέτω, ὁ yap ἄριστος ὄλβων. 3 ὮΝ XN ’ ἐπεί ποτε καὶ δαμασίππου ἐπ. Λυδίας ἀρχαγέταν, 25 εὖτε τὰν πεπ[ρωμέναν] Ζηνὸς τελε[ιοῦσαι κρί]σιν Σάρδιες Ἰ]ερσᾶϊν ἐπορθεῦντο στρ]ατῷ, Κροῖσον 6 χρυσά[ρματος] φύλαξ᾽ ᾿Απόλλων. [68 ἐς ἄδελπτον Guap στρ. γ΄. 390 μολὼν πολυδί dxpvov] οὐκ ἔμελλε μίμνειν ἔτι δ ουλοσύ]ναν, πυρὰν δὲ χαλκοτειχέος προπάροιἾθεν αὐ[ λᾶς] να[ἡσ]ατ’, ἔνθα σὺν ἀλόχῳ] τε κεδνᾷ ἀντ. γ΄. σύν 7 εὐπλοκάμοις ἐπέβαιν᾽ ἄλα[στον] 35 θυγατράσι δυρομέναις" χέρας δ᾽ ἐς LEN 525 , 3. αἰπὺν αἰθέρα σφετέρας ἀείρας [γέγω]νεν᾽ ““ὑπέρβιε δαῖμον, ἐπ. γ΄. an nw 3 / ποῦ θεῶν ἐστιν χάρις ; I. 21. θεύν, θεόν Palmer. 22, ἀγλαϊξζέτω, 6 Bl.: ἀγλαϊζέθω. 25. πεπρωμέναν Palm. 26. κρίσιν Platt. 27. II. ἐπορθεῦντο Housm. 29. SoJebb. 30. μολών Jebb; μόλ᾽ ὧν" Bl. 31. δουλ. Jebb. 33. vajoar Bl. 37. ὑπέρβιε BI. 92 BACCHYLIDES. ποῦ δὲ Λατοίδας ἀναξ ; (Five corrupt verses.) 45 ἀεικελίως γυναῖκες ἐξ ἐὐκτίτων μεγάρων ἄγονται" τὰ πρόσθε & ἐχθρὰ φίλα: θανεῖν γλύκιστον." ἀντ. δ᾽. Pig Sa τυ Δ. , ΄ τόσ’ εἶπε, καὶ ἁβροβάταν κέλευσεν ἅπτειν ξύλινον δόμον. ἐκλαγ]ον δὲ A ἣν ? ΩΣ ss lal 50 παρθένοι, φίλας τ᾽ ἀνὰ ματρὶ χεῖρας ἔβαλλον" ὁ γὰρ προφωνὴς θνα- er. 8. τοῖσιν ἔχθιστος φόνων" GAN ἐπεὶ δεινοῦ πυρὸς λαμπρὸν διάϊσσεν pé]vos, 55 Ζεὺς ἐπιστάσα[ς μελαγκευ]θὲς νέφος σβέννυεν ξανθὰ[ν φλόγα]. ΕΣ 557 [2 lal ΜΆ , ἄπιστον οὐδέν, 6 τι ΘΓ εῶν μέριμνα στρ. €. τεύχει: τότε Δαλογενὴς ᾿Απόλλων lA > ε 4 ΄ φέρων ἐς Ὑπερβορέους γέροντα 60 σὺν τανυσφύροις κατένασσε κούραις δι’ εὐσέβειαν, ὅτι μέγιστα θ]νατῶν ἀντ. €. ἐς ἀγαθέαν (ἀνδέπεμψε ΤΠυθώ. ὅσοι {γεδ μὲν “᾿λλάδ᾽ ἔχουσιν, οὔτι[-], ὦ μεγαίνητε ‘lépwv, θελήσει 65 [φάμ]εν σέο πλείονα χρυσὸν ἐπ. ε΄. [Λοξίᾳ πέμψαι βροτῶν. (Nine corrupt verses.) BaccuHyLipEs—I. 47. ἐχθρά Palm. 56. φλόγα Palm. 60. τανυσφύροις Smyth: τανισφύροις. 62. ἀνέπεμψε Housm. 63. ye Bl. 65. φάμεν Thomas. σέο Palm. 66. Λοξίᾳ Bl. βροτῶν Nairn: βροτῷ. 76 80 85 90 95 BACCHYLIDES. 93 ὁ δ᾽ ἄναξ [Απόλλων)] [τοιόνδ᾽ ἔπ]ος εἶπε Φέρητος υἷι] “ θνατὸν εὖντα χρὴ διδύμους ἀέξειν fd [2 ᾽ ” ΕΙΣ 3 / γνώμας, ὅτι τ᾽ αὐριον ὄψεαι ἐπ. na ε ? , μοῦνον ἁλίου φάος χὦτι πεντήκοντ᾽ ἔτεα ζωὰν βαθύπλουτον τελεῖς.᾽" φ “ ” / a“ Ν ὅσια δρῶν εὔφραινε θυμόν: τοῦτο γὰρ ‘AZ ε ΓΑ κερδέων ὑπέρτατον. ᾽ὔ Ἂν ’ ΟΥ̓ Ν / φρονέοντι συνετὰ γαρύω" βαθὺς μὲν στρ. η΄. > Ἂν 3 7 WA A / αἰθὴρ ἀμίαντος" ὕδωρ δὲ πόντου 3 4 5 Ν 3" ὦ , A οὐ σάπεται" εὐφροσύνα δ᾽ ὁ χρυσός ἀνδρὶ δ᾽ οὐ θέμις, πολιὸν map evra. γῆρας, θάλειαν αὖτις ἀγκομίσσαι ἄντ. η΄. ἥβαν. ἀρετάϊς γε μ]ὲν οὐ μινύθει βροτῶν ἅμα σώματι φέγγος, ἀλλὰ Μοῦσά νιν τρ[έφει]. “Ἱέρων, σὺ δ᾽ ὄλβου κάλλιστ᾽ ἐπεδ[ εἰξ]αο θνατοῖς ἐπ. η΄. ἄνθεα" πράξαϊΪντι] δ᾽ εὖ οὐ φέρει κόσμον σιω- πά: σὺν δ᾽ ἀλαθείᾳ βαλὼν Ν fe ε 7 ie καὶ μελιγλώσσου τις ὑμνήσει χάριν Κηΐας ἀηδόνος. I. 77. τοιόνδ᾽ ἔπος Wilam. vi Platt. 88. παρέντα Jebb. 91. σώματι Ingram. 96. βαλών Platt. 94 10 15 Io wat BACCHYLIDES. II. (5). TO HIERON. ἘΠ Se 55 eee est ow Sh) 2 LES ew Se a ee Ow See eee a | νι Lone eae es rn -Ξ- = ee ee, oe TNE EES Sos Fae ee ee eee eee S POR er ts 34 UN tS Se Se ΞΕ, SRS lore) εξ -, —— eS IS Ξε σιν Sa oe eS πο ee (Or —) LS ἘΣ ΞΘΕΙ SN epee Be (2) ee eee -- ἐπ. SS er Ξς- et ee, Ss ἜΞΞΞ EES ee EIS si e3KSs Pa ΜῈ See —— Ξεὶς es το τ ear δε σῦς προ ee -Ξ- Ns a ep Si ESS San ES = oF ee Se 4 , Εύμοιρε Συρακοσίων στρ. a. ἱπποδινήτων στραταγέ, / A 5 / γνώσῃ μὲν ἰοστεφάνων Μοισᾶν γλυκύδωρον ἄγαλμα, τῶν γε νῦν αἴ τις ἐπιχθονίων, ὀρθῶς" φρένα δ᾽ εὐθύδικ[ο]ν ἀτρέμ᾽ ἀμπαύσας μεριμνῶν δεῦρ᾽ ἄθρησον {(σὺνΣ voy" Io 15 20 25 30 35 BACCHYLIDES. 95 ἢ σὺν Χαρίτεσσι βαθυζώνοις ὑφάνας [2 > Ν ’ὔ ὕμνον ἀπὸ ζαθέας a , ε Ψ, "4 νάσου ξένος ὑμετέραν πέμ.- Ν 2 ΄ πει κλεεννὰν ἐς πόλιν, / > , χρυσάμπυκος Οὐρανίας κλει- νὸς θεράπων" ἐθέλει δὲ γᾶρυν ἐκ στηθέων χέων αἰνεῖν Ἱέρωνα. βαθὺν ἄντ. α΄. δ᾽ αἰθέρα ξουθαῖσι τάμνων ὑψοῦ πτερύγεσσι ταχεί- aus αἰετός, εὐρυάνακτος ἄγγελος Ζηνὸς ἐρισφαράγου, ε a ΄, θαρσεῖ κρατερᾷ πίσυνος 3 Jae 4 2 0 ἰσχύϊ, πτάσσοντι δ᾽ ὄὀρνι- χες λιγύφθογγοι φόβῳ: οὔ νιν κορυφαὶ μεγάλας ἴσχουσι γαίας, Φ Ἠὴ3“2| 6 Ν 5 /, οὐδ᾽ ἁλὸς ἀκαμάτας δυσπαίπαλα κύματα" νωμᾶ- Oe ni , , ται δ᾽ ἐν ἀτρύτῳ χάει λεπτότριχα σὺν Ζεφύρου πνοι- αἴσιν ἔθειραν, ἀρίγνω- + ee) 7 > a τος μετ᾽ ἀνθρώποις ἰδεῖν. τὼς νῦν καὶ Ce>pol μυρία παντᾷ κέλευθος ἐπ. α΄. ὑμετέραν ἀρετὰν ὑμνεῖν, κυανοπλοκάμου θ᾽ ἕκατι Νίκας χαλκεοστέρνου 7” A pros, Acwvopevers ἀγέρω- Baccuyitipes—II. 9. ἢ Platt: ἡ. 28. πνοιαῖσιν Platt: mvoatow. 381. ἐμοί Bl 33. ὑμνεῖν Palm.: υμνεῖ, 90 40 45 50 55 60 BACCHYLIDES. χοι παῖδες" εὖ ἔρδων δὲ μὴ κάμοι θεός, ξανθότριχα μὲν Φερένικον ᾿Αλφεὸν rap’ εὐρυδίναν πῶλον ἀελλοδρόμαν 5 , ΄ ? ΄ εἶδε νικασαντο, χρυσοπάχυς Ads, Πυθῶνί τ᾽ ev ἀγαθέᾳ" στρ. β΄. ἌΣ 9 , ΄ γᾷ δ᾽ ἐπισκήπτων πιφαύσκω" οὔ πώ νιν ὑπὸ προτέρων ἵππων ἐν ἀγῶνι κατέχρανεν κόνις Ν 4 > 4, πρὺς τέλος ὀρνύμενον" ε fo Ἂν a” 4 pia yap ἴσος Βορέα ὃν κυβερνήταν φυλάσσων ἵεται νεόκροτον ; νίκαν ἱἹΙέρωνι φιλοξείνῳ τιτύσκων. ὄλβιος ᾧτινι θεὸς a fs “ 7 μοῖράν τε καλῶν ἔπορεν σύν τ᾽ ἐπιζήλῳ τύχᾳ ἀφνεὸν βιοτὰν διάγειν" οὐ γάρ τις ἐπιχθονίων , aes, ΄ " πάντα γ᾽ εὐδαίμων ἔφυ. [καὶ μάν mor’ ἐρειψιπύλαν ἀντ. β'. [παῖδ᾽ ἀνίκ]ατον λέγουσιν [δῦναι Διὸς] ἀργικεραύ- νου δώματα Φερσεφόνας τανυσφύρου καρχαρόδοντα κύν᾽ ἄ- ξοντ᾽ ἐς φάος ἐξ ᾿Αἴδα, υἱὸν ἀπλάτοι’ ᾽᾿αχίδνας" BaccuyLipEs—II. 49. φιλοξείνῳ K: φιλοξένῳ. 53. ἀφνεόν K: αφνειον. 58, δῦναι Palm. 59. τανυσφύρου Sm.: τανι-. BACCHYLIDES. 97 ἔνθα δυστάνων βροτῶν ψυχὰς ἐδάη παρὰ Κωκυτοῦ ῥεέθροις, 65 οἷά τε PUAN ἄνεμος ἤΙδας ἀνὰ μηλοβότους πρῶνας ἀργηστὰς δονεῖ. ταῖσιν δὲ μετέπρεπεν εἴδω- λον θρασυμέμνονος ἐγ- 7ο χεσπάλου ἸΤορθανίδα: 5» τὸν δ᾽ ὡς ἰδεν ᾿Αλκμήνιος θαυμαστὸς ἥρως ἐπ. β΄. τεύχεσι λαμπόμενον, Ν > / ἴω ͵7ὕ νευρὰν ἐπέβασε λιγυκλαγγῆ κορώνας, / >” 5) χαλκεόκρανον δ᾽ ἔπειτ᾽ ἐξ- 75 είλετο ἰὸν ἀνα- ΖΑ ΄ n Aa > , πτύξας φαρέτρας πῶμα" τῷ δ᾽ ἐναντία ψυχὰ προφάνη Μελεάγρου καί νιν εὖ εἰδὼς προσεῖπεν᾽ “vie Διὸς μεγάλου, An’ Ὁ, ΄ , ΄ 80 στάθί τ᾽ ἐν χώρᾳ, γελανώσας τε θυμόν μὴ ταύὔσιον προΐει στρ. γ΄. τραχὺν ἐκ χειρῶν ὀιστὸν val mo” A ψυχαῖσιν ἔπι POievov' ov τοι δέος. ὡς φάτο' θάμβησεν δ᾽ ἄναξ 85 ᾿Αμφιτρυωνιάδας͵ 5.7 inne 5 ΄ εἶπέν te’ “τίς ἀθανάτων na Lad nw ΕΣ ἢ βροτῶν τοιοῦτον ἔρνος θρέψεν ἐν ποίᾳ χθονί; τίς δ᾽ ἔκτανεν; ἢ τάχα καλλίζωνος Hpa TIA ἐφ᾽ ε ΄ 90 KELVOV € αμετερᾳ, 11. 71. ᾿Αλκμήνιος Κὶ : αλκμηιος. 78. προσεῖπεν Κὶ : προσεειπεν. G 98 95 100 105 115 BACCHYLIDES. πέμψει kepada τὰ δέ που Παλλάδι ξανθᾷ μέλει." τὸν δὲ προσέφα Μελέαγρος δακρυόεις" “ χαλεπὸν θεῶν παρατρέψαι νόον » > ΄ > , ἄνδρεσσιν ἐπιχθονίοις. ἀντ. γ΄. Ν Ν x” / > x καὶ yap av πλάξιππος Οἰνεὺς παῦσεν καλυκοστεφάνου σεμνᾶς χόλον ᾿Αρτέμιδος λευκωλένου λισσόμενος πολέων τ᾽ αἰγῶν θυσίαισι πατὴρ A A ’ καὶ βοῶν φοινικονώτων᾽ ἀλλ᾽ ἀνίκατον θεὰ ” ΄, » ,ὔ >” ; ’ ἔσχεν χόλον, εὐρυβίαν δ᾽ ἔσσευε κούρα κάπρον ἀναιδομάχαν ἐς καλλίχορον Καλυδῶ- ν᾽, ἔνθα πλημύρων σθένει μὲ 3 [4 > /, ὄρχους ἐπέκειρεν ὀδόντι, σφάᾷξε τε μῆλα, βροτῶν + ca > 7 ’ὕ θ᾽ ὅστις εἰσάνταν μόλοι. τῷ δὲ στυγερὰν δῆριν Ἑλλάνων ἄριστοι ἐπ. γ΄. , > 2 7 στασάμεθ᾽ ἐνδυκέως ae 5 Ἄν πος STEEN NS ΄ ἐξ ἄματα συνεχέως" ἐπεὶ δὲ δαίμων κάρτος Αἰτωλοῖς ὄρεξεν, θάπτομεν ods κατέπεφ- Lol > ’ > fe ’ νεν σῦς ἐριβρύχας ἐπαΐσσων Bia, "Alyx |atov ἐμῶν 7 ᾿Αγέλαον BaccuyLipes—II. 106. és Palm.: és. 110. εἰσάνταν BL.: εἴσαντ᾽ ἄν K. 115. ots Καὶ: τούς. κατέπεφνεν K: -ῴνε. 117. ᾿Αγέλαον K: αγγελον. νὰ BACCHYLIDES, φ[έρτ]ατον κεδνῶν ἀδελφεῶν, a ΄ 2 ’΄ [ὃν τέκεν ἐν μεγάροις 120 [πατρὸ]ς ᾿Αλθαία περικλειτοῖσιν Οἰνέος. [τῶν δ᾽ ὥλεσε μοῖρ᾽ ὀλοὰ στρ. δ΄, [πλέονα]ς" οὐ γάρ πω δαΐῴρων [παῦσεν] χόλον a γροτέρα Λατοῦς θυγάτηρ' περὶ δ᾽ αἴθωνος δορᾶς 12ς μαρνάμεθ᾽ ἐνδυκέως Κουρῆσι μενεπτολέμοις. ἔνθ᾽ ἐγὼ πολλοῖς σὺν ἄλλοις Ἴφικλον κατέκτανον ἐσθλόν 7’ ᾿Αφάρητα, θοοὺς μάτρωας" οὐ γὰρ 130 καρτερόθυμος “Apns κρίνει φίλον ἐν πολέμῳ τυφλὰ δ᾽ ἐκ χειρῶν βέλη ψυχαῖς ἔπι δυσμενέων φοι- τᾷ θάνατόν τε φέρει 13: τοῖσιν ἂν δαίμων θέλῃ. ταῦτ᾽ οὐκ ἐπιλεξαμένα Θεστίου κούρα δαΐφρων μάτηρ κακόποτμος ἐμοὶ ἀντ. &, βούλευσεν ὄλεθρον ἀτάρβακτος γυνά: 140 Kale τε δαιδαλέας ἐκ λάρνακος ὠκύμορον > ’ xX x φιτρὸν ἐγκλαύσασα, τὸν δὴ μοῖρ’ ἐπέκλωσεν τότε (was ὅρον ἁμετέρας ἔμμεν. τύχον μὲν I. 119. ὅν Wilam. 121. τῶν Jebb. 137. κούρα K: κορα. 122. πλέονας Housm. 100 BACCHYLIDES. 145 Δαϊπύλου Κλύμενον παῖδ᾽ ἄλκιμον ἐξεναρί- (wv ἀμώμητον δέμας, πύργων προπάροιθε κιχήσας" τοὶ δὲ πρὸς εὐτικμέναν lal > U / 150 φεῦγον ἀρχαίαν πόλιν Πλευρῶνα" μίνυνθα δέ μοι ψυχὰ γλυκεῖα" ἐπ. ὃ. an ’ > ΄ γνῶν δ᾽ ὀλιγοσθενέων, ϑ να τας δ ἊΝ lA , , αἰαῖ: πύματον δὲ πνέων δάκρυσα TAL d por, | ἀγλαὰν ἥβαν προλείπων. 155 φασὶν ἀδεισιβόαν ᾿Αμφιτρύωνος παῖδα μοῦνον δὴ τότε τέγξαι βλέφαρον, ταλαπενθέος πότμον οἰκτίροντα φωτός" Kat νιν ἀμειβόμενος 160 tot’ ἔφα" ““θνατοῖσι μὴ φῦναι φέριστον, μηδ᾽ ἀελίου προσιδεῖν στρ. ε΄. φέγγος" GAN οὐ γάρ τίς ἐστιν πρᾶξις τάδε μυρομένοις, χρὴ κεῖνο λέγειν ὅ τι καὶ μέλλει τελεῖν. 165 pa τις ἐν μεγάροις Oivjos ἀρηϊφίλου ἐστὶν ἀδμήτα θυγατρῶν σοὶ φυὰν ἀλιγκία ; τάν κεν λιπαρὰν ἐθέλων θείμαν ἄκοιτιν." Ν Ν 7 170 TOV δὲ μενεπτολέμου ΒΑΘΟΘΗΥΤΙΘΌΕΒ.-- Π,. 146. ἐξεναρίζων Bl.: ἐξαναρίζων. 154. προ- λείπων K: προλιπων. 158. οἰκτίροντα Bl.: οἰκτέιροντα. 100. rot’ Housm.: τοιδ᾽ with « deleted. 16]. μηδ᾽ Richards (Stob.): μητ᾽. 165. ἦρα Bl.: ἢ pa K. 169. ἐθέλων K: θελων. BACCHYLIDES. 101 ψυχὰ προσέφα Μελεά- ου “λίπον χλωραύχενα γρ XAWPavKX } 4 a7 ev δώμασι Δαϊάνειραν, νῆϊν ἔτι χρυσέας 175 Κύπριδος θελξιμβρότου." λευκώλενε Καλλιόπα, ἄντ. εἰ. στᾶσον εὐποίητον ἅρμα αὐτοῦ, Δία τε Κρονίδαν ὕμνησον Ολύμπιον ἀρχαγὸν θεῶν, 180 τόν τ᾽ ἀκαμαντορόαν ᾿Αλφεόν, ΠΠέλοπός τε βίαν καὶ Ilicav, ἔνθ᾽ ὃ κλεεννὸς ποσσὶ νικάσας δρόμῳ [AO lev Φερένικος <és> εὐπύργους Συρακούσ- 185 σας “Ἱέρωνι φέρων [εὐδ]αιμονίας πέταλον. “xpi δ᾽ ἀλαθείας χάριν αἰνεῖν, φθόνον ἀμφοτέραισιν χερσὶν ἀπωσάμενον. ” as 4 al 190 εἴ τις εὖ πράσσοι βροτῶν. Βοιωτὸς ἀνὴρ τάνδε φών[ησέ ποτ᾽ ὀμφὰν;] ἐπ. €, Ἡσίοδος πρόπολος ; Μουσᾶν, ὃν (ἂν» ἀθάνατοι Tif pact, κείνῳ] καὶ βροτῶν φήμαν ἕπ[εσθαι.] 195 πείθομαι εὐμαρέως εὐκλέα κελεύθου γλῶσσαν οὐκ ἐκτὸς προεὶς] II. 184. emend. by Housm. 187. ἀλαθείας Bl: αληθειας. 191. τάνδε Housm. φώνησε Bl. ποτ᾽ ὀμφάν Housm. 193. ἄν Bl. τιμῶσι κείνῳ Wilam. 194. ἕπεσθαι Bl. 196. οὐκ ἐκτός Bl. προείς Juren. 102 BACCHYLIDES. ΄ eT: ᾿ ΄ Ν πέμπειν Ἱέρωνι τόθεν γὰρ πυθμένες θάλλουσιν ἐσ θλ[ῶν,] τοὺς ὁ μεγιστοπάτωρ 200 Ζεὺς ἀκινήτους ἐν εἰρήν[ᾳ φυλάσσοι.] 10 III. (6). AAXONI KEIOQI STAATEI OATMTITA. ees. a Ἐπ πο (zit IN = ὩΣ eee S28 3; =A ee ττπς. Ee ΡΟΣ en “«,ἴ--..., WY — ~~ —— ὦ —_~— aN Ss SE res ae pS σὰ SS —~—- SS — ---- Wig ἘΞ καὶ ἘΞ ΞΕ Ν Λάχων Διὸς μεγίστου στρ. α΄. λάχε φέρτατον πόδεσσι ἘΠ υον 4 Ὰ Ης κων. pops ἐπ a προχοαῖσ]ι νικῶν. | δι’ ὅσσα πάροιθεν ἀμπελοτρόφον Κέον ἄεισάν ποτ᾽ ᾽Ολυμπίᾳ ’ \ 4 Le. πύξ τε καὶ στάδιον κρατεῦ[σαν] στεφάνοις ἐθείρας νεανίαι βρύοντες. στρ. β'. σὲ δὲ νῦν ἀναξιμόλπου > “ὦ a a , Οὐρανίας ὕμνος ἕκατι νίκ[ας,] ᾿Αριστομένειον 5. ΄ ὦ ποδάνεμον τέκος, Baccuyiipres—II. 198. ἐσθλῶν Juren. 200. φυλάσσοι Platt. III. 3. ᾿Αλφεοῦ K: αλφειου. νικῶν Blass. BACCH YLIDES. 103 γεραίρει προδόμοις ἀοι- 15 dats, ὅτι στάδιον κρατήσας Κέον εὐκλέϊξας. IV. (9). ΑΥ̓ΤΟΜΗΔΕῚ ΦΛ[ΕΊΓΑΣΙΩΙ ΠΕΝΤΑΘΛΩΙ NEMEA. ἘΠ ρον pee ~ στρ. ΞΕ πιεῖ Ξε τῷ - ΞΕ τς ΒΕ ΠΑ cl ΝΑΌΝ eRe. * ευ Οἱ Εν RNAS PII HES BP 5 ἐξ: ΞΞ-- a 77s ce sempapitiin | wien eR ἀν eee (Pee _—_ —_— SS as es SS πο caves SUTORO Ah Y Cys ἐπ. ek “-: Rein ἘΞ, SLES οτος BN Ree plow ule, DEN — 5 [Lee ΞΞ. ΞΞ Es —— EOE ea ps lbh Ses A 5 ee Ee SN ae Ξ " a ea — SOE en pes a ea ah ah ἘΠῚ ΣῪ I cd as, Δόξαν, ὦ χρυσαλάκατοι Χάριτες, στρ. α΄. / / ? 5 A πεισίμβροτον doin’, ἐπεὶ Μουσᾶν ἑλικοβλεφάρων θεῖος προφ] άτ]ας ΕἸ n , Ν y 7 εὔτυκος Φλειοῦντά τε καὶ Νεμεαίου 5 Ζηνὸς εὐθαλὲς πέδον ὑμνεῖν, ὅθι μηλοδαΐκταν θρέψεν ἃ λευκώλενος Ἥρα περικλειτῶν ἀέθλων πρῶτον ρακλεϊ βαρύφθογγον λέοντα. IV. 1. ἐπεί Wilam.: ἔπει K. 3. ἑλικοβλεφάρων Wilam.: Te ἰοβλ-. 6. ὅθι K: οτι. 104 BACCHYLIDES. 10 κεῖθι φοι]νικάσπιδες ἡμίθεοι ἀντ. α΄. vy, 3 ’ὔ, LN πρ[ὠτιστο]ν ᾿Αργείων κριτοὶ ἄθλησαν ἐπ’ ᾿Αρχεμόρῳ, τὸν ξανθοδερκὴς , ᾽ Ψ tA A ε 4 πεφν᾽ ἀωτεύοντα δράκων ὑπέροπλος, σᾶμα μέλλοντος φόνου. 15 ὦ μοῖρα πολυκρατές: οὔ νιν we? ᾿Οἰκλείδας πάλιν / 5 - » Ri 7 στείχειν ἐς εὐάνδρους ay| WAS. | ἐλπὶς ἀνθρώπων ὑφαιρ[εῖται πρόνοιαν. | ἃ καὶ τότ᾽ "Αδραστον TaA[aiovidar] ἐπ. α΄. 20 πέμπεν ἐς Θήβας Πολυνείκεϊ πλα[ξίππῳ πέλας.] ΄ Chet were το ee κείνων am’ εὐδόξων ἀγώνων ἐν Νεμέᾳ κλεινοὶ βροτῶν — οἱ τριέτει στεφάνῳ Ἂν » ΄ , ξανθὰν ἐρέψωνται κόμαν. > 4 nw 7 25 Αὐτομήδει νῦν ye νικά- σαντί νιν δαίμων ἔδωκεν. πενταέθλοισιν γὰρ ἐνέπρεπεν ὡς στρ. β΄. ἄστρων διακρινεῖ φάει νυκτὸς διχομήνιδος εὐφεγγὴς σελάνα" 30 τοῖος “Βλλάνων δι᾽ ἀ[πείρ]ονα κύκλον φαῖνε θαυμαστὸν δέμας, δισκὸν τροχοειδέα ῥίπτων, καὶ μελαμφύλλου κλάδον ἀκτέας ἐς αἰπεινὰν προπέμπων 997.) 2 \ ” fa 35 αἰθέρ᾽ ἐκ χειρὸς βοὰν ὥτρυνε λαῶν, Baccnynipes—IV. 10. φοινικάσπιδες BI. 13. ἀωτεύ- ovra Neil: ασαγέυοντα. 18. ὑφαιρεῖται Bl. πρόνοιαν Christ. 28. διακρινεῖ φάει Bl.: διακρίνει φάη. 32. ῥίπτων Housm.: ριπτῶν. etal BACCHYLIDES. 105 vn la > ΄ / > , ἢ τελευταίας ἀμάρυγμα πάλας" ἀντ. β΄. τοιῷ[δ᾽ ὑπερθύ]μῳ of θένε] γυια[ λκέα σώματα [πρὺς γ]αίᾳ πελάσσ[ας] ἵκετ᾽ [᾿Ασωπὸ]ν παρὰ πορφυροδίναν, 40 τοῦ κ[λέος π͵ᾶσαν χθόνα ἦλθεν καὶ] ἐπ’ ἔσχατα Νείλου: ταί τ᾽ ex [εὐν]αεῖ πόρῳ > Lal 5 ͵ὕ 5 Ψ' οἰκεῦσι Θερμώδοντος, ἐγχέων ἵστορες κοῦραι διωξίππ[οι ” A [ρηος, 45 σῶν, ὦ πολυζήλωτε ἄναξ ποταμῶν, ἐπ: 3. > , vg ba! vA a / a> ἐγγόνων yevoavto καὶ ὑψιπύλου Tpoias ἕδος. 74 ? > , ’ὔ στείχει δι’ εὐρείας κελεύθου μυρία παντᾷ φάτις σᾶς γενεᾶς λιπαρο- Ζ “ “a Ἂν 50 ζώνων θυγατρῶν, ἃς θεοὶ σὺν τύχαις ῴκισσαν ἀρχα- γοὺς ἀπορθήτων ἀγυιῶν. (Fifty-two corrupt verses. ) V. (11). AAEZTAAMQI METATIONTINOI ΠΑΙΔῚ ITAAAIZTHI ΠΥΘΙΑ. Se Se SS Ξο- 9 στρ. 2 eae το ς-- EIN Es 22 (tng peal τὸ 5 Te ee aN — 8 Sie ee a τε ς [seas es Ἔξι Yen IV. 38. πελάσσας K: πελασσω with ὦ corrected to a. 39. ᾿Ασωπόν Bl. 42. εὐναεῖ Jebb. 44. κοῦραι K: κοραι. 45. πολυζήλωτε Platt: πολυζήλωτ᾽. 46. ἐγγόνων Weil: ἔγγονοι. 106 BACCHYLIDES. ἘΞ re ας oe ke {22 ἀξ ae, ΤΟΙΣ τριττὰ Rn a Ξ τ ee στ ὐν τς a ee ἘΞ Sse Us Ss wove ities SB icing, ye --᾿ -Ξ..΄ res ἐπ. See 0. τς ἘΞ - Saas SS 5 ΕΞ --- —— — ΞΞΞΙΞΞ SSeS Sow LA of Le τος ὁ ᾿Ξ -- ΞΞ Κὲε Seo Sow 22 Sos SR = Ser Sur Ἐξ lO SS) SS ere (TEs OR SIMMS ee τ ΟΕ ΕΒ Sa So Ss -σξ a ee ee σον [ee (eres ah ee Nixa γλυκύδωρε, [μεγίσταν στρ. α΄. σοὶ πατ[ὴρ τιμὰν ὄπασσεν] ὑψίζυγος Οὐρανιδᾶν"] ἐν πολυχρύσῳ δ᾽ Ὀλύμπῳ Ν [4 5. Ζηνὶ παρισταμένα / 7 2 /, κρίνεις τέλος ἀθανάτοι- σίν τε καὶ θνατοῖς ἀρετᾶς. ἔλλαθι, [βαθυ]πλοκάμου κούρα [Στυγὸς ὀρ]θοδίκου" σέθεν δ᾽ ἕκατι μεγίσταν Hense. 2. τιμάν Platt. 8. βαθυπλοκάμου Jebb. BaccHyLipEs — V. 1. ὄπασσεν Juren. 3. Ovp. Juren. 9, Στυγός Fennell. BACCHYLIDES. 107 Ἂς Lal ͵ 5 10 καὶ νῦν Μεταπόντιον εὖ- γυίων [κατέχ]ουσι νέων Lal / Ἂς 5 rf , ΕΣ κῶμοί τε καὶ εὐφροσύναι θεότιμον ἄστυ" ὑμνεῦσι δὲ ΠΙυθιόνικον παῖδα θαητὸν Φαΐσκου. τις ἵλεῴ νιν 6 Δαλογενὴς vi- ἀντ. α΄. ὃς βαθυζώνοιο Λατοῦς a / - la Sexto βλεφάρῳ" πολέες δ᾽ ἀμφ᾽ ᾿Αλεξίδαμον ἀνθέων > , 7 ἐν πεδίῳ στέφανοι 20 Kippas ἔπεσον κρατερᾶς ἦρα παννίκοιο πάλας" οὐκ εἶδέ νιν ἀέλιος κείνῳ γε σὺν ἄματι πρὸς γαίᾳ πεσόντα. / Ν Nees: is φάσω δὲ καὶ ev ζαθέοις 25 ἁγνοῦ Πέλοπος δαπέδοις ᾿Αλφεὸν παρὰ καλλιρόαν, δίκας κέλευθον εἰ μή τις ἀπέτραπεν ὀρθᾶς, Ἂ , ἐλ ’ παγξένῳ χαίταν ἐλαίᾳ γλαυκᾷ στεφανωσάμενον ἐπ. α΄. 240 πορτιτρόφ[ον ἂν πεδίον πάτραν] θ᾽ ἱκέσθαι. [οὔ τι δολοφροσύνα] παῖδ᾽ ἐν χθονὶ καλλιχόρῳ ’ὔ ΄ὔ / ποικίλαις τέχναις πέλασσεν, GAN ἢ θεὸς αἴτιος, ἢ 35 γνῶμαι πολύπλαγκτοι βροτῶν V. 11. κατέχουσι Nairn. 21. παννίκοιο K: παννίκοι. 30. So BI. 31. So Festa. 35. πολύπλαγκτοι K: -Ύκοι. 108 40 45 50 55 60 BACCHYLIDES. [ἄμερσαν ὑπέρτατον ἐκ χειρῶν γέρας. νῦν δ᾽ "Aprepus ἀγροτέρα ’ὔὕ ιν χρυσαλάκατος λιπαρὰν id / / ' Ὁ [ἡμέ]ρα τοξόκλυτος νίκαν ἔδωκε, [τᾷ] ποτ᾽ ᾿Αβαντιάδας x / / βωμὸν κατένασσε πολύλ- ΕΣ » mn λιστον εὐπεπλοί τε κοῦραι" τὰς ἐξ ἐρατῶν ἐφόβησε ogp. Ba SO? ΄ παγκρατὴς Ηρα μελάθρων II[potrov, παραπλῆγι φρένας Lod ΄΄ 3... / καρτερᾷ ζεύξασ᾽ ἀνάγκᾳ. παρθενίᾳ γὰρ ἔτι ψυχᾷ κίον ἐς τέμενος πορφυροζώνοιο θεᾶς" φάσκον δὲ πολὺ σφέτερον πλούτῳ προφέρειν πατέρα ξανθᾶς παρέδρου nan \ =) 7 σεμνοῦ Διὸς εὐρυβίᾳ. ταῖσιν δὲ χολωσαμένα στήθεσσι παλίντροπον ἔμβαλεν νόημα' φεῦγον δ᾽ ὄρος ἐς τανύφυλλον, σμερδαλέαν φωνὰν ἱεῖσαι, Τιρύνθιον ἄστυ λιποῦσαι ἄντ. β΄. Ν / > , καὶ θεοδμάτους ἀγυιάς. ” ‘ ” 7 ἤδη yap ἔτος δέκατον θεοφιλὲς λιπόντες ΓΑργος ναῖον ἀδεισιβόαι BAccHYLIDES—V. 36. ἄμερσαν Palmer. 39. ἡμέρα BL, after Purser’s duépa. 54. So K: στηθεσιν and euBare νομμα. 55. τανύφυλλον Sm.: τανυ-. > > 65 7ο 75 80 85 BACCHYLIDES. 109 χαλκάσπιδες ἡμίθεοι σὺν πολυζήλῳ βασιλεῖ, νεῖκος γὰρ ἀμαιμάκετον βληχρᾶς ἀνέπαλτο κασιγνήτοις ἀπ᾽ ἀρχᾶς IIpottw τε καὶ ᾿Ακρισίῳ" λαούς τε διχοστασίαις ἤρειπον ἀμετροδίκοις μάχαις τε λυγραῖς. λίσσοντο δὲ παῖδας ΓΑ Bavros γᾶν πολύκριθον λαχόντας Τίρυνθα τὸν ὁπλότερον em. “9. ᾽ ἊΝ > 5 , » » ’ὔὕ κτίζειν, πρὶν ἐς ἀργαλέαν πεσεῖν ἀνάγκαν᾽" ? Ζεύς τ’ ἔθελεν Kpovisdas, τιμῶν Δαναοῦ γενεὰν καὶ διωξίπποιο Λυγκέος, παῦσαι στυγερῶν ἀχέων. τεῖχος δὲ Κύκλωπες κάμον ἐλθόντες ὑπερφίαλοι κλεινᾷ πόλει κάλλιστον, tv’ ἀντίθεοι ναῖον κλυτὸν ἱππόβοτον "Apyos ἥρωες περικλειτοὶ λιπόντες. ἔνθεν ἀπεσσύμεναι Προίτου κυανοπλόκαμοι φεῦγον ἄδματοι θύγατρες. τὸν δ᾽ εἷλεν ἄχος κραδίαν, ξεί- στρ. γ΄. να τέ νιν πλᾶξεν μέριμνα" δοίαξε δὲ φάσγανον ἄμ- φακες ἐν στέρνοισι πᾶξαι. ἀλλά νιν αἰχμοφόροι V. 68. ἤρειπον K : ἤριπον. 79. κάλλιστον, Housm.: κάλλιστον K. 110 BACCHYLIDES. 50 Ld ‘48 90 μύθοισί τε μειλιχίοις καὶ βίᾳ χειρῶν κατέχον. τρεισκαΐδεκα μὲν τελέους Lal A τ 3’ ͵ a μῆνας κατὰ δάσκιον ἡλύκταζον ὕλαν n , oh) ’ὔ φεῦγόν τε κατ᾽ ᾿Αρκαδίαν 95 μηλοτρόφον ἀλλ’ ὅτε δὴ Aotoov ποτὶ καλλιρόαν πατὴρ ἵκανεν, ἔνθεν χρόα νιψάμενος φοι- νικοκ[ ραδέμνοι]ο Λατοῦς κίκλῃ[σκε θύγατρα] βοῶπιν, ἄντ. γ΄. 100 χεῖρας ἀντείνων πρὸς αὐγὰς c 4 > ἐφ ἱππώκεος ἀελίου “τέκνα δυστάνοιο λύσσᾶς 7 > rf πάρφρονος eLayayeiv’ θύσω δέ τοι εἴκοσι βοῦς Dy , 2) 105 a¢vyas φοινικότριχας. lel hie? ? 3 Uy τοῦ δ᾽ exAv’ ἀριστοπάτρα θηροσκόπος εὐχομένου πιθοῦσα δ᾽ Ἥραν παῦσεν καλυκοστεφάνους κούρας μανιᾶν ἀθέων" SS ? a ἢ « ΄ ’, Las 110 ταὶ δ᾽ αὐτίκα οἱ τέμενος βωμόν τε τεῦχον, χραῖνόν τέ μιν αἵματι μήλων καὶ χοροὺς ἵσταν γυναικῶν. ἔνθεν καὶ ἀρηϊφίλοις ἐπ. γ΄. ἄνδρεσσιν <és> ἱπποτρόφον rodw <8 ᾽Α χαιοῖς BaccHyLipEs—V. 92. τρεισ- Bl.: τρισ-- 93. ἠλύκταζον K: ἠλυκταξον. 94. κατ᾽ ’Apx. Palm.: κατακαρδίαν. 110. ral BL: yu. 114. és Jebb. δ᾽ add. Ludwich; χώραν Wilam.; ποίαν Housm. - κ᾿, 2 BACCAYLIDES. ἘΠ σ a Ν Ν UA 115 ἕσπεο' σὺν de τύχᾳ ΄, ΄ > ναίεις Μεταπόντιον, ὦ 4 4 n χρυσέα δέσποινα Aawv ” , e / ἄλσος TE TOL ἱμερόεν K Ψ >| ” ὃ 7. άσαν παρ᾽ εὔυδρον, πρόγο- οἱ ἔἕσσαν ἐμοί, ΤΙριάμοι᾽ ἐπεὶ 5 120 ν ν ἐμοί, Πριάμοι᾽ ἐπεὶ χρόνῳ βουλαῖσι θεῶν μακάρων πέρσαν πόλιν εὐκτιμέναν χαλκοθωράκων μετ᾽ ᾿Ατρειδᾶν. δικαίας a 5, ἊΝ ε ὅστις Exes φρένας, εὑ- 125 ρήσει σὺν ἅπαντι χρόνῳ Ul > \ ) Lal μυρίας ἀλκὰς ᾿Αχαιῶν. VI. (13), FROM ΑΝ ODE TO PYTHEAS OF AIGINA. ee Ns eee, | UN Sars τ a στρ. 2S (ore ἘΞ SS ees see ES a 2 LS eg ere 5 85 [πε Ὁ ᾿Ξ τὰ ες (Sie =n Se (eee Se HS Se [LS τ εν OLS es Beh Sh PES Sos Θϑρνες, Io EO ge a Be (5 “ς pital eet Peto a) EN. SoS ἘΞ (3 ces a= rer eet. es ἸΞῚ ΚΑῚ Ἔτσ ἐπ --- -- ο΄’ - - ».ὕὄὥ eae mS taf EOE eee oe ae --- - - --. Ὁ, --ο —eor BEANS V. 120. ἕσσαν ἐμοί Palm.: ἑσσάμενοι; προγόνων ἑσσαμένων Wilam.; προᾶγον Richards; πρὸ γουνοῖ ἕσσαν ἔμεν Platt; θέσαν οἱ σοὶ πρόγονοι IIp. Reinach. 112 BACCHYLIDES. 5 SS ee ORE: =K — Αἴαντα σακεσφόρον ἥ[ρω,] ὅστ᾽ ἐπὶ πρύμνᾳ σταθεὶς ἔσχεν θρασυκάρδιον [ὁρ-] μαίνοντα ν[ ας] 5 θεσπεσίῳ π[υρὶ καῦσαι} 75 Ἕκτορα χαλ[κοκορυστά]ν, ὁππότε Π|ηλεΐδας] [τρ]α[χεῖ]α[ν] [[Δργείοισι μ]ᾶνιν ὠρίνατ ο, Δαρδανίδας] ἀντ, γ΄. 10 τ᾽ ἔλυσεν ἄτας" 80 a \ Ν / οἱ πρὶν μὲν [θεότιμο]ν Ἰλίου θαητὸν ἄστυ ᾿ [οὐ] λεῖπον, ἀτυζόμενοι [δὲ] [πτ]ᾶσσον ὀξεῖαν μάχαν, Cer ΤΌΣ] ᾽ὔ ΄ὔ 15 εὖτ᾽ ἐν πεδίῳ κλονέων 85 μαίνοιτ᾽ ᾿Αχιλλεὺς λαοφόνον δόρυ σείων. ἀλλ᾽ ὅτε δὴ πολέμοιο λῆξεν ἰοστεφάνου 20 Νηρῇδος ἀτρόμητοϊς υἱός,] 90 BaccuyLipEs—VI. 5. καῦσαι Bl. 6. χαλκ. Bl. 7. ὁππότε: ὁπότε. 8. So BL. 9. ὠρίνατο Bl.: wpéwaro. Aapdavidas Desrouss. 10. ἄτας Desrouss. 11. θεότιμον Sm. 13. οὐ Bl. 14. πτᾶσσον Platt. BACCHYLIDES., 113 ὥστ᾽ ἐν κυανανθέϊ OL ύων ναυβάτας] er. Ὑ΄. , ’, c Ν ΄ὔ πόντῳ Bop |éas ὑπὸ κύ- oh μασιν dai e νυκτὸς ἀντάσας avar| επτομένας"} 25 λῆξεν δὲ σὺν φαεσιμ[βρότῳ] 95 ΝΑ; lal / v3 / ot, στόρεσεν δέ τε πόΪντον] τὶ , 4 Ν 7, a ovpia* νότου δὲ κόλπωσαν πνοαῖς] ε ΄ ε ͵ >” ἱστίον ἁρπαλέως τ᾽ ἄ- ελπτον ἐξίκοντο χ[έρσον"]} 30 ὡς Τρῶες, ἐπί εἰ] κλύον ai- στρ. δ. 100 χματὰν ᾿Αχιλλέα μίμνοντ᾽ ἐν κλισίῃσιν ΄ lal , εἵνεκεν ξανθᾶς γυναικός, ᾿ Βρισηΐδος ἱμερογυίου, a“ ” ’ὔ 35 θεοῖσιν ἄντεινᾶν γέρας 105 A > , ec Ν φοιβὰν ἐσιδόντες ὑπαὶ χειμῶνος αἴγλαν. πασσυδίᾳ δὲ λιπόντες , 4 τείχεα Λαομέδοντος 40 ἐς πεδίον κρατερὰν 110 ” c U yy ἄιξαν ὑσμίναν φέροντες. ὦρσάν τε φόβον Aavaoss: avr, δ΄. ὥτρυνε δ᾽ "Αρης εὐεγχής, Λυκίων τε 45 Δοξίας ἄναξ ᾿Απόλλων" 115 ἷξόν 7 ἐπὶ Otva θαλάσσας" VI. 21. θύων Bl. ναυβάτας Crusius; ναῦν θοάν Bl. 24. ἀναπ. Cr.; ἀντάσασαν ἀπεχθομένας Bl. 27. οὐρία K: οὐριαι. κόλπωσαν πνοαῖς Bl. 35. θεοῖσιν Bl. 36. φοιβάν BL: φοίβαν κ. 38, πασσυδίᾳ K: πασσυδιας. 46. θῖνα K: θεινα. H 114 50 55 60 65 7O BACCHYLIDES. Ν ) > 7 ‘ ναυσὶ δ᾽ εὐπρύμνοις παραὶ μάρναντ᾽, ἐναριζομένων [δ᾽ ἔρ]ευθε φωτῶν [αἵμα]τι γαῖα μέλαινα 120 € Ἢ ε / [“Exrop leas ὑπὸ χειρός--- (Twenty mutilated verses. ) οὐ yap ἀλα[μπέσ]: νυ[ κτὸς] 142 Ν ; Ν πασιφανὴς ᾿Αρετὰ κρυφθεῖσ’ ἀμαυρο[ῦται δνόφοισιν,] ἀλλ᾽ ἔμπεδον ἀκ[αμάτᾳ] ἄντ. ε΄. 145 βρύουσα δόξᾳ wn ΟΥ̓ ἴω στρωφᾶται κατὰ γᾶν [τε] καὶ πολυπλάγκταν θ] άλασσαν.] καὶ μὰν φερεκυδέα ν[ ἄσον] Ai Lal “ ΗΝ E > ακοῦ τιμᾷ, σὺν Εἰὐ- 150 / Ν he κλείᾳ δὲ φιλοστεφ[άνῳ] πόλιν κυβερνᾷ, Εὐνομία τε σαόφρων, [ἃ] θαλίας τε λέλογχεν ” Tes) > , ἄστεά τ’ εὐσεβέων 155 ἀνδρῶν ev εἰρήνᾳ φυλάσσει" e νίκαν τ᾽ ἐρικ[υδέα] μέλπετ᾽, ὦ νέοι, ἐπ. €. Πυθέα μελέτ[αν τε] βροτω- φελέα Μενάνδρου, τὰν ἐπ’ ᾿Αλφειοῦ τε polais θ]αμὰ δὴ 160 τίμασεν ἃ χρυσάρματος BaccHyLipEs—VI. 47. παραί Platt: mapa. 49. ἔρευθε Palmer. 53. ᾿Αρετά Wilam., cf. 60,63. 54. δνόφοισιν Tyrrell. 55. ἀκαμάτᾳ Platt. 70. θαμά Nairn. 75 80 BACCAHYLIDES. σεμνὰ μεγάθυμος ᾿Αθάνα, μυρίων 7 ἤδη μίτραισιν ἀνέρων » 4 > / ἐστεφάνωσεν ἐθείρας ἐν ΠΠανελλάνων ἀέθλοις. > / Ν εἰ μή τινα θερσιεπὴς φθόνος βιᾶται, > Μ΄, Ν " αἰνείτω σοφὸν ἄνδρα σὺν δίκᾳ. βροτῶν δὲ μῶμος πάντεσσι μέν ἐστιν ἐπ᾽ ἔργοις" a8 ἀλαθεία φιλεῖ νικᾶν, ὅ τε πανδαμάτωρ , QA nw χρόνος τὸ καλῶς 3 ΄ὔ aN 377 ἐργμένον αἰὲν ἀέξει. (Twenty-four mutilated verses.) 115 VII. (14) ΚΛΕΟΠΤΟΛΕΜΩΙ OEZZAAQT ἹΠΠΟΙ͂Σ ΠΕΤΡΑΙΑ. eo — ---- -ο-α- ——_— OR, (2 FOR SS ieven iles τ τα jects nee: ΞΕ. Eivesk Ths: per ee (es [εἴπ ee on ee ΞΞ Ξε VI. 76. θερσι[εἸπής Bl.: θερσ[ οεἸπής K. τῷ ΟἿΣ ἐπ. 110 BACCHYLIDES. — ι- ω,Ο. --- — ἐς Ὁ .«--ὕ.-.ὄ. --- —_— ee .-- -θὉ OO Sa Sieg Se ὦ Ae eee Kd μὲν εἱμάρθαι παρὰ δαίμονος ἀν-] στρ. α΄. θρώποις ἄριστον" συμφορὰ δ᾽ ἐσθλόν {τ ἀμαλδύ- [νει β]αρύτλατος μολοῦσα, 5 [καὶ κλειν]ὸν [ἰδ] ὑψιφανῆ τε[ύ-] [χει κ]ατορθωθεῖσα" τιμὰν [δ᾽ ἄλ]λος ἀλλοίαν ἔχει" μυρί]αι δ᾽ ἀνδρῶν ἀρεταί, μία δ᾽ ε[ὑ-]} ἄντ. α΄. [δαίμω]ν πρόκειται, Io [ὃς τὸ] παρ χειρὸς κυβερνᾷ [σὺν δι]καίαισι φρένεσσιν. [ov7’ alv βαρυπενθέσιν ἁρμό- [Cor μ]άχαις φόρμιγγος ὀμφὰ [καὶ λι]γυκλαγγεῖς χοροί, 15 [ovr’ ἐ]ν θαλίαις καναχὰ ἐπ. α΄. [χαλκ]όκτυπος, ἀλλ᾽ ἐφ᾽ ἑκάστῳ ἊΣ ΣΝ > lal ΕΣ tA [καιρὸς] ἀνδρῶν ἔργματι κάλ- λιστος" εὖ ἔρδοντα δὲ καὶ θεὸς ὀ[ρθοῖ.] ΚΚλεοπτολέμῳ δὲ χάριν 20 νῦν χρὴ ΙΠοσειδᾶνός τε Πετρ[αί.] BaccHyLipEs—VII. 1. δαίμονος Platt, ete. 8. 7’ Jebb. 5. καὶ κλεινόν Jebb. 6 Housm.: ἤδη with καί superscr. τεύχει Platt. 8. εὐδαίμων Jebb. 10. τό Headlam, Pearson. 11. σύν Pearson. 12. οὔτ᾽ ἄν and ἁρμάζοι Platt. 13. μάχαις Jebb. 15. οὔτ᾽ Platt. 17. καιρός Jebb. 20. Ποσειδᾶνος Wilam.: ΠΠοσιδ-. BACCHYLIDES. 117 ov τέμενος κελαδῆσαι Πυρρίχου τ’ εὐδοξον ἱππόν[ικον υἱόν.] (The rest is mutilated or wanting.) ATOYTPA MBOT. VIII. (15.) ANTHNOPIAATI [Η EAENH]> ΑΠΑΙΤΗΣΙΣ. ΝΕ aes Lae ame re στρ. Se ee ES eee 55 Ua aN sp [Lees a fa yO nN tN = =f Oe oS 1s μῶ; TX poe Micka (een es pt ty (Wott este etree 5. Ἐπ δ ae ee ee τ a aR eee ee = ἘΞ ‘(eae ce {atlas tat _ Pinte MOC Ale, cae arama to ae ἐπ. eae is (a ξένο. SS qe Ὁ" ἘΡῸ ΜΈΝ ἜΣ ταν τον eee oR 1 ee (ae ae te NS ee es SEZ Sea a Be 5, eos (Thirty-six lines mutilated or wanting.) Πατὴρ δ᾽ εὔβουλος ἥρως “4 ΄ , κ πάντα σάμαινεν ἸΤριάμῳ βασιλεῖ παίδεσσί τε μῦθον ᾿Αχαιῶν. ” ΄ ᾽ 3 ἔνθα κάρυκες Ov εὐ- 40 ρεῖαν πόλιν ὀρνύμενοι Τρώων ἀόλλιζον φάλαγγας δεξίστρατον εἰς ἀγοράν. στρ. γ΄. πάντῳ. δὲ διέδραμεν αὐδάεις λόγος" VII. 22. ἱππ. υἱόν Blass. VIII. Title #: Reinach. 118 BACCHYLIDES. θεοῖς δ᾽ ἀνίσχοντες χέρας ἀθανάτοις 45 10 εὔχοντο παύσασθαι δυᾶν. Μοῦσα, τίς πρῶτος λόγων ἄρχεν δικαίων : Πλεισθενίδας Μενέλαος γάρυϊ θελξιεπεῖ pbeyEar’, εὐπέπλοισι κοινώσας Χάρισσιν' “ ᾧ Τρῶες ἀρηΐφιλοι, avr. y'. 50 15 Ζεὺς ὑψιμέδων, ὃς ἅπαντα δέρκεται, οὐκ αἴτιος θνατοῖς μεγάλων ἀχέων, > δ᾽ 3 ΄ fr = ἀλλ᾽ ev μέσῳ κεῖται κιχεῖν aA =) lA 7 5 lal ε A πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις Δίκαν ἰθεῖαν, ayvas Kivopias ἀκόλουθον καὶ πινυτᾶς Θέμιτος" 55 > 7 Δ AQ? ε Lal / 20 ὀλβίων παῖδές νιν αίρευνται σύνοικον. ἁ δ᾽ αἰόλοι[ς ψε]ύδεσσι καὶ ἀφροσύναις . em. γ΄. ἐξαισίοις θάλλουσ’ ἀθαμβὴς Ὕβρις, ἃ πλ[οῦτον] δύναμίν τε θοῶς ἀλλότριον ὥπασεν, αὖτις 60 25 δ᾽ ἐς βαθὺν πέμπει φθόρον, , Ny ce / [Kei ]va Kat ὑπερφιάλους [Tas] παῖδας ὦλεσσεν Γίγαντας." IX. (17.) ΗἸΘΕΟΙ [H] ΘΗΣΕΥΣ. Sd i ee ee et SS ῆς--Ἕὅ στρ. — —_ > 5 ee ἘΞ: -Ξ------ - BAccHYLIDES—VIII. 11. λόγων ἄρχεν Purser: ἄρχεν λόγων. 18. ἀνθρώποισι Δίκαν ὁσίαν ἁγνάν Clem. 19. Θέμιδος Clem. 20. παῖδες ὦ νιν εὑρόντες Clem. 21. αἰόλοις ψεύδεσσι Palmer. 23. ἅ Jebb. πλοῦτον Palm. 27. ὥλεσσεν Κὶ : ὠλεσεν. IX. Title H: Blass. BACCHYLIDES. 119 πο -οὄ.. ..- ---- »"- ---ἔ- --- “ο΄ ---ο-. —— —“_—S_-~—S _—_—— SS .-.-.--. fees RR ty ΞΞΞ So ON eS SS LO ss ον. SERS A 5 eee, ———— .. —“~" . a) : : — τ — @~~— Oe” -- "-. SS . .. ἘΞ me ἘΞ τε τ 5 Β aes fe SSS 15 Ξ . — SS —) ὦ ΞΕ a et Sh σι --ΞΞ es eS aN 5 . SS ΞΞ- a ~— Se So Si So Se SS SS —— τος A eS Sos a3 επ. SS es SoS SS νος 5 ie eS SS a eee .--- ae Re ————— ξες — | Oe fo an ee ἘΞ ἐν --Ξ Se ee te eet ἘΞ ΞΘ Ὁ — Ome 6) 120 10 15 20 25 BACCHYLIDES. Kvavorpwpa. μὲν ναῦς, μενέκτυπον στρ. α΄. Θησέα dis ἑπτά 7 ἀγλαοὺς ἄγουσα κούρους ᾿Ιαόνων, Κρητικὸν τάμνε πέλαγος" τηλαυγέϊ γὰρ ἐν φάρεϊ Βορήϊαι πίτνον αὖραι κλυτᾶς ἕκατι π[ οἠλεμαίγιδος ᾿Αθάνας. κνίσεν τε Μίνωϊ κέαρ ἱμεράμπυκος θεᾶς Κύπριδος [αἰν]ὰ δῶρα: χεῖρα δ᾽ οὐκέτι παρθενικᾶς ἄτερθ᾽ ἐράτυεν, θίγεν δὲ λευκᾶν παρηΐδων" βόα[σέ τ’ ᾿Ερ]ίβοια χαλκο- θώρακα ἸΙανδίονος ἔκγ[ζον]ον᾽ ἴδεν δὲ Θησεύς, μέλαν δ᾽ ὑπ’ ὀφρύων δί[ν]α[σ]εν ὄμμα, καρδίαν τέ οἱ σχέτλιον ἄμυξεν ἄλγος, εἶρέν τε" “ Διὸς υἱὲ φερτάτου, ὅσιον οὐκέτι τεᾶν ἔσω κυβερνᾷς φρενῶν θ]υμόν᾽] ἴσχε μεγαλοῦχον, ἥρως, βίαν. “ \ > an aA \ > , 6 τι μὲν ἐκ θεῶν μοῖρα παγκρατὴς ἄντ. α΄. ” 4 Ν / ε΄ tA ἄμμι κατένευσε καὶ Δίκας ῥέπει τά- λαντον, πεπρωμέναν ἘΝ > ΄ὔ [7 αἶσαν ἐκπλήσομεν, ὅταν BaccHyLipes—IX. 4, τάμνε K: τάμνεν. 8. Μίνωϊ K: Μινω. 10. ἔκγονον Palmer. 17. μεῖλαν ἢ cf. Ὡ 79, [Plut.] Vita Hom. 1075 5. BACCHYLIDES. ἡ 121 ἔλθῃ: σὺ δὲ βαρεῖαν κάτε- χε μῆτιν. εἰ καί σε κεδνὰ 30 τέκεν λέχει Διὸς ὑπὸ κρόταφον "ldas μιγεῖσα Φοίνικος ἐρα- τώνυμος κόρα βροτῶν φέρτατον, ἀλλὰ κἀμὲ IlirGeos θυγάτηρ ἀφνεοῦ 35 πλαθεῖσα ποντίῳ τέκεν Tlocedavi, χρύσεόν τέ οἱ δόσαν ἰόπλοκοι κάλυμμα Νηρηΐδες. TO σε, πολέμαρχε Κνωσσίων, 40 κέλομαι πολύστονον ἐρύκεν ὕβριν' οὐ γὰρ ἂν θέλοι- μ’ ἀμβρότου ἐραννὸν ᾿Αοῦς ἰδεῖν φάος, ἐπεί τιν᾽ ἠθέων σὺ δαμάσειας ἀέκον- 45 ta’ πρύσθε χειρῶν βίαν δείξομεν" τὰ δ᾽ ἐπιόντα δαίμων κρινεῖ. τ[όσ᾽ εἶἾπεν ἀρέταιχμος ἥρως" ἐπὶ a, τάφον δὲ ναυβάται [κούρου] ὑπεράφανον 50 θάρσος: “Αλίου τε γαμβρῷ χολώ[σατ᾽ Frop, | ὕφαινέ τε ποταινίαν μῆτιν, εἶπέν te “ μεγαλοσθενὲς Ζεῦ πάτερ, ἄκουσον" εἴπερ ple κούρ]α Φοίνισσα λευκώλενος σοὶ τέκε, 55 νῦν προπεμπ᾽ ἀπ’ οὐρανοῦ θ[ οὰν] IX. 39. τῶ Platt: τῷ K. 42. ἀμβρότου Wilam.: ἀμβρότοίι". 49. κούρου Juren. 53. με κούρα Bl. 55. θοάν Palm. 122 BACCHYLIDES. πυριέθειραν ἀστραπὰν oop ἀρίγνωτον᾽" εἰ δὲ καὶ σὲ Tpofnvia σεισίχθονι φύτευσεν Αἴθρα ἸΙοσει- 60 dav, τόνδε χρύσεον Ν 5 [ χειρὸς ἀγλαόν, δικὼν θράσει σῶμα πατρὸς ἐς δόμους, ” , ὧν, [2 ΄ ἔνεγκε κόσμον βαθείας ἁλός. ” tt fy! eaten ΄ εἴσεαι δ᾽ αἴ κ᾿ ἐμᾶς κλύῃ 65 Κρόνιος εὐχᾶς ἀναξιβρόντας ὁ πάντωΪν μεδέω]ν.᾽ κλύε δ᾽ ἄμεμπτον εὐχὰν μεγασθενὴς στρ. β΄. Ζεύς, ὑπέροχόν τε Μίνῳ φύτευσε τιμὰν φίλῳ θέλων Ἂν ͵7ὔ / γο παιδὶ πανδερκέα θέμεν, ἄστραψέ θ᾽: ὁ δὲ θυμάρμενον ἰδὼν τέρας χέρα πέτασσε ἣν Ξ >) 7 , vA κλυτὰν ἐς αἰθέρα μενεπτόλεμος ἥρως, eipev τε ““Θησεῦ, {σὺν τάδε 75 μὲν βλέπεις σαφῆ Διὸς δῶρα: σὺ δ᾽ ὄρνυ᾽ ἐς Ba- ρύβρομον πέλαγος" Kpovidas δέ τοι πατὴρ ἄναξ τελεῖ Ποσειδὰν ὑπέρτατον 80 κλέος χθόνα Kar’ ἠύδενδρον.᾽ a > “ >} τῷ , ὡς εἶπε" τῷ δ᾽ οὐ πάλιν BaccuyLipEs—IX. 58. Τροζηνία Bl.: Τροιζ-. 66. ἀναξιβρόντας K: -βρεντας. 67. ἄμεμπτον Bl.: ἀμεπτον. 72. χέρα Richards : χειρας. 74, σύ Jebb. 80. ἠύδενδρον K: evdevdpor. Oy Pitan νη» σι, 85 90 95 100 105 BACCHYLIDES. 123 θυμὸς ἀνεκάμπτετ᾽, ἀλλ᾽ εὐ- παγῶν ἐπ᾽ ἰκρίων σταθεὶς ὄρουσε, πόντιόν τέ νιν δέξατο θελημὸν ἄλσος. τά[ξ]εν δὲ Διὸς υἱὸς ἔνδοθεν κέαρ, κέλευσέ τε κατ᾽ οὖ- ρον ἴσχεν εὐδαίδαλον νᾷα"- μοῖρα δ᾽ ἑτέραν ἐπόρσυν᾽ ὁδόν.--- “ 3. 1.80. "ἢ (ae Fo ΄ 5 , ἵετο δ᾽ ὠκύπομπον δόρυ" σόει ἀντ. β΄. ἣν 2537 ΄ >; viv Bopeas ἐξόπιν πνέουσ᾽ ἄητα" τρέσσαν δ᾽ ᾿Αθαναίων ἠθέων {πᾶν γένος, ἐπεὶ “ / be ἥρως θόρεν πόντονδε, Ka- \ ΄ oy oe ΄ , τὰ λειρίων 7 ὀμμάτων δά. , lal 2 / 3 , Kpv χέον, βαρεῖαν ἐπιδέγμενοι ἀνάγκαν᾽ φέρον δὲ δελφῖνες ἁλι- / 4 ἴω ναιέται μέγαν θοῶς Θησέα πατρὺς ἱππί- / , le . ov δόμον, peyapov τε θεῶν μόλεν" τόθι κλυτὰς ἰδὼν ἔδεισε Νηρῆος ὀλ- , / > \ Ν > βίου κόρας. ἀπὸ yap ἀγλα- ἴω ee , / Gv λάμπε γυίων σέλας - ΄ 3 \ ΄ OTE πυρός, ἀμφὶ χαίταις δὲ χρυσεόπλοκοι IX. 82. εὐπαγῶν Christ: εὐπακτων. 88. ἴσχεν K: ἴσχειν. 91. vw Ellis, οἷο. : vew. ἐξόπιν K: ἐξόπιθεν. ἄητα Housm.: anra. 93. πᾶν K. 95. δάκρυ Jebb: daxpv. 97. ἁλι- Palmer: ἐνᾶλι-. 100. μεγ. τε 6. μόλεν Wilam., Housm.: ἔμολέν τε θ. μέγαρον. 102. Νηρῆος K: Νηρέοςς. 105. dre Bl.: wire (ἢ). 124 IIo 115 120 125 130 BACCHYLIDES. 0 / “Ἁ ‘ ὁ δίνηντο ταινίαι" χορῷ δὲ τέρ- Tov κέαρ ὑγροῖσι ποσσίν' εἶδέν τε πατρὸς ἄλοχον φίλαν ἊΝ lal > lal σεμνὰν βοῶπιν ἐρατοῖ- σιν ᾿Αμφιτρίταν δόμοις" ἅ νιν ἀμφέβαλεν *aidva πορφυρέαν, κόμαισί 7 ἐπέθηκεν οὔλαις ἐπ. β΄. 3 , , Η ἀμεμφέα πλόκον, τόν ποτέ οἱ ἐν γάμῳ δῶκε δόλιος ᾽Α φροδίτα ῥόδοις ἐρεμνόν. ἄπιστον ὅ τι δαίμονες ΄ὔ 5ῸΧ 7, a θέωσιν οὐδὲν φρενοάραις βροτοῖς. a x / 4, Lo, vaa παρὰ λεπτόπρυμνον φάνη" φεῦ, “ > / 7 οἵαισιν ἐν φροντίσι Kydovov ἔσχασεν στραταγέταν, ἐπεὶ por’ ἀδίαντος ἐξ ἁλὸς θαῦμα πάντεσσι" λάμ- πε δ᾽ ἀμφὶ γυίοις θεῶν dap’, ἀγλαό- Opovot τε κοῦραι σὺν εὐ- 7 7 θυμίᾳ νεοκτίτῳ ὠλόλυξαν, €- κλαγεν δὲ πόντος" ἤθεοι δ᾽ ἐγγύθεν νέοι παιάνιξαν ἐρατᾷ ὀπί. Δάλιε, χοροῖσι Κηΐων 2 > Ν φρένα ἰανθεὶς orate θεόπομπον ἐσθλῶν τύχαν. BACCHYLIDES—IX. 107. δίνηντο Bl.: δινῆντο. 108. ὑγροῖσι ποσσίν Κὶ : υγροισιν εν ποσιν. 112. ἀμφέβαλεν K: -βαλλεν. 118. θέωσιν Crus.: θέλωσιν. 124, γυίοις K: γυοις. ἀγλαο- K: αγλο-. ω | BACCAYLIDES. XK. (18). OHSEY>. eer ee eS ee ok he A ΘΑ =: V Ιο >} WV 15 ΧΟΡ, ΑΘ. Io 15 - . —~~_—~— eS — ~~ — -- ἕ ----. -- _— ——— a ae --:- Βασιλεῦ τᾶν ἱερῶν ᾿Αθανᾶν, στρ. τῶν ἁβροβίων ἄναξ ᾿Ιώνων, P, , ” / τί νέον ἔκλαγε χαλκοκώδων σάλπιγξ πολεμηΐαν ἀοιδάν ; ἢ τις ἁμετέρας χθονὸς δυσμενὴς ὅρι᾽ ἀμφιβάλλει στραταγέτας ἀνήρ; ἢ λῃσταὶ κακομάχανοι ποιμένων ἀέκατι μήλων / nee ae: , σεύοντ᾽ ἀγέλας βίᾳ ; a , , > 7 ἢ τί τοι Kpadiay ἀμύσσει ; φθέγγευ" δοκέω γὰρ εἴ τινι βροτῶν ἀλκίμων ἐπικουρίαν καὶ τὶν ἔμμεναι νέων, ὦ Ilavdiovos υἱὲ καὶ Κρεούσας. X. 9. ἀέκατι Palm. : δ᾽ εκατι. 12. φθέγγευ Β]. : φθεγγου. 125 126 BACCAYLIDES. AIL, [Νέ]ον ἦλθεν δολιχὰν ἀμείψας στρ. β΄. καρυξ ποσὶν ᾿Ισθμίαν κέλευθον᾽ ” >” uA ΄“) ἄφατα δ᾽ ἔργα λέγει κραταιοῦ φωτός: τὸν ὑπέρβιόν τ᾽ ἔπεφνεν ’ὔ Δ 5 Jae 7 20 Live, ὃς ἰσχύϊ φέρτατος θνατῶν ἦν, Kpovida Λυταίου σεισίχθονος τέκος" σῦν 7 ἀνδροκτόνον ἐν νάπαις Κρεμμυῶνος, ἀτάσθαλόν τε 25 Σκίρωνα κατέκτανεν" ᾽) la , τάν τε Κερκυόνος παλαίστραν ” / , Ἂς ἔσχεν, ΠΠολυπήμονός τε καρτερὰν σφῦραν ἐξέβαλεν ἸΤροκό. πτας, ἀρείονος τυχὼν 30. φωτός. ταῦτα δέδοιχ᾽ ὅπᾳ τελεῖται. ΧΟΡ, ΑΘ. Τίνα δ᾽ ἔμμεν πόθεν ἄνδρα τοῦτον στρ. γ΄. Zz 7 Ν ΕΣ λέγει, τίνα τε στολὰν ἔχοντα ; πότερα σὺν πολεμηΐοις ὅ- Ν »" ων πλοισι στρατιὰν ἄγοντα πολλάν ; τς ” a Ν > / 35 Ἢ μουνον σὺν ὁπάοσιν ὔ ” Los Bae) ΄ στείχειν ἔμπορον of ἀλάταν ἐπ’ ἀλλοδαμίαν, > 7 ee, ἰσχυρόν Te Kat ἄλκιμον ὧδε καὶ θρασύν, 60 τούτων > a . , 40 ἀνδρῶν κρατερὸν σθένος BaccHYLIDES—X. 16. νέον Palm. ἦλθεν Καὶ : ηλθε. 24. Κρεμ- μυῶνος K: Κρεμυῶνος. 28. ἐξέβαλεν K: εξέβαλλεν. 35. σὺν ὁπάοσιν Weil: συνοπλοισιν. 36. στείχειν K: στιχειν. 39. ὅστε Palm. 40. κρατερόν Κὶ : καρτερον. BACCHYLIDES. 127 ” 5" x Py ε a ἔσχεν ; ἢ θεὸς αὐτὸν ὁρμᾷ, δίκας ἀδίκοισιν ὄφρα μήσεται: > Ν cr aN m” οὐ yap ῥᾷδιον αἰὲν ἔρ- ἃ 3 a a δοντα μὴ ᾽ντυχεῖν κακῷ. ΄, 4. 15 a 8 Ν a ΄ Xr rn 45 TAVT εν τῳ oO tx® χρόνῳ τελειται. AIT’, Δύο οἱ φῶτε μόνους ἁμαρτεῖν στρ. δ΄. λέγει, περὶ φαιδίμοισι δ᾽ ὦμοις ξίφος ἔχειν [ἐλεφαντόκωπον, Ξ \ Ν a7) 5 ΄ >” ξεστοὺς δὲ δύ᾽ ἐν χέρεσσ᾽ ἄκοντας το κηΐτυκτον κυνέαν Λάκαι- ναν κρατὺς πέρι πυρσοχαίτου, στέρνοις τε πορφύρεον nA)» \ " χιτῶν᾽ ἄμφι, καὶ οὕλιον Θεσσαλὰν χλαμύδ᾽- ὀμμάτων δὲ 55 στίλβειν ἄπο Aapviav φοίνισσαν φλόγα" παῖδα δ᾽ ἔμμεν πρώθηβον, ᾿Δρηΐων δ᾽ ἀθυρμάτων μεμνᾶσθαι πολέμου τε καὶ χαλκεοκτύπου μάχας" 60 δίζησθαι δὲ φιλαγλάους ᾿Αθάνας. XI. (K. 44, B. 7). KORINTH. *Q Πέλοπος λιπαρᾶς νάσου θεόδματοι πύλαι. X. 48. ἐλ. Desrouss. 51. πέρι Jebb: ὑπέρ. 52. στερ. τε πορφ. | χιτῶν’ dude Wilam., Platt: χιτ. πορῴ. | στερ. τ᾽ ἄμφι. 56. ἔμμεν K: ever. 128 BACCAYLIDES. YTMNOZ. XII. (K. 45, B. 11. GRIEF THAT LIES TOO DEEP FOR TEARS. See SS EU ΩΣ chi τὶ so ef γος Ὁ ieee ΒΝ Ai A ’ ε » iat τέκος ἁμέτερον, μεῖζον ἢ πενθεῖν ἐφάνη κακόν, ἀφθέγκτοισιν ἶσον. ΠΑΤΙΑΝῈΣ. XIII. (Κ. 46, B. 13). PEACE. ee OES oe eee σι ae a Se BO Ll ee (oe Ὁ 9 9: Ea ἘΞ Oe ee IN ee ee ea aN ee SS ee ee ee ee 5 Se So yey tam lye, A CS oo ΣᾺ ote Ee Se ee ees aoe ot es Ben) | eS Eid Ξῦν SS eee Rs Ὁ aoe θεῖ γον δ. es eS ee ee SA 10 eS pet Leste ἐν | ΘΕ (ee Se es SS ὐσοῦς. eS = ech eT Oe ee eS pas = a bts.) τ... Τίκτει δέ te θνατοῖσιν εἰρήνα μεγάλα, πλοῦτον καὶ μελιγλώσσων ἀοιδᾶν ἄνθεα, δαιδαλέων 7’ ἐπὶ βωμῶν θεοῖσιν αἴθεσθαι βοῶν ξανθᾷ φλογὶ μῆρα τανυτρίχων τε μήλων, 5. γυμνασίων τε νέοις αὐλῶν τε καὶ κώμων μέλειν᾽ ἐν δὲ σιδαροδέτοις πόρπαξιν αἰθᾶν 3 Lal ε Ν 7 apaxvav ἱστοὶ πέλονται" BaccuyLipes—XIII. 1. εἰρήνη. 2. ἀοιδῶν. 3. ἔθεσθε. 4. μῆρα ταν. : μηρῦταν εὐτρίχων A (μηρίταν Vind. Ars.). 6. αἴθαν. BACCHYLIDES., 129 ἔγχεά Te λογχωτὰ ξιφεά 7 ἀμφάκεα δάμναται εὐρώς: χαλκεᾶν δ᾽ οὐκ ἔστι σαλπίγγων κτύπος" το οὐδὲ συλᾶται μελίφρων ὕπνος ἀπὸ βλεφάρων, ἁμὸν ὃς θάλπει κέαρ. συμποσίων δ᾽ ἐρατῶν βρίθοντ' ἀγυιαί, παιδικοί θ᾽ [ὕμνοι φλέγονται. XIV. (Κ. 47, Β. 14. SAPIENS ALIUS AB ALIO. a ee ~—r S τ L rN. | Ἕτερος ἐξ ἑτέρου σοφὸς τό τε πάλαι τό τε νῦν. ION ‘ Γ- 0} > , > / / οὐδὲ yap ῥᾷστον ἀρρήτων ἐπέων πύλας ἐξευρεῖν. ΠΡΟΣΟΔΙΟΝ. XV. (K. 48, Β. 19. HAPPINESS IN TRANQUILLITY. . υ ° » - >; = --- — ---.-.-. --- .. — — -- ὕὦὥ.» SS ee eS 2 an πε ee 0. δε τ΄. =A sR eee ts Seg es cane. Ss ἈΞ ΞΟ ἘΞ ee ΘῈ Εν Ξε τ ΞΡ His ὅρος, μία βροτοῖσιν ἐστὶν εὐτυχίας ὁδός, θυμὸν εἴ τις ἔχων ἀπενθῆ διατελεῖν δύναται Biov' ὃς δὲ μυρία μὲν ἀμφιπολεῖ φρενί, . τὸ δὲ παρ᾽ ἅμάρ τε καὶ νύκτα μελλόντων χάριν > μὲ , 5 ἑὸν ἰάπτεται κέαρ, ἄκαρπον ἔχει πόνον. XIII. 9. χαλκεᾶν : -ἐων Stob.; -ἐαν Plut. 1]. ἁμὸν : ὦμος (duos Vind.). XV. 2. dar. δυνατ. βίον Bergk: duvar. διατ. βίον. 3. ὅς : οἷς. 4. map... νύκτα : παρόμαρτε νύκτα. ὅ. ἑὸν ἰάπτεται : aove ἅπτεται. I 180 BACCHYLIDES. TIIOPXHMA. XVI. (K. 51, K. 22). THE TOUCHSTONE OF VIRTUE. 25 SS ee Se 5. Fe OR Λυδία μὲν γὰρ λίθος μανύει ΄ 3 A eet \ , ὔὕ 7 χρυσόν, ἀνδρῶν δ᾽ ἀρετὰν σοφία τε παγκρατῆς T [ἐλέγχει ἀλάθεια. ΣΚΟΛΤΙΑ. XVII. (K. 56, B. 27). DIONYSIAC CASTLES IN THE ATR. E> hE AN A ee Ὁ ene oe illite, Wh Ce Sa ee OS Ee 5 - (Soe usta ss Se Se ER Ses γλυκεῖ ἀνάγκα σευομενᾶν κυλίκων θάλπῃσι θυμόν, Κύπριδος (δ᾽ ἐλπὶς διαιθύσσει φρένας 2 , ie »» , ἀμμειγνυμένα Διονυσίοισι δώροις. στρ. β΄. 5 oi 9 ε ’ ΄ ΄ x 5 ἀνδράσι δ᾽ ὑψοτάτω πέμπει μερίμνας 7 xe \ ΄ ΄ ΄ αὐτίχ᾽ ὁ μὲν πόλεων κράδεμνα λύει, πᾶσι δ᾽ ἀνθρώποις μοναρχήσειν δοκεῖ" lal reg ΄ , / my / χρυσῷ δ᾽ ἐλέφαντί τε μαρμαίρουσιν οἶκοι, στρ. γ΄. πυροφόροι δὲ κατ᾽ αἰγλάεντα {πόντον το νᾶες ἄγουσιν ἀπ' Αἰγύπτου μέγιστον A « / ε / / πλοῦτον" ως TLVOVTOS ορμαινει κεάρ. BaAccHYLIDES—XVII. 2. σευομένα C. θάλπησι. 3. Kump. ἐλπὶς δ᾽ αἰθύσσει (δ᾽ ἐνθύσσει Ἐ) CE. 4. ἀμμέιγ. Blass: ἀναμιγν. CE. 6. αὐτίχ᾽ ὁ: αὐτάς C3 αὐτή BE. κρήδεμνον. 9, αἰγλήεντα. 10. νῆες. ἀπ’: ἐπ᾽ ΟΕ. BACCHYLIDES. 131 XVIII. (K. 57, B. 28). THE FESTIVAL OF THE DIOSKUROI. ΕΠ ae aed ee ae re τ- ee se be τ a πα Sa eo ee Se reo, Set 5) A ΄ ΄, ἌΝ: ἢ " Οὐ βοῶν πάρεστι σώματ᾽ οὔτε χρυσὸς οὔτε πορφύρεοι / > \ 5 Ν τάπητες, ἀλλὰ θυμὸς εὐμενὴς Μοῦσά τε γλυκεῖα καὶ Βοιωτίοισιν ἐν σκύφοισιν οἶνος ἡδύς, EZ ΑΔΗΛΩΝ ΕἸΔΩΝ. XIX. (K. 62, B. 36). FATE. a aa 3 Τ 55 ΕΣ Ά, =] Pe BN ΝΕ Ii loo ele σιν Pl ihe τ τὶ aie In POM BY NPCRAY τ. eee HS ce ang aati θνατοῖσι δ᾽ οὐκ αὐθαίρετοι οὐτ᾽ ὄλβος οὔτ᾽ ἄγναμπτος "Ἄρης οὔτε πάμφθερσις ἀλλ᾽ ἐπιχρίμπτει νέφος ἄλλοτ᾽ ἐπ’ ἄλλαν [στάσις, γαῖαν ἃ πάνδωρος αἶσα. XX. (K. 66, B. 40). HEKATE. — .οϑἨ --.. ε ’ὔ Exatra δᾳδοφόρε Νυκτὸς μελανοκόλπου θύγατερ. XIX. 1. θνητοῖς. 2. ἄκαμπτος. 4. γᾶν. XX. ὦ Weil. μεγαλοκόλπου. 132 MELANIPPIDES. MELANIPPIDES. I. (1). AANAIAES. IE ce ἔξ ΠῚ τα τ 5 [es a ee er Sok EO EST Pee nes, | Le ee een re cee bees CREW - lee ge ee ἘΣ τε os rh 5 1 COR AN FC ES pa ol) FCI = fie hee aoa Od παρθένων φόρευν μορφᾶεν εἶδος, ION Ἂν > » / ” οὐδὲ τὰν αὐδὰν γυναικείαν ἔχον, ἀλλ᾽ ἐν ἁρμάτεσσι διφρούχοις ἐγυμνάζοντ᾽ av evdu’ πολλάκις θήραις φρένα τερπόμεναι, [ἄλσεα 5 πολλάκι 8) ἱερόδακρυν λίβανον εὐώδεις τε φοίνικας τέρενα Σύρια σπέρματα. [κασίαν τε ματεῦσαι, II. (2). MAPZYTA2. oa ce a eee ἘΞ a alah tics τ τὺ ds PS A eS Te Re eee τευ ees τ δ ee 8 το are στο Ἐ- ἁ μὲν ᾿Αθάνα ΜΝ >» , “τ Lal > XQ ’ Tapyav’ ἔρριψέν θ᾽ ἱερᾶς ἀπὸ χειρός, a fF aa ped ᾽ ” ᾽ὔ ᾽ὔ εἶπέ τ᾽. ““ἔρρετ᾽ αἴσχεα, σώματι λύμα, οὔ με «τῷ» δ᾽ ἐγὼ κακότατι δίδωμι." MELANIPPIDES—I. 1. παρθένων: ἀνθρώπων A. μορφὰν ἐνεῖδος A. 2. αὐδάν : αὐτάν A. γυναικίαν A. 3. av’... ἄλσεα: ἀνευηλιάσδεα A. 4. θῆρες A. ὅ. πολλάκι δ᾽ Hiller. ἱερόδακρυ A. πατεῦσαι AB. 6. Συρίας τέρματα A. TI. 1. αθάνατα ὄργανα A. 2 ἔρριψέ τε A. 4. οὔ με τᾷδ᾽ : ἐμὲ δ᾽. 2Ζ27224.Μ2ΩΡ27δ45. 188. ΠῚ (4. WINE’S MADNESS. oe —_—_—— — e——— σ Ὁ —~ OE ΞΕ ἘΣ i Πάντες δ᾽ ἀπεστύγεον ὕδωρ, N or ar 9... ” τὸ πρὶν ἐόντες ἀΐδριες οἴνου, ’ ΝΕ ‘ Ν ἐν 3 > 7 τάχα δὴ τάχα TOL μὲν οὖν ἀπωλλύοντο, Ν δ᾽ [4 lA > Ue τοὶ δὲ παράπληκτον χέον ὀμφάν. IV. (6). A PRAYER. nee! Was er SSN SS τξο ς — oe ee Ss bes -ξξ Aan => —— ~—— sy κλῦθί μοι, ὦ πάτερ, θαῦμα βροτῶν, τᾶς ἀειζώου ψυχᾶς μεδέων. V. (7). LOVE THE SOWER. RO a er ee ἜΘΟΣ Γλυκὺ γὰρ θέρος ἀνδρὸς ὑποσπείρων πραπίδεσσι [πόθου. ARIPHRON. ΕΙΣ YTIEIAN. Sst Se OS BN EO ἐστ OR ee κτ νυν wee Sees ete AN eR ἐξ τἰξ μ5. εν skye ee eS V. πραπίδων πόθῳ. 184 ARIPHRON. [Ve on oe ae 5 πα i es Ma ee (tS =A [Esmee ogee er | oS SS fois SF i ae 5 te ἘΞ ΤΟΝ τα SS eee eS τῶν Eon δ ΞΟ ef ἘΝ τ - « , ΄, -" ΄ Ἂς of ΄ Ἂς Ὑγίεια͵ tperBiota μακάρων, μετὰ σεῦ ναΐοιμι τὸ [λειπόμενον lal A lA , “A ” βιοτᾶς, σὺ δέ μοι πρόφρων σύνοικος εἴης" εἰ γάρ τις ἢ πλούτου χάρις ἢ τεκέων <> τᾶς ἰσοδαίμονος ἀνθρώποις βασιληΐδος ἀρχᾶς ἢ 5 οὖς κρυφίοις ᾿Αφροδίτας ἕρκεσιν θηρεύομεν, [πόθων,͵ ἢ εἴ τις ἄλλα θεόθεν ἀνθρώποισι τέρψις ἢ πόνων δ ἘΞ , >¢ , > \ , μετὰ σεῖο, μάκαιρ᾽ Ὕγίεια, [ἀμπνοὰ πέφανται, / i XN fd / ” τέθαλε πάντα καὶ λάμπει Χαρίτων dapos. σέθεν δὲ χωρὶς οὔτις εὐδαίμων (ἔφυ. LIKYMNIOS. I. (4). ΕἸΣ TTIEIAN. . . . . » SS iw ὕ....... ee ς., hie ἐς τ GE τ b= Se ee ee [eee So ee ye ee ee Be? ath eb EL hn ts Se et Se es EE ere φλ Ste ap PO ye ΞΕ τ ae θουσς ARIPHRON—4. # from Likymn. 5. ἄρκυσιν Athen.; ελκεσι inser. 8. dapos or dap Athen. A; dap E; dap epit. Hoeschl. 9. ἔφυ from Likymn. LIK YMNIOS. 135 λιπαρόμματε μᾶτερ ὑψίστα, θρόνων σεμνῶν ᾿Απόλλωνος βασίλεια ποθεινά, οἷν , «ε / πραϊγέλως “Yyteva’ * * * * % * Tis yap (ἢΣ πλούτου χάρις ἢ τεκέων, a “ὦ ae , 3 / " > “A ἢ τᾶς icodaipovos ἀνθρώποις βασιληΐδος ἀρχᾶς ; ΄ Ν Ν " > ’ " σέθεν δὲ χωρὶς οὔτις εὐδαίμων ἔφυ. TI. (1. ACHERON. ee eS Ee ee See re er Mupiats παγαῖς δακρύων ayewv τε βρύει. ρ γ ρύων ax ρ ΠΙ. (3. HYPNOS. ee eae IE eG σι δύσι πο δι τς Oe BRN ea ee (PR gc ewe { ἈΝ ,’ >’ , 9 lal 5 3 Ὕπνος δὲ χάυρων ομμάτων αυγαις αναπεπτάμενοις ” > 7 lal ὄσσοις ἐκοίμιζε κοῦρον. ΙΟΝ. ΔΙΘΥΡΑΝΒΟΙ. I. (9). WINE. ” ἄδαμνον lal ἣν. la 3 ΄ a 4 παῖδα ταυρωπόν, νέον οὐ νέον, ἥδιστον πρόπολον βαρυγδούπων ἐρώτων, οἶνον ἀερσίνοον, > ͵ 14 ἀνθρώπων πρύτανιν. Likymnios—I. 3. ὑγεία. 4. τοκήων. ὅ. ἀνθρώπου. Ton—I. 1. ἄδαμον. 8. ἀερσίπνοον. 190 ION. IL. (10). LUCIFER. Sit (See a ae "Aotov ἀεροφοίταν ἀστέρα μείνωμεν ἀελίου λευκοπτέρυγα πρόδρομον. EURIPIDES. EPINIKION TO ALKIBIADKES (B. 3). 5 ee a Lea eee inet —_ _—— SS = Ὁ - Ba Dried aes ΑΞ Se aa ΠΥ ee ee Σὲ δ᾽ ἀείσομαι, ὦ Κλεινίου παῖ: καλὸν ἁ νίκα" {τὸ κάλλιστον (ὃ ὃ μηδεὶς ἄλλος [“EAAdvev (ἔλαχες», ἅρματι πρῶτα δραμεῖν καὶ δεύτερα καὶ τρίτα(ταν, βῆναί 7 ἀπονητὶ Διὸς στεφθέντ᾽ ἐλαίᾳ 5. κάρυκι βοᾶν παραδοῦναι. PHILOXENOS. GALATEIA (B. 8). SS ae ee - 5 ° . —_~~— <== τ» —“~~—— -- -- Ton—II. 1. ἠεροφοίταν. 2. μείνωμεν Ven. Ald.; μῆνα μέν Rav. Suid. Evuripripes—4. Διός : δίς. TIMOTHEOS. 137 9) καλλιπρόσωπε χρυσοβόστρυχε Γαλάτεια, χαριτόφωνε, θάλος ἐρώτων. TIMOTHEOS. I. (1). ΕΙΣ APTEMIN. —_~_-— ~— --- -ς —_ ee —— > Μαινάδα, θυιάδα, φοιβάδα, λυσσάδα. Il. (4. ΚΥΚΛΩΨ. Ss == or ES SS a τ τ ιΞ 559 _—“— — _—_—_— —— ..-ὕ —— —~ —_— ~ ee --.- ~— et See, C—O — ~— — ~— --- ~— -- . -ο- - — ---- π᾿ -ῦΎΓΡΠΎλΡς.- --. -.-.-.ῦ — — "Eyxeve δ᾽ ἐν μὲν δέπας κίσσινον μελαίνας σταγόνος ἀμβρότας ἀφρῷ βρυάζον᾽ " Ne ΖΕ 5. Ὁ γος 2 ) εἴκοσιν δὲ ueTp’ ἀνέχευ᾽, ἀνέμισγε ὃ αἷμα Βακχίου νεορρύτοις δακρύοισι Nupdav. ΠΕΡΣΑΙ. III. (8). --- ς᾽ -- -ο..--. — —— -- -᾽ὃ .- --- -.- ---ΞΞ Κλεινὸν ἐλευθερίας τεύχων μέγαν ᾿λλάδι κόσμον. ἈΕῚ ας το θη τ ΠΕ τ τ τοὶ re POC Σέβεσθ' αἰδῶ σύνεργον ἀρετᾶς δοριμάχου. PHILOXENOS—2. χρυσεοβόστρυχε. 3. κάλλος AE. TimotHEos—II. 1. ἔχευεν δ᾽ A. 3. εἴκοσι. ἀνέχευαν ἔμισγε διαμα A; ἐνέχευεν, ἀνέμισγε δ᾽ ἅμα ΒΕ. 4. νύμφαν. IV. δουρυμάχου. 138 TIMOTHEOS. V. (10). "Apys τύραννος" χρυσὸν 8 “EXXds οὐ δέδοικε. VI. (1). “TIMOTHEOS WINS!” . ° . . e [ΞΞΞ ES τς τὶ ὡς πΞΞ be ἔοι οι; SS us ΞΞ ως; ee Μακάριος ἦσθα, Τιμόθεε, Kapv€ ὅτ᾽ εἶπεν" “νικᾷ Τιμόθεος Μιλήσιος τὸν Κάμωνος τὸν ἰωνοκάμπταν. ἢ VII. (12). NEW SONGS THE BEST. ee ΞΡ ee ς-----θ- ς »"»». -. -- Οὐκ ἀείδω τὰ παλαιά, καὶ τὰ καινὰ γὰρ ἅμα κρείσσω" νέος ὁ Ζεὺς βασιλεύει, τὸ πάλαι δ᾽ ἦν Κρόνος ἄρχων'᾽ 5 ἀπίτω Μοῦσα παλαιά. VIII. (13). APOLLO HELIOS. ἈΚ ΞΡ Re πος. ξΞ Ἐξ ας πὶ NG ἜΘ Ξ τ Ὁ -- Se ES - με Σ᾽ a IN TrmoTHEUS—VI. 1. ὅτε κῆρυξ. 2. T. ὁ. 8. Καάμβωνος. VII. 2. So Hiller; τὰ γὰρ ἅμα Δ; καινὰ yapepit. 4. παλαιόν, 1Ο TELESTES. 139 Σύ 7’, ὦ τὸν ἀεὶ πόλον οὐράνιον ἀκτῖσι λαμπραῖς Αλιε βάλλων, πέμψον ἑκαβόλον ἐχθροῖσιν βέλος a δ. κα δὶ a BIN / σας ao veupas, ω LE Παιάν. TELESTES. I (1). ATHENA AND THE FLUTE. [ΞΟ τε eT en ie —— 2S Bea ΕΞ ΕΗ es I KS = tS (Lo ἘΞ σι τσ νεῶν ΕΞ ἘΞ πρὶ Ὁ SS Se = eS Sake [ictus es =A eee me ἘΞ coe 3 pba Ess ----. NS [nih Veh peers a: Siew SS Ss ese ws -- Sse Cs ς. md Sess we 1. aN ns se wes eee a nS —— — [Np Se πο Se Ὃν σοφὸν σοφὰν λαβοῦσαν οὐκ ἐπέλπομαι vow ὀργάνων δίαν ᾿Αθάναν [δρυμοῖς opetoss δυσόφθαλμον αἶσχος ἐκφοβηθεῖσαν 5 2 fal a αὖθις ἐκ χερῶν βαλεῖν, νυμφαγενεῖ χοροκτύπῳ φηρὶ Μαρσύᾳ κλέος. , / > / / N ᾿ΕΝ ” ως τι γὰρ Viv εὐηράτοιο κάλ εος OGUS EPpWS ETELPEV, VIII. 2. λαμπραῖς ἀκτίσι ἥλιε. 3. ἐχθροῖσιν Farnell : ἐχθροῖσι. TeLestes—I. 1. dps. 2. ὄργανον. 5. χειροκτύπῳ. 140 TELESTES. a παρθενίαν ἄγαμον καὶ ἄπαιδ' ἀπένειμε Κλωθώ ; 5 ἣν / > / ἀλλὰ μάταν ἀχόρευτος ; ἡ (Dp ἅδε ματαιολόγων φάμα προσέπταθ᾽ ᾿λλάδα μουσο- A 7 A 5] 10 σοφᾶς ἐπίφθονον βροτοῖς τέχνας ὄνειδος. [πόλων, * * * * * * “a / Le 2? Ὁ ἃν συνεριθοτάταν Βρομίῳ παρέδωκε σεμνᾶς δαίμονος ἀερθὲν πνεῦμ’ αἰολοπτερύγων σὺν ἀγλαᾶν [ὠκύτατι χειρῶν. Il. (2) THE LYDIAN AND THE DORIAN MODE. - . ° . Py ᾿ «----- .- —— — — —_—_— — -..: —_—_—~_—— —_—— . - —_—~_— ~~ — ὦ ---.ὄ ~— —_~ — Ἢ Φρύγα καλλιπνόων αὐλῶν ἱερῶν βασιλῆα, Λυδὸν ὃς ἥρμοσε πρῶτος Δωρίδος ἀντίπαλον μούσας νόμον αἰόλον ὀμφᾷ, ’ ” ” > , Ἂ: πνεύματος εὔπτερον αὔραν ἀμφιπλέκων καλάμοις. III. (5). THE INTRODUCTION OF THE PHRYGIAN MODE. Ss μέθες eee eee τ Se ee eS ἘΠ SiNeenh oS ele ISS ae —“~— — -- -- ᾿Ξ ΒΞ ΞΕ -- ον TreLestes—I. 7. ᾧ : avyap A. ἀγανὸν A. - 8. ἀναχορευτος AE. 9. φημα Apr. πη. 1]. συμεριθοταταν A. TI. 2. Λυδὸν ὅς A: αὔδονος. ροσε A. 3. μούσης νομοαίολον ὀρφναί. LYKOPHRONIDES. 141 Πρῶτοι παρὰ κρατῆρας Ἑλλάνων ἐν αὐλοῖς συνοπαδοὶ Πέλοπος ματρὸς ὀρείας Φρύγιον ἄεισαν νόμον" τοὶ δ᾽ ὀξυφώνοις πηκτίδων ψαλμοῖς κρέκον 5. Αύδιον ὕμνον. LYKOPHRONIDES. I. (1) TRUE BEAUTY IS SEEMLY. a a a .....::- See Se a wa = -—~ {2-5 a -- » Ν »” ” 7 Οὗτε παιδὸς ἄρρενος οὔτε παρθένων a ΄ ” aA. ΄, τῶν χρυσοφόρων οὔτε γυναικῶν βαθυκόλπων Ν Ν ΄ 28 \ ΄ ΄, καλὸν τὸ πρόσωπον, ἐὰν μὴ κόσμιον πεφύκῃ. « Ν ON a > 7 ἡ yap αἰδὼς ἄνθος ἐπισπείρει. Il. (2). A LOVE OFFERING. SR eres .- ᾿ς, = Ske ΞΕ EN Τόδ᾽ ἀνατίθημί σοι ῥόδον καλὸν ἀνάθημα καὶ πέδιλα καὶ κυνέαν καὶ τὰν θηροφόνον λογχίδ᾽͵, ἐπεί μοι νόος ἄλλᾳ κέχυται ἐπὶ τὰν Χάρισιν φίλαν παῖδα καὶ καλάν. TIT. 1. Ἑλλήνων. LyKOPHRONIDES—I. 2. οὐδέ. 3. ἐὰν μὴ: ἀλλὰ A. πεφύκῃ : πεφύκει A. TI. 2. ἀνάθημα: νόημα A. 3. τήν A. ἄλλαι. 4. Χαρισι. 142 ARISTOTLE. ARISTOTLE. APETA (B. 6). _—"~— eee ee ee (== —_ --- - ποθ 225 Lee, aN —— ---- -. .. “ - ΤΡ. τ ee ae a ΞΞΞ SSS Se eS - 5 SS ἘΞ “65: 225 5. 8S Ξ τ Ξε — ---« -..-΄ ,.--- ee .-.-ἔ -- es. — — ιν AE NRE αὐ HEE eg pees eo at RSS we SER wel ee 10 ye Ἐς te ἘΞ ἐς Se > —— πο ees πὸ ΠΝ Pes AK [i SEP Be Cie a ee [tel see 15 BSF eo et a ees ee FCM YO.) ΒΟ ΤΕ5 ἘΞ Ξ-Ὲ ᾿Αρετά, πολύμοχθε γένει βροτείῳ, θήραμα κάλλιστον βίῳ, σᾶς πέρι, παρθένε, μορφᾶς καὶ θανεῖν ζηλωτὸς ἐν “Ελλάδι πότμος 5 καὶ πόνους τλῆναι μαλεροὺς ἀκάμαντας" τοῖον ἐπὶ φρένα βάλλεις καρπὸν ἐς ἀθάνατον χρυσοῦ τε κρείσσω Ν “2 , / χε. καὶ ΟΡ ΕΝ: agers a a θ᾽ ὕπνου" σεῦ δ᾽ ἕνεχ᾽ οὗκ Διὸς ᾿Ηρακλέης Λήδας τε κοῦροι 10 πόλλ᾽ ἀνέτλασαν ἔργοις ARISTOTLE—7, εἰς. 9. ἕνεχ᾽ OE; ἕνεκ᾽ ἐκ Diog. MELIC ADESPOTA. 143 σὰν ἀγρεύοντες δύναμιν. σοῖς δὲ πόθοις ᾿Αχιλεὺς Αἴας 7’ ᾿Αΐδαο δόμους ἦλθον" σᾶς δ᾽ ἕνεκεν φιλίου μορφᾶς καὶ ᾿Αταρνέος ἔντροφος [ἀελίου χήρωσεν αὐγᾶς" \ ΕἼΘΕ, ” 207 ΄ , ΝΣ τοιγὰρ ἀοίδιμος ἔργοις, ἀθάνατόν τέ μιν αὐδήσουσι [Μοῦσαι τις Μναμοσύνας θύγατρες, Διὸς ξενίου σέβας αὔξουσαι [φιλίας τε γέρας βεβαίου. MELIC ADESPOTA. I. (86 Β.).. THE GIFT OF SONG IS NOT FOR ALL. eee OES ἘΠ ἀν CS Bee RM — ——> _ es > Ἁ > Y 4. »“ “ / tal Οὐ yap ἐν μέσοισι κεῖται δῶρα δυσμάχητα Μοισᾶν > / / τὠπιτυχόντι φέρειν. II. (87). A POET’S OATH. 2 te 1 Bop ata Fed Oey ee hae πο ae eee προς ΟΣ ρα ok ys ESB 1 AL DORR Ναὶ τὰν Odvprov καταδερκομέναν σκαπτοῦχον Ἥραν μ' Xx par, u Ἂς lal ae / ἔστι μοι πιστον TAPLLELOV ἐπι γλώσσας. III. (89). PEACE. a es a ΕΣ τ Ξ δὸς -ὺὺς Ἂ γλυκεῖ’ εἰρήνα, πλουτοδότειρα βροτοῖς. 12. ᾿Αχιλλεύς AE. 13. drapraveosA; ἀταρνέως EB. 14. αὔξουσαι Wilam.: αὐξήσουσι. Meu. Avesp.—ITI. εἰρήνη. 144 MELIC ADESPOTA. IV. (92). HADES. -- —~~ era SE a WAT a ee a eh encase [Dia a eee ile =K Νυκτὸς ἀιδνᾶς ἀεργηλοῖό θ᾽ ὕπνου κοίρανος. V. (96). DEATH THE END OF SONG. : - - - ι--- »" : -- -.Ὕ —_~— e~—s ---.- . . - ---- .- ---- - - -- -- ὦν: - 1 Β ἐφὺ "Ξε, ξ, “-- — -. ..-ς.- -- -Σ, ἔπειτα κείσεται βαθυδένδρῳ ἐν γθονὶ συμποσίων τε καὶ λυρᾶν ἄμοιρος x μ ρᾶν ἄμοιρ 3 Lal , > Lal ἰαχᾶς Te παντερπέος αὐλῶν. VI. (98). NIOBE. ca eee αἰ τς,» (ZN Ὁ ΕΞ a el τς» —_ — Ses - nS Se ON θαλέθοντι βίῳ βλάσταις τε τέκνων βριθομένα γλυκερὸν φάος ὁρῶσα VII. (99. MEN’S CARES ARE DIVERSE. Peete ee EN τ ΘΟ ΟΣ ἄλλον τρόπον ἄλλων ἐγείρει φροντὶς ἀνθρώπων. VIII. (101. HEKABE. . . « . —~_—~—S— ~~" ~~ —— _~_ — 7a Met. ApEsp.—VII. τρόπος. MELTC ADESPOTA. 145 ἊΝ 7 / , ε χαροπὰν κύνα" χάλκεον δέ οἱ γναθμῶν ἐκ πολιᾶν φθεγγομένας ὑπάκουε μὲν Ἴδα Τένεδός τε περιρρύτα Θρηΐκιοί τε φιλάνεμοι γύαι. IX. (104 a). THE EARTH IS GARLANDED. Ποικίλλεται μὲν γαῖα πολυστέφανος. X. (1048). VIRTUE RATHER THAN UNJUST GAIN. δ οἵ ὦ, . . - - . . J pee re SS we as a Ses SS Sess 5. nN Οὐ μήποτε τὰν ἀρετὰν ἀλλάξομαι ἀντ᾽ ἀδίκου κέρδεος. XI. (138). CONCORD. — ea SSS SS Se 5.5. ES ἘΞ 9 Ξ τ Ὡξ (ξΞ-ς; -Ξ- --- ΞΞ - ΞΞΞ ΞΞ 9 Οὐ χρυσὸς ἀγλαὸς σπανιώτατος ἐν θνατῶν δυσελπίστῳ Bi 30 10. , [Biw, οὐδ᾽ ἀδάμας οὐδ᾽ ἀργύρου κλῖναι πρὸς ἄνθρωπον δοκιμαζόμεν᾽ ἀσ- [τράπτει πρὸς ὄψεις, JAN , 2 / , / > / 4 οὐδὲ γαίας εὐρυπέδου γόνιμοι βρίθοντες αὐτάρκεις γύαι, - ϑ nw 5 nw c , ἊΝ ὡς ἀγαθῶν ἀνδρῶν ὁμοφράδμων νόησις. VIII. 2. ὑπακουέμεν. 3. περιρρυτά. 4. φιλάνεμοι Hermann, γύαι Wilam.: φιλίην ἔμοιγε. X. οὐ μήν ποτ᾽ ἄν ἀρ. ἀλλάξωμαι. κέρδους. K 140 MELIC ADESPOTA. XII. (139). TYCHE. yf Pee eg BS ey rN Eee Fo Ξε Ὁ BSS Dy τους ee eae ee ee SS - --- - SS SS Se Ss SS ΞΞΞ Sw - -Ἰξ.-- Τύχα, μερόπων ἀρχὰ ν by Ν Ν /, a lA καὶ τέρμα: τὺ καὶ σοφίας θακεῖς ἕδρας, XN Ἂν re) > 7 ΕΣ καὶ τιμὰν βροτέοις ἐπέθηκας ἔργοις" \ Ν Ν 7 nn \ > 7 a / καὶ TO καλὸν πλέον ἢ κακὸν ἐκ σέθεν, ἅ τε χάρις 5 λάμπει περὶ σὰν πτέρυγα χρυσέαν᾽ ; Ἂν QA in / Ν ᾽ὔ , καὶ τὸ Teg πλάστιγγι δοθὲν μακαριστότατον τελέθει" ας, ὦ 95 ΄ , x ey τὺ δ᾽ ἀμαχανίας πόρον εἶδες ἐν ἄλγεσιν, Ν Ν / ” > / / ~ καὶ λαμπρὸν φάος dyayes ev σκότῳ, προφερεστάτα θεῶν. XIII. (140)... PRAYER TO THE FATES. i use to ποσὶ MR ee ere ies: rx eee Se eee LS aN sot pein kote Es τος eet eae Jo eS eee [ieee =~ ὮΝ es ——_ SiS tS (sas ES Bes 5 A -χκ πε ΘΠ oY Royo) Ree ἅν Ξ Ὶ-- EO er ΖΛ κου. A, 2m (Ces ΙΕΞΞῚ ae Reet ες δε es Met. Apresp.—XII. 2. τ. τύ: τέρματι. θακεῖς ἕδρας : ἄκος δρᾷς. MELIC ADESPOTA. 147 SOF ES πὶ eh Gh Ἐπ pes Loe [πος NOY OS ee ἐν ἘΠ 5 ΤΕ ere ἸΞΞΞ SS {ΞΞ ---: ΒΞ ὉΠ isd A ea oo πιο. Κλῦτε Μοῖραι, Διὸς αἵτε παρὰ θρόνον ἀγχοτάτω θεῶν ες" jeer ΟΣ" , , ἑζμεναι περιώσι᾽ ἄφυκτά Te μήδεα παντοδαπῶν βουλᾶν ἀδαμαντίναισιν ὑφαίνετε κερκίσιν, Αἶσα {καὶ Κλωθὼ Λάχεσίς 7’, εὐώλενοι 5 κοῦραι Νυκτός, > ΄ > ΄ ) ey , ’ εὐχομένων ἐπακούσατ᾽, οὐράνιαι χθόνιαΐ τε δαίμονες ὦ πανδείμαντοι" ΄ὔ aly 8, ε / πέμπετ᾽ ὕμμιν ῥοδόκολπον Kvvopiav λιπαροθρόνους τ᾽ ἀδελφάς, Δίκαν 10 καὶ στεφανηφόρον Εἰρήναν" πόλιν τε τάνδε βαρυφρόνων συντυχιᾶν. [λελάθοιτε XIV. IMMORTAL SONGS FOR THE GODS. ἘΝ 22 hee ay 5 ρος emg, Ce Ὕμνέωμες μάκαρας, Μοῦσαι Διὸς ἔκγονοι, ἀφθίτοις ἀοιδαῖς. XV. ZEUS. ἘΦ Ag Sea phd gp sh Renae al gl as Rae ee Ζεὺς ὁ καὶ (was θανάτοιό τε πείρατα νωμῶν. XVI. HADES. Atdas> (ὃς μόνος οὐ δέχεται γλυκερᾶς μέρος ἐλπίδος. XV. ζωῆς καὶ θανάτου : corr. Hense. XVI. So Crusius. 148 SKOLIA. SKOLIA. ZKOAIA ATTIKA (I.-XXIV.). I. (2). TO ATHENA. — = ——S SN ne = . ὯΝ SS = -----ς SN . . - . -----.-ἔς.- ---- ees —~_—— ἘΣ UA BSG Παλλὰς Τριτογένει᾽, ἄνασσ᾽ ᾿Αθάνα, ὄρθου τήνδε πόλιν τε καὶ πολίτας ” > ΄ \ ΄ὔ ατερ ἀλγέων και στάσεων \ ΄ 27 ΄ ἜΝ , και θανάτων AWPWV, TV TE Και TAT) P. II. (3. TO DEMETER AND PERSEPHONE. Πλούτου μητέρ᾽, ᾽᾿Ολυμπίαν ἀείδω Δήμητρα στεφανηφύόροις ἐν ὥραις, σέ τε, παῖ Διὸς Φερσεφόνη; χαίρετον, εὖ δὲ τάνδ᾽ ἀμφέπετον πόλιν. III. (4). TO APOLLO AND ARTEMIS. Ἔν Δήλῳ ποτ᾽ ἔτικτε τέκνα Λατώ, Φοῖβον χρυσοκόμαν, ἄνακτ᾽ ᾿Απόλλω, ἐλαφηβόλον 7’ ἀγροτέραν AN ἃ lal ἌΝ / ρτεέμιν, α γυναικὼν μεγ εχέει κρατος. Sxouia—lI. 1. ’A@dva conj. Bergk: ᾿Αθηνᾶ. 11. 4. ἀμφετον a. TIT. 2. ἀπόλλων᾽ A. 3. τε και. SKOLTA. 149 IV. (5). TO PAN. Ὦ Πάν, ᾿Αρκαδίας μεδέων κλεεννάς͵ ὀρχηστά, Βρομίαις ὁπαδὲ Νύμφαις, γελάσειας, ὦ Ildv, ἐπ᾽ ἐμαῖς εὔφροσι ταῖσδ᾽ ἀοιδαῖς κεχαρημένος. V. (7). THE WINDOW OF THE SOUL. iP ἐξῆν, ὁποῖός τις ἣν ἕκαστος, τὸ στῆθος διελόντ᾽, ἔπειτα τὸν νοῦν ἐσιδόντα, κλήσαντα πάλιν, ἄνδρα φίλον νομίζειν ἀδόλῳ φρενί. VI. (8). THE SCALE OF BLESSINGS. “Ὑγιαίνειν μὲν ἄριστον ἀνδρὶ θνατῷ, δεύτερον δὲ φυὰν καλὸν γενέσθαι, τὸ τρίτον δὲ πλουτεῖν ἀδόλως, ‘ Ν / ε an ἈΝ ἴω ΄ καὶ τὸ τέταρτον ἡβᾶν μετὰ τῶν φίλων. HARMODIOS AND ARISTOGEHITON. VII. (9). Ἔν μύρτου κλαδὲ τὸ ξίφος φορήσω, ὥσπερ “Appddios καὶ ᾿Αριστογείτων, ὅτε τὸν τύραννον κτανέτην ἰσονόμους τ᾽ ᾿Αθήνας ἐποιησάτην. VIII. (10). Φίλταθ᾽ “Apposd’, ov τί που τέθνηκας, fA δ᾽ 2 / ΄ 5 VyTOLS εν PAKAPWV σε φασιν E€lLVaL, IV. 1. ἴω ak. 3. γελασίαισίω A. 4. εὔφροσι Wilam.: εὐφροσύναις AE. V. 3. εἰσιδόντα A: ἰδόντα B. κλήσαντα Sm.: κλείσαντα. 160 SKOLIA. iva περ ποδώκης ᾿Αχιλεύς, Τυδεΐδην τέ φασιν ἐσθλὸν Διομήδεα. IX. (11). Ἔν μύρτου κλαδὶ τὸ ξίφος φορήσω, ὥσπερ “Appodios καὶ ᾿Αριστογείτων, ὅτ᾽ ᾿Αθηναίης ἐν θυσίαισ’ ” ’ὔ oe > / ἄνδρα τυρᾶννον ἱππαρχον εκαινετΉΝΨ. X. (12). BIEN a , " ) ἊΝ Αἰεὶ σφῷν κλέος ἔσσεται κατ᾽ αἶαν, φίλταθ᾽ “Αρμόδιος καὶ ᾿Αριστογείτων, ὅτι τὸν τύραννον κτανέτην > th ).}} 7 > / ἰσονόμους τ᾽ ᾿Αθήνας ἐποιησάτην. ΧΙ. (14. LEIPSYDRION. Αἰαῖ, Λειψύδριον προδωσέταιρον, οἵους ἄνδρας ἀπώλεσας, μάχεσθαι ἀγαθούς τε καὶ εὐπατρίδας, “a 7 ae We A 97 vy ” ot τότ᾽ ἔδειξαν οἵων πατέρων ἐσαν. XII. (27. TO KEDON. . . . . . . —_—_ ----..-. ---:0θ0.ὉὉ.᾽ἦὖὸό.0.ὲ:᾿-ς ---ἔ.. -.οὦῦ... — Ἔγχει kat Κήδωνι, διάκονε, μηδ᾽ ἐπιλήθου, 5) \ aA. 3 mates , > A ει XP” τοις ἀγαθοῖς ἀνδράσιν OLVOXOELV, SxoLtA—VIII. 3. αχιλλεύς AE. X. 3. 'Αρμόδιε. ᾿Αριστόγειτον. SKOLIA. 15) XIII. (15. ADVICE TO THE MARINER. = ἱ ee 3. ἘΞΞ ὩΣ ΕΣ Ὁ το τς ἘΣ ΞΕ, JS = SS COpaiov> ἐκ γῆς χρὴ κατίδην πλόον, εἴ τις δύναιτο καὶ παλάμην ἔχοι" ἐπεὶ δέ κ᾿ ἐν πόντῳ γένηται, τῷ παρεόντι τρέχειν ἀνάγκη. XIV. (16). THE CRAB AND THE SERPENT. ee Sa SS Ee LIEN Se ee ee ee POS Ὃ καρκίνος ὧδ᾽ ἔφα χαλᾷ τὸν ὄφιν λαβών" «(εὐθὺν χρὴ τὸν ἑταῖρον ἔμμεν καὶ μὴ σκολιὰ φρονεῖν." XV. (21). ADMETOS. x ΞΞΞ -Ξ ΞΘ πέσ τ - τ ee Ξ-ν ᾿Αδμήτου λόγον, ὦ ’raipe, μαθὼν τοὺς ἀγαθοὺς φίλει, τῶν δειλῶν δ᾽ ἀπέχου, γνοὺς ὅτι δειλοῖς ὀλίγα χάρις. XVI. (22). THE IDEAL COMRADE. Liv μοι πῖνε, συνήβα, συνέρα, συστεφανηφόρει, σύν μοι μαινομένῳ μαίνεο, σὺν σώφρονι σωφρόνει. XIII. 1. ὡραῖον Stadtmiiller. XIV. 8. ἐν μὲν A; ἔμεν E. XVI. 2. σωφρονήσω σωφρονι A; συσσωφρόνει σώφρονι E. 152 SKOLTIA. XVII. (23). TRUST NOT THE UNSEEN. “Ὑπὸ παντὶ λίθῳ σκορπίος, 6 ’raip’, ὑποδύεται: Ἢ ρ ’ ρ; φράζευ, μή σε βάλῃ" τῷ δ᾽ ἀφανεῖ πᾶς ἕπεται δόλος. XVIII. (24). POSSESSION AND DESIRE. ‘A ts τὰν βάλανον τὰν μὲν ἔχει, τὰν δ᾽ ἔραται λαβεῖν" κἀγὼ παῖδα καλὴν τὴν μὲν ἔχω, τὴν δ᾽ ἔραμαι λαβεῖν. XIX. (26). FIDELITY. Ὅστις ἄνδρα φίλον μὴ προδίδωσιν, μεγάλαν ἔχει τιμὰν ἔν τε βροτοῖς ἔν τε θεοῖσιν Kar’ ἐμὸν νόον. XX. (17). ATAS. aoe σε, ES ee ee ες =A es Ss — τὸς σὰ ἘΞ ee ἥν; —_- —— Ἐξ» — a Ilat Τελαμῶνος Atav αἰχμητά, λέγουσί σε ἐς Tpotav ἄριστον ἐλθεῖν Δαναῶν per’ ᾿Αχιλλέα. XXI. (18). Τὸν Τελαμῶνα πρῶτον, Αἴαντα δὲ δεύτερον ἐς Τροΐαν λέγουσιν ἐλθεῖν Δαναῶν καὶ ᾿Αχιλλέα. XXII. (19). A WISH. Hide λύρα καλὰ γενοίμαν ἐλεφαντίνα, ΄ τὴ A aA ΄, > ΄ kat με καλοὶ παῖδες φοροῖεν Διόνυσον ἐς χορόν. SKOLIA—XX. wer’ ᾽Αχ. Eust.; καὶ Ax. AE. XXII. 1. καλή. 2. φέροιεν Athen. a: φορέοιεν Dion cod. Par. Gr. 1773. SKOLIA. 153 XXIII. (20). A WISH. Εἴθ᾽ ἄπυρον καλὸν γενοίμην μέγα χρυσίον, καί με καλὴ γυνὴ φοροίη καθαρὸν θεμένη νόον. XXIV. (30). ΑΝ EPICUREAN. One Bees Se κὸν ον ιν των Οὐ χρὴ πόλλ᾽ ἔχειν θνητὸν ἄνθρωπον, ἀλλ᾽ ἐρᾶν Ἂν / \ \ 4 he καὶ κατεσθίειν" σὺ δὲ κάρτα φείδῃ. HYBRIAS. XXV. (28). es SANE A te Wf Ἐπ -Ξ SS ee ἀδοξΞ >i — wv -Ξ -- — Στ SS πεν ἔστι μοι πλοῦτος μέγας δόρυ καὶ ξίφος στρ. α΄. καὶ τὸ καλὸν λαισήϊον, πρόβλημα χρωτός" : οι 3 lal ha 0 ὩΣ τούτῳ γὰρ ἀρῶ, τούτῳ θερίζω, ων ’, Ν eas > yt ged / τούτῳ TATEW TOV ἁδὺν οἶνον am ἀμπέλω" Τὶ ΄ .- ΄ 5 τούτῳ δεσπότας μνοΐας κέκλημαι. τοὶ δὲ μὴ τολμῶντ' ἔχειν δόρυ καὶ ξίφος στρ. β'. καὶ τὸ καλὸν λαισήϊον, πρόβλημα χρωτός, πάντες γόνυ πεπτηῶτες ἁμὸν ω , , wi ὦ / «πάντες χαμαΐ με tpos>kuveovl’ ἅτε δεσπόταν Ν Zz an ΄ το καὶ μέγαν βασιλῆα φωνέοντες. XXV. 6. τολμῶντες AE. 8. ἁμὸν Hiller: ἐμὸν. 9. πάντες Stadtmiiller. χαμαί we προσκ. Sitzler: κυνέοντι δεσπόταν. 10. βασιλέα AE. 154 FOLK-SONGS. FOLK-SONGS. I. (1). SONG OF THE SHEAF. Πλεῖστον οὖλον οὖλον ἵει, ἴουλον ἵει. ΠῚ. (2). LINOS.] °Q Nive {πᾶσι θεοῖσιν τετιμένε, TOL yap ἔδωκαν / 7, > ΄ πρώτῳ μέλος ἀνθρώποισιν φωναῖς λιγυραῖς ἀεῖσαι" 5 Φοῖβος δὲ κότῳ σ᾽ ἀναιρεῖ, Μοῦσαι δέ σε θρηνέουσιν. III. (4). ΕἸΣ A®POATTHN. "Ava Bad’ ἄνω τὸ γῆρας, ὦ καλὰ ᾿Αφροδίτα. IV. (5). ΕἸΣ AIONTZON. 3 ὦ ----.-΄:-- .᾿-. --.---- κ ,..ὕβὌ.ςςς- — Καλεῖτε θεόν. “Σεμελήϊ᾽ Ἴακχε πλουτοδότα." V. (6). EIS AIONTZON. "ENGeiv, ἥρω Διόνυσε, ᾿Α λεῖον ἐς ναὸν Fouix-Sones—II. Schol. Ven. Β, = 570: θεοῖς τετιμημένε σοὶ γὰρ πρώτῳ μ. ἔδ. ἀθάνατοι ἀνθρώποισι. 5. δέ σε κότῳ. The text is Bergk’s. V. 2. ᾿Αλεῖον : ἅλιον. FOLKE-SONGS. 155 ε Ν Ν , ἁγνὸν σὺν Χαρίτεσσιν, ἐς ναόν, 5 τῷ βοέῳ ποδὲ θύων. ” 4: ἄξιε ταῦρε, μ nw ἄξιε ταῦρε. VI. (7. ITHYPHALLIC SONG. {ΟΡ δ΄, x a . . . _— > ὕ-ρ. —_—__ ~ ----- ο::»ΡΌΥΡ --- = - see --ἔ---»νὕ —_ ~~ ---.. CAvdyere πάντες,» ἀνάγετ᾽, εὐρυχωρίαν τῷ θεῷ ποιεῖτε: ἐθέλει γὰρ ὁ θεὸς ὀρθὸς ἐσφυδωμένος διὰ μέσου βαδίζειν. VII. (8). SONG OF THE PHALLOPHOROIL. Sie A SE a a A SN Lol, Βάκχε, τάνδε μοῦσαν ἀγλαΐζομεν ἁπλοῦν ῥυθμὸν χέοντες αἰόλῳ μέλει, καινάν, ἀπαρθένευτον, οὔτι ταῖς πάρος ΄ > κ > >> + κεχρημέναν δαῖσιν, ἀλλ’ ἀκήρατον 5 KATAPYOMEV τὸν ὕμνον. μ VIII. (11). RITUAL OF THE LIBATION. ΞΕ oT Paces a eee . --.-ὖὡἦΦ.., ae ee Sara Tis τῇδε; ““πολλοὶ κἀγαθοί." ἐκκέχυται" κάλει θεόν. VI. 2. ποιεῖτε τῷ Oe@. 8. ἐσφυρωμένος. VII. 8. καὶ μάν. 4. κεχρημενηαν A. 156 FOLKE-SONGS. IX. (12). HELIOS APOLLO. Ξ τὺ τ ἜΞΞΘ τ Τ Se ee ΞΘ Ἥλιος ᾿Απόλλων, ὁ δέ γ᾽ ᾿Απόλλων ἥλιος. X. (14). THE HERALD’S PROCLAMATION. : . 5 = — = ΞΞ---.-.-.-ς _—_ — ΞΞ = = — "Apxet μὲν ἀγὼν τῶν καλλίστων ἄθλων ταμίας, καιρὸς δὲ καλεῖ μηκέτι μέλλειν. ΧΙ. (16). Λήγει μὲν ἀγὼν τῶν καλλίστων ἄθλων ταμίας, καιρὸς δὲ καλεῖ μηκέτι μέλλειν. XII. (17. DANCE SONG. > ἑ eS Ses ot See Se Seep SEs ΠῸόρρω γάρ, ὦ παῖδες, πόδα μετάβατε καὶ κωμάξατε βέλτιον. XIII. (18). SPARTAN CHORAL. == Se ee ee emacs = ERE CS “Apés ποκ᾽ ἦμες ἄλκιμοι νεανίαι. “Apes δέ γ᾽ apes’ ai δὲ λῇς, αὐγάσδεο. “Apes δέ γ᾽ ἐσσόμεσθα πολλῷ κάρρονες. FoitK-Sones—XII. κωμάσατε. XIII. 1. ἄμες, so 2,3; vulgo ἄμμες. 2. ἠμές : εἰμές. 8. ποὰλ- λῶν κρείσσονες. FOLKE-SONGS 157 XIV. (19). FLOWER SONG. — IN we IN ἜΝ ον ee ee ee ee lel ἃς, e@7 “ Ἄν lel Ν Ν , Ποῦ μοι τὰ ῥόδα, ποῦ μοι τὰ ἴα, ποῦ μοι τὰ καλὰ σέλινα; “Tadi τὰ ῥόδα, ταδὲ τὰ ἴα, ταδὶ τὰ καλὰ σέλινα. XV. (20). BLINDMAN’S BUFF. Χαλκῆν μυῖαν θηράσω. Θηράσεις, ἀλλ᾽ οὐ λήψει. XVI. (21). TORTOISE. : .Φ.- » ei . es aes aT SS ΞΘ ee ον A. Χέλει χελώνη, τί Totes ἐν τῷ ETO ; Β. “Μαρύομ᾽ ἔρια καὶ κρόκαν Μιλησίαν.᾽ A. ‘O 8 ἔκγονός σου τί ποΐων ἀπώλετο ; Β. ““Λευκᾶν ἀφ᾽ ἵππων εἰς θάλασσαν ἅλατο." XVII. (22 a). PHILELIAS. . cS - - -ὔὕ. --- ..- SN "HEey’, ὦ φίλ᾽ Ἥλιε. XVIII. (23). SONG OF THE BOTTIAIAN GIRLS. oe Le . —— ~~ —_—_—_~ -- -- Ἴωμεν εἰς ᾿Αθήνας. XIV. 2. ποῦ μοι ταδί τὰ ῥόδα. XVI. 1. ποιεῖς, and ποιῶν 8. 2. ἔρια μαρύομαι.. κρόκην. 158 FOLK-SONGS. XIX. (24). PASTORAL SONG. . 5 . —s ~~ — -- - —_ Μακραὶ δρύες, ὦ Μενάλκα. XX. (26). NURSERY SONG. 5 ΡΝ" a ΄ ἥσσων λ a ΤΡΙΎΎ αἀποπομπειν νυκτιβόαν, στριγγΎ απὸ λάων, Uy > 4 -} lol ὄρνιν ἀνωνυμίαν ὠκυπόρους ἐπὶ νῆας. ΧΧΙ. (27. LOKRIAN LOVE SONG. é . -:--.- -.- --- eo ».ὕ.ᾧὅ---. . — ΄ὔ ΄ 4 Ν “ὌΝ es Yas τί πάσχεις; μὴ προδῷς App’, ἱκετεύω \ a πρὶν kat μολὲν κεῖνον, ἀνίστω" Ν Ν A / Cee Ν ’ ἃ μὴ κακὸν μέγα ποιήσῃ oCE> κἀμὲ τὰν δειλάκραν Le oe Ν ie Ν "ΘΝ Ν Ὁ / > > ea ἁμέρα καὶ δή: τὸ φῶς διὰ τᾶς θυρίδος οὐκ ἐσορῇς ; XXII. (41). RHODIAN SWALLOW SONG. Fe 0 . te _— ~~ wre wa — — es es ee es -:-- --- ee ::.: ως. —_— — —$ ws Δ — — FouiK-Sones—XX. cuppa πομπειεν νυκτικομαν στριντατολαον ορνιν ανωνυμίον ὦ. ε. ν. XXI. 2. μολεν CE: μολιν ΑΒ. 3. ποιήσῃς καί με A. 4. ἤδη A. FOLK-SONGS. 159 I( Io eee So et _—__ — -» --- -ος᾿ ~~ ~ -- -: --- -- ---- - ᾿Ξ Se ts SE 17 ΞΕ ΞΘ ------ 10.290. Ξ- σ΄ ini π χει τοι νῦν ἀξ DE ον SS "AYO, ἦλθε χελιδών, καλὰς ὥρας ἄγουσα > , καλοὺς ἐνιαυτούς, 2 \ 7 ’ ἐπὶ γαστέρα λευκά, ἊΝ Ν ἴω ’ 5. ἐπὶ νῶτα μέλαινα. παλάθαν σὺ προκύκλει ἐκ πίονος οἴκου οἴνου τε δέπαστρον τυροῦ τε κάνυστρον. Xx 7 Ν 10 καὶ πύρνα χελιδὼν καὶ λεκιθίταν οὐκ ἀπωθεῖται. πότερ᾽ ἀπίωμες ἢ λαβώμεθα ; 5 / / » Ν ὯΝ. > Lr 4 εἰ μέν τι δώσεις" Ef δὲ μή, οὐκ ἐάσομες" Aly Ba ΄ ͵΄ _ ae » ἢ τὰν θύραν φέρωμες ἢ θοὐπέρθυρον 15 ἢ τὰν γυναῖκα τὰν ἔσω καθημέναν" μικρὰ μέν ἐστι, ῥᾳδίως μιν οἴσομες. Ἂ \ ΄ ἂν δὲ φέρῃς τι, tL / , μέγα δή τι φέροιο. ” > \ , LER ἄνοιγ᾽, ἄνοιγε τὰν θύραν χελιδόνι 20 οὐ γὰρ γέροντές ἐσμεν, ἀλλὰ παιδία. XXII. 8. καὶ καλούς ac. 6. π. οὐ προκυκλεῖς AC. 10. πυρῶν αχελιδὼν A: πυρῶν a χελ. B. 14. φέρομες C. τὸ ὑπερθ. AC. 16. οἴσομεν. 17. δέ: δή. 18. φέροις Ac. 100 FOLK-SONGS. XXIII. (42). SONG OF THE SICILIAN SHEPHERDS. a SS Δέξαι τὰν ἀγαθὰν τύχαν, δέξαι τὰν ὑγίειαν, ἃν φέρομες παρὰ τῆς θεοῦ, ἃν ἐκαλέσσατο τήνα. XXIV. (43). LESBIAN MILL-STONE SONG. "Are μύλα are καὶ yap Πιττακὸς ἄλει γαρ ᾽ μεγάλας Μιτυλάνας βασιλεύων. ΧΧΥ. (44. CHALKIDIAN LOVE SONG. °Q παῖδες, ὅσοι Χαρίτων τε καὶ πατέρων ayer’ μὴ φθονεῖθ᾽ ὥρας ἀγαθοῖσιν ὁμιλεῖν" [ἐσθλῶν, σὺν γὰρ ἀνδρείᾳ καὶ ὁ χυσιμελὴς ἔρως ἐπὶ Χαλκιδέων θάλλει πόλεσιν. XXVI. (45). ῬΑΙΑΝ ΤῸ LYSANDER. FoiK-Sones—XXIV. 1. ade? vulgo. XXV. 1. ὅσοι: οἱ. ἐλάχετε. 2. ὁμιλίαν, XXVII. (46). So POLK-SONGS. 161 Tov “EAAdéos ἀγαθέας στραταγὸν am εὐρυχόρου Σπάρτας ὑμνήσομεν, ὦ ἰὴ Παιάν. ITHYPHALLIC SONG TO DEMETRIOS POLIORKETES. —“~— So SSS SS eS . — wv ——— 5 — — ὡς οἱ μέγιστοι TOV θεῶν καὶ φίλτατοι σι Τὰ 4 TH πόλει πάρεισιν. t ἐνταῦθα «(γὰρ Δήμητρα Kat» Δημήτριον ἅμα παρῆχ᾽ ὃ καιρός. 5 χὴ μὲν τὰ σεμνὰ τῆς Κόρης μυστήρια ” “ vs ἔρχεθ᾽ να ποιΉ ΟἽ)» e ὁ δ᾽ ἱλαρός, ὥσπερ τὸν θεὸν δεῖ, καὶ καλὸς ᾿ς “A fe καὶ γελῶν πάρεστιν. σεμνόν τι φαίνεθ᾽, ot φίλοι πάντες κύκλῳ, > / 10 ἐν μέσοισι δ᾽ αὐτός᾽ “ LA ε / XN 2 / ὅμοιον, ὥσπερ οἱ φίλοι μὲν ἀστέρες, ἥλιος δ᾽ Σ A EKELVOS, ὦ Tov κρατίστου παῖ ἸΤ]οσειδῶνος θεοῦ χαῖρε κἀφροδίτης" ΜΝ Ν Av Ν Ν; 5 ΄ ’ὔ 15 ἄλλοι μὲν ἢ μακρὰν γὰρ ἀπέχουσιν θεοί, nn > ” 3 ἢ οὐκ ἐχουσιν ὦτα, A= ee δ > . , ε oa δὲ “ 1) ουκ εἰσιν, ἢ OV προσέχουσιν μιν OVOE EV, ee ed ΣΧ Ψ{. 9. 7. καλὸς καί. Δημήτριος A. 4. παρῆχ᾽ Richards: παρῆν A. 9, σεμνὸν ὅθι A. 11. ὅμοιος, L 102 FOLK-SONGS. \ δὲ ΄ 0 e os σὲ δὲ παρόνθ᾽ ὁρῶμεν, οὐ ξύλινον οὐδὲ λίθινον, ἀλλ᾽ ἀληθινόν" 20 εὐχόμεσθα δή σοι. lal XN > / Ἂν / πρῶτον μὲν εἰρήνην ποίησον, φίλτατε: κύριος γὰρ εἶ σύ. τὴν δ᾽ οὐχὶ Θηβῶν, ἀλλ᾽ ὅλης τῆς “Ελλάδος Σφίγγα περικρατοῦσαν, 25 Αἰτωλὺς ὅστις ἐπὶ πέτρας καθήμενος, Ὁ € / ὥσπερ ἡ παλαιά, Ν ΄ὔ 2. Ὁ Lal / ᾽ > , 7 τὰ σώμαθ᾽ ἡμῶν πάντ᾽ ἀναρπάσας φέρει, κοὺκ ἔχω μάχεσθαι" Αἰτωλικὸν γὰρ ἁρπάσαι τὰ τῶν πέλας, a \ Ἀ οὖν ΄ ᾿ 390 νῦν δὲ καὶ τὰ πόρρω / ἊΝ Ν / > , 5 ON , μάλιστα μὲν δὴ κόλασον αὐτός" εἰ δὲ μή, »ΩῸ 7 cy Οἰδίπουν τιν᾽ εὑρέ, ἣν , ΄ “ n ‘ κ τὴν Σφίγγα ταύτην ὅστις ἢ κατακρημνιεῖ a“ ᾽ὔ ᾿ς ἢ σπίλον ποιήσει. RIDDLES (ΓΡΙΦΟΊ). XXVIII. (29). Ἔν φανερᾷ yevopav, πάτραν δέ μου ἁλμυρὸν ὕδωρ ἀμφὶς ἔχει" μάτηρ δ᾽ ἔστ᾽ ἀριθμοῖο παις. XXIX. (32). Τί ταὐτόν (ἐστινδ οὐδαμοῦ καὶ πανταχοῦ ; XXX. (35). Γαστὴρ ὅλον τὸ σῶμα, πανταχῆ βλέπων ὀφθαλμός, ἕρπον τοῖς ὀδοῦσι θηρίον. FoikK-Soncs—X XVII. 24. περιπατοῦσαν ac. 26. πάλαι AC. 31. σχόλασον. 84. σπεινον A; πεινῆν C, NOTES. EUMELOS. Evumetos of Korinth, a Bacchiad, must have been one of the famous poets of Peloponnese to have received the commission to write a prosodion for the Messenians. He is said to have founded Syracuse together with Archias in 734 Bc. Pausanias 5. 19. 10 suggests, improbably enough, that he may have been the author of the inscriptions on the chest of Kypselos. Eumelos is reported to have composed an historical epic Kopw@axa, and other epics entitled Bovyovia, Evpwria, Τιτανομαχία, Néoro. Probably all early Korinthian poetry was attri- buted to him. Schoeffer de Deli insulae rebus, Ὁ. 8, refers the verses of the prosodion to the fifth century. Paus. 4. 33. 2: cf. 4. 4. 1, 5. 19. 10. This prosodion, the oldest extant cult song known to the Greeks, and older than the Homeric Hymn to Apollo, was sent to the musical festival at Delos on the occasion of the first participation by the Messenians in the famous agon held there in honour of Apollo. The presence of Messenians at a national Ionic festival (cf. Thuk. 3. 104) may point to hostile relations with the Spartans in the time of the Messenian king Phintas, whose reign fell before the first Messenian war (743-724 ; Busolt Gr. Gesch. 1. 151). In connection with the prosodion of Eumelos the fact may be recalled that Kallimachos’ Hymn to Delos was written for a sacred embassy sent by Ptolemy. 1. ᾿Ιθωμάτᾳ : sing. as δέξο, Fdvat Kpovida, καλὸν ἄγαλμα ἱλήξῳ θυμῷ τῷ Λακεδαιμονίῳ I.G.A. 75 (unless we read τοῖλ Λακεδαι- μονίοι(ς)). ἔπλετο : ‘became.’ ΤΠ sending an embassy to Delos the Messenians recognize the cult of another god besides the Zeus of Ithome, in whose honour the musical festival and agon 163 164 EUMELOS. called Ἰθωμαῖα was celebrated every year. The ‘ Muse’ is the Muse of Delos, of Apollo (’Aro\\wvis?). καταθύμιος : significat (apud Hom.) 7.q. ἐνθύμιος, κατὰ ψυχήν, non, inquit (Aristarchus), quod apud nos, sc. ἀρεστός (as here and Theogn. 617); Lehrs de Arist. studits Hom. 146. Cf. Ψ 548 φίλος ἔπλετο θυμῷ. 2. A dactylic pentapody after an hexapody is found in Stes. iii. Since Paus. speaks of ἔπη, we might expect two hexapodies, though nothing is really known about the metre of the early prosodia. Bergk read καθαρὰζν κίθαριν, as if the poet were attacking the flute, which was then, he main- tained, chiefly played by foreigners, slaves, and barbarians. But, apart from the unusual expression—which is not well supported by [Sim.] 148. 8 πνεῦμα χέων καθαροῖς ἐν αὐλοῖς, or by Kallim. 2. 12 σιωπηλὴν «(Oap—aulodic was at least not common till Klonas, long after Eumelos. Reimann thinks καθ. κίθαριν refers to the Aiolian mode which was κιθαρῳ- δικωτάτη. This is improbable. Sitzler suggests κραδίαν. ἐλεύθερα : may refer to the liberties of Messenia, which were even then in danger. So ἐλευθ. κρητήρ Z.528, of the freeing of Troy. σάμβαλ᾽: Aiolic (Sa. xxxvii.) and Ionie (Anakr. vii.). Méoa: under the influence of the usage current in the later choral lyric the Aiolic Μοῖσα was wrongly sub- stituted for the Doric form, perhaps after the restoration of Messenia by Epaminondas when interest in its native poetry was revived. ἔχουσα was incorrectly transcribed from EXOZDA. Note the end rime, which is uncertain in Homer; ef. the leonine rime in B 484 ἔσπετε viv μοι, Μοῦσαι, ᾿Ολύμπια δώματ᾽ ἔχουσαι. TERPANDER. TERPANDER was born in the island of Lesbos, one of the homes of epic and cyclic poetry. It was to the Lesbian shore that the head of the mythical singer Orpheus was borne after it had been cast into the waters of the Hebros. Terpander led the life of a wandering flute-player and rhapsode until he took up his residence in Sparta, whither he was summoned on the advice of the Delphic oracle to heal the internal disorders of the state that seem to have succeeded the conclusion of the first. Messenian war. The importation of genius into Lakedaimon is consis- tently connected by tradition with the existence of civil feud or some other internal distress. Terpander, Thaletas, TERPANDER. 165 Alkman, and Tyrtaios are said to have become Spartans from a like cause. Though there were ancient skeptics as to this sequence of plague and poet, the evidence points at once to a distrust of its own powers to placate the offended gods on the part of the Spartan state aud to the efficacy of over-sea prophecy and poetry. In later times the strife of adjacent cities was often settled by the arbitrament of a stranger ; and Rome called upon Livius Andronicus to help the state by means of song. Terpan- der is said to have flourished under Midas 11. (738-695 Ὁ), but the only certain date in his history is 676, when the poet, already advanced in years, instituted a musical and poetical agon in conjunction with the Karneian festival of Apollo, and was proclaimed victor in the contest. The period of the poet’s activity in Greece may be re- garded as the first quarter of the seventh century. Terpander was the founder of the first musical epoch (kardoracts) in Sparta. His successor, the founder of the second epoch, was Thaletas, who introduced the paian, hyporcheme, pyrriche, inaugurated the festival of the gymmopaidia, and established the choral lyric. Terpander cultivated the kitharoedic nome, whicb he enriched and enlarged, so that it received a sevenfold arrangement, traces of which certain scholars seek to discover in Sappho, Pindar, Solon, Aischylos, Kallimachos, and even in the Latin poets. He modified the existing lyre of seven strings by putting the highest note (νήτη) in place of the third from the last (τρίτη), so that his scale was 6,7, g, a, 6, -, d, e, that is, an octave with the omission of one note in the scale. The lyre adopted by him remained the chief stringed instrument till the fifth century. As Olym- pos, his predecessor, is the founder of instrumental music because of his invention of the flute with seven stops, so Terpander may be called the founder of ancient vocal music, because the lyre is better suited than the flute to accom- pany the human voice. Olympos introduced the Phrygian and Lydian modes into Greece. Terpander adapted the famous old Dorian mode to the lyre, introduced the Aiolian mode, which was always regarded as best suited to the lyre, and created the Boiotian mode. He set to music the poems of Homer, probably the Hymns, and used the nomes as preludes to the recitations of longer 166 TERPANDER. 1. poems at the musical contests. He enfranchized the lyre in a Dorian state, gave the nome a place in the festivals where the secular prooimia of the rhapsodes had been exclusively sung, fixed the melodies and arranged the in- strumental accompaniment ; in short, founded the Spartan school of kitharoeds. So great was his influence that the school created by him lasted till the time of Phrynis, who lived in the Persian wars. Sappho (92) alludes to him in the line, πέρροχος ὡς ὄτ᾽ dovdos ὁ Λέσβιος ἀλλοδάποισιν, and the proverb, μετὰ Λέσβιον δόν, referred to the custom at the Karneia of calling upon the disciples of Terpander before all the other contestants. The titles of his nomes are: Αἰόλιος, Βοιώτιος, names derived from the modes employed, the ὄρθιος to Apollo (Frag. ii.), perhaps identical with the ὀξύς, the τροχαῖος, a designation that does not imply the use of τροχαῖοι σημαντοί, the τετραοίδιος, of obscure meaning, the Τερπάνδρειος, and. the Καπίων, which is taken from the name of a pupil. Terpander also wrote skolia to the accompaniment of the flute and in spondaic rhythms. I. Clem. Alex. Strom. 6. 784 (Arsen. Viol. 261, Apostol. 3. 290): quoted to illustrate the solemnity of the Dorian mode. The simple style and the rhythm give a liturgical tone to the poem which is well adapted to illustrate this stately mode. 1. apxa: of the various possible explanations I prefer the following. Though the whole poem is in honour of Zeus, the special mention of his name at the outset is the proper ‘beginning.’ The naming of Zeus is the dpyd. Cf. Alkm. 2 ἐγώνγα δ᾽ ἀείσομαι | ἐκ Διὸς ἀρχομένα, Pind. Nem. 2. 1 ὅθεν περ καὶ Ομηρίδαι | ῥαπτῶν ἐπέων τὰ πόλλ᾽ ἀοιδοὶ | ἄρχονται, Διὸς ἐκ προοιμίου, Nem. 1. ὃ ἀρχαὶ δὲ βέβληνται θεῶν, ‘ the founda- tions of the song have been laid in the mention of the gods,’ 5. 25 ai δὲ πρώτιστον μὲν ὕμνησαν Διὸς ἀρχόμεναι σεμνὰν Θέτιν, Hes. Theogon. 47 Ζῆνα... ἀρχόμεναί θ᾽ ὑμνεῦσι θεαὶ λήγουσαί τ᾽ ἀοιδῆς, the proverbial ἐκ Διὸς ἀρχώμεσθα καὶ ἐς Δία λήγετε Theokr. 17. 1, Aratos Phain. 1, ab Jove principium Verg. cl. 3. 60, Calpurn. Hel. 4. 82. Less acceptable explanations are: (1) The poem is the ‘ orthian’ nome of Terpander, and ἀρχά is the technical designation of the first main division. This strains the meaning, and, besides, the metre of the orthian nome of Terpander was in all probability the dact. hex. (2) apya denotes the σπονδή, and the whole poem is a σπονδεῖον. So Immisch R. Μ. 44. 559. Solemn songs were, it is true, sung at the beginning of TERPANDER. I. 167 the symposium at which libations were offered to Olympian Zeus, etc. (Ion 2. 6 ἐκ Διὸς ἀρχόμενοι πίνωμεν). But ὕμνων in v. 4 must then be interpreted as a reference to the succession of libations (and songs) which were made on the appearance of each fresh bowl. (8) In a cosmogonic sense. But the theory that Zeus was the ‘ beginning of all things’ was not developed till a late period, and then chiefly among the Stoics. Zeus became the pantheistic All in All, the A and Ω of all things (“‘ First hymn they the Father | Of all things :—and then | The rest of immortals.”—M. Arnold). Cf. Proklos on Plato Timaios 2. 95. 49 Ζεὺς κεφαλή, Ζεὺς μέσσα, Διὸς δ᾽ ἐκ πάντα τέτυκται, Orphic Hymn 20. 5 Ata παγγενέτην. This ex- planation is not to be defended by (Ζεὺς) πατὴρ ἀνδρῶν τε θεῶν τε A 544 (Hes. Theogon. 47), or Aisch. Frag. 70. Pind. xxviii. is in no wise parallel. 2. ἁγήτωρ: cf. B 669 ὅς τε θεοῖσι καὶ ἀνθρώποισι ἀνάσσει. In Sparta Ζεὺς ἁγήτωρ was the leader of the troops in battle. 3. πέμπω: is appropriate in the case of offerings to divinities. Cf. Theogn. 777, and Aisch. Pers. 939, Sept. 443, Eur. I.7. 171, Anth. Pal. 5. 17. 1, a Dodonaian inscr. (R. M. 39. 197) Ζεῦ Δωδώνης μεδέων τόδε col δῶρον πέμπω, Eur. Frag. 640 δαπάνας ὅταν θανοῦσι πέμπωσιν κενάς. So the gods πέμπουσι χάριν Pind. iv. 2. For the solemn repetition ef. Pind. Isthm. 5. 52 Ζεὺς τά τε καὶ τὰ νέμει, | Ζεὺς ὁ πάντων κύριος, and Pyth. 2. 49. 4. ὕμνων : the first mention, outside of Homer, of this class of lyric poetry. Metre: the fragment has been arranged in two, three, and four lines. The metre has been regarded as consisting of paroemiacs (Ritschl, Bernhardy), as molossi (O. Miiller), as orthian iambics (Caesar), and as τροχαῖοι σημαντοί and σπον- defor διπλοῖ (Rossbach, Bergk). ~Lengthened spondees (~ ~) can be arranged rhythmically, 6.0. Suu τὰκ Ξε et J th 4 (metrically two molossi), and classed with the rhythms of the γένος διπλάσιον, because in the lengthened molossus —-. may be taken as the thesis, ~ as the arsis (when the twelve-time foot ~—— is a τροχαῖος σημαντός) ; or — as the arsis, — ~ as the thesis (orthian iambic). Each “κατ is a colon by itself. But the identification of the poem with the νόμος τροχαῖος of Terpander is entirely un- certain. The name of this nome may be derived from the melody, not from the rhythm. ὄρθιοι ἴαμβοι and ὄρθιοι νόμοι are not equivalent. ὄρθιος, as applied to metre, means (1) that the thesis and arsis are alike—either longs or shorts, (2) that the same foot recurs in the same form, as in pure iambics and in pure dactylic hexameters. When used of melody, ὄρθιος means ‘high-pitched.’ The same term does not neces- sarily include metre and melody. See Graf R. 27. 43. 515. We may have here a pure spondaic rhythm. 168 TERPANDER. TI. 11. II. Schol. Aristoph. Nubes 595, from the prooimia of Terpander, Suidas s.v. ἀμφιανακτίζειν. This form of prelude was so stereotyped in the dithyramb that ἀμφιανακτίζειν became an equivalent for προοιμιάζεσθαι, and the poets using it were called ἀμφιάνακτες. Parallels with ἄναξ, apart from Nubes 595 (ἀμφί μοι αὖτε Φοῖβ᾽ ἄναξ), are wanting, but we find ἀνεβάλλετο καλὸν ἀείδειν | ἀμφ᾽ Αρεος φιλότητος θΘ 266, a line which, though perhaps later than Terpander, shows the antiquity of the phrase. ἀμφί with accus. is frequent in preludes in the Hom. Hymns: 7. 1, 19. 1, 22. 1, 33. 1 (cf. 3. 57), Mel. Adesp. 304, Eur. Troad. 511. pot is a part of this formula when the verb is not in the first person. The enclitic form after a preposition, as in Aisch. Choeph. 220; so περί μου, ὑπέρ μου in the scenic poets. ἑκαταβόλον : ξεκαβόλον as Favaxra? Read βεκηβόλος in P 333. But also in A 21, X 302 conjecture is necessary to preserve the F of ξεκηβόλος. ἄειδ᾽ ὦ φρήν : so Crusius ; ἄειδε φρήν, Hiller, a verse ending like 7&6: πρό, βέβριθε χθών. For φρήν -- ἐγώ, cf. carm. pop. 3. Hermann’s ἀδέτω φρήν intro- duces a contraction of aFe that is unwarranted in this period. Bergk made ἀειδέτω φρήν (iamb. penthim.) the beginning of v. 2. Against this is the statement of [Plutarch] de musica 4, that the prooimia of Terpander consisted of dact. hexa- meters. The ‘orthian’ nome of Terpander, from which Suidas quotes this prooimion, can scarcely have received this name, as Bergk thought, because it contained iambics which originally were called ὄρθιοι. Seeon I. If the iambics are correct, then ‘ prooimion’ is loosely used by the schol. on Aristoph. Nubes 595, and means merely the beginning of a nome, not one of the poems in hexameters which were usually called prooimia. The relation of the prooimia to the nomes is involved in much obscurity. Perhaps νόμος is a generic, προοίμιον a specific, expression. The latter may have been used of the nome when it was an ouverture to a rhapsodic recitation, a sacrifice, or a festival (Crusius). III. Keil Anal. Gramm. 6. 6: the name spondee is derived from the rhythm employed in songs sung at the libations ; ef. παρὰ σπονδῇσιν ἀείδειν Kallim 1. 1. Attributed to Ter- pander. 1. Μνάμα : a short form for Μνημοσύνη, whose daughters were the Muses (Hes. V’heogon. 54, 915). 3. Μωσάρχῳ : for the common Μουσαγέτης. «Λατῶς : Doric. Λατοῦς v./. is the form used by the choral and dramatic poets in lyrics (Eur. Zon 128, Hippol. 65).—Metre: the spondees are often arranged as orthian iambics or semanto-trochees. TERPANDER. JLV.-V1. 169 See on I. A certain case of prolonged spondees is Jon 126-8 ὦ Παιάν, ὦ Παιάν, | εὐαίων εὐαίων | εἴης ὦ Λατοῦς παῖ, where it is to be noted that all the syllables are long by nature. IV. Dion. Hal. de comp. verb. 17: quoted as examples of molossi. Attributed to Terpander. (Trag. Adesp. 139). Hymn 17. 3 calls the Dioskuroi sons of Zeus and Leda, whereas Homer makes Tyndareus the father of both. The Vedic Agvins, the prototypes of the Dioskuroi, are also ‘Saviours.’—Metre: often arranged as orthian iambics or semanto-trochees, [V.] Strabo 13. 618, Clem. Alex. Strom. 6. 814, Eukleides Introd. Harmon. in An. Par. 1. 56. 10: quoted to show that Terpander first used the heptachord in place of the tetrachord | lyre. The ancients doubted the authenticity of the frag- ment. It is the production of a late writer who wished to make the poet give documentary evidence of the musical invention currently attached to his name. The heptachord Lydian pektis was certainly pre-Terpandreian. Cf. Arist. Probl. 19. 32. 1. τετράγηρυν : refers to the four tones of the old lyre of the epic ἀοιδοί and the poets of nomes, and not, as Bergk thought, to the old nome of four parts. Cf. μελέγηρυν ἀοιδήν Hymn 2. 341; rérpa-, as in τετράκυκλον Ὦ 324 (late). 2. ἑπτατόνῳ : cf. ἑπτακτύπου φόρμιγγος. Pind. Pyth. 2. 70, φ. ἑπτάγλωσσον Nem. 5. 24, ἑπτὰ δὲ συμφώνους ὀίων ἐτανύσσατο χορδάς Hymn 3. 51, where the invention is attributed to Hermes, κέλαδον ἑπτατόνου λύρας Eur. J. 7. 1129. The heptachord lyre held its ground till the fifth century. The restoration of exclusively Doric or Aiolic forms is needless, as the fragment may have been composed in the late mixed dialect.—Metre: dact.-hexam. VI. Plut. Vita. Lycwrg. 21 (also Arrian Tact. 44. 3): quoted, together with Alkm. xii., Pind. xxvii. (cf. Οἱ. 13. 22), to prove that the Lakedaimonians were both μουσικώτατοι and πολεμι- κώτατοι. Sokrates Eleg. 3 refers to the Spartans: οἱ δὲ χοροῖς κάλλιστα θεοὺς τιμῶσιν ἄριστοι | ἐν πολέμῳ, and Aristotle Pol. 8. 5 says that the Spartans knew at least how to appreciate music. Cf. Miiller Dorians 2. 329ff. It is uncertain whether the fragment is a part of the poem by which Ter- pander quelled the disorders of the Spartan state. Some think it is from a prooimion. 1. αἰχμά : strictly ‘spear-point,’ whence ‘martial spirit’ here, and Pind. Isthm. 5. 33 Κάστορος δ᾽ αἰχμὰ Πολυδεύκεός τ᾽ ἐπ’ Εὐρώτα ῥεέθροις, Nem. 10. 13 θρέψε δ᾽ αἰχμὰν ᾿Αμφιτρύωνος, 170 TERPANDER. VI. ‘impulse’ (γυναικὸς αἰχμᾷ Aisch. Agam. 483, γυναικείαν aixudy Choeph. 630). aixun is often derived from ἀίσσω, as θυμός from θύω, but we should then have ἀιχμή or ἄχμα. αἰχμὰ νέων =alxunral νέοι. Cf. Alkm. iv. 70. θάλλει : in Hom. and Hes. only the perfect is used in this sense (Εἰρήνην τεθαλυΐαν Hes. Theogon. 902). The present appears in Semonides 7. 85, Fotx-Sones xxv., Pind. Pyth. 7. 19 ete. Cf. Much Ado 5. 1. 76 ** His May of youth and bloom of lustihood.” λίγεια : ‘shrill,’ ‘clear-toned,’ ‘sweet-voiced,’ since the Greeks loved a high pitch, as did the Lydians (Telestes iii.), to whose music they were much indebted. So the ‘shrill pibroch’ is sweet to the Scotch. λιγύς of the phorminx I 186 etc.; of the muse w 62, Hymn 14. 2 etc., Alkm. i. 7, Stes. xii. 45, Mel. Adesp. 33 a, Theokr. 22. 221; of the note of the nightingale Theogn. 939, Aisch. Ayam. 1146, Theokr. 12. 6 (cf. ὀξύφωνος Soph. Trach. 963); λίγειαν ᾿Ορφείην κεφαλήν Phanokles, p. 141. So with Avyupés Pind. Οἱ. 6. 82; Myrtis is called λιγυρά by Korinna v. So καπυρὸν στόμα Theokr. 7. 37. ὄρθιος is often used of the high pitch, and so κλυτός (see on Sim. xxxiv.). Cf. Lehrs Quaest. epicae 169. In Attic, λιγύς and ἐλαχύς retract their accent in the feminine, but here, Alkm. i., Stes. xii., Mel. Adesp. 33 a, there are traces of λιγεῖα. L. and 8. say λιγέᾶ is Doric (?). 2. εὐρνάγνια : a variation on εὐρυόδεια, which Homer uses with χθών. Cf. Hymn 5. 16. Cf. Arat. Phain. 105 Δίκη... ἀγειρομένη δὲ γέροντας | ἠέ που εἰν ἀγορῇ ἢ εὐρυχόρῳ ἐν ἀγυιῇ, and the name Εὐρυδίκη. εὐθυάγυια might be defended by Solon 4. 37, Pind. Pyth. 4. 153. ἐπιτάρροθος : in Hom. always of a helping god, and so carm. pop. 47. 7. In Mel. Adesp. 33.4 (rdppofe, Μῶσα λίγεια), we have a clip-form of émrap., just as πλόμενος is used for περιπλόμ., Hiov for παρήϊον. ἔργων : Wilamowitz thinks the fragment is spurious because the word does not show F. But there are eighteen such places in Homer, some of which are difficult to cure, e.g. A 470, A 703, P 279.—Metre: dact.-hexam. ALKMAN. ALKMAN, the chief cultivator, if not the creator, of early choral poetry, and the first representative of the fully developed melic style, was a Sardian by birth, as he tells us in Frag. v. A Lydian birthplace does not, however, disprove Hellenic extraction. Like the name of his father ALKEMAN. 171 (Damas, or Titaros), his name is Greek. He calls himself ᾿Αλκμάων and ᾿Αλκμάν, a name connected with ἄλκιμος, as are ᾿Αλκμήνωρ, ᾿Αλκμήνη, Ἵππαλκμος. The statement viv δέ μοι ᾿Αλκμὰν οὔνομα that is put into his mouth by a poet in the Anth. Pal. (7. 709) at least implies the existence of a tradition that the poet once bore a Lydian name, though this may be the result of a false inference. It is possible that his father was an Aiolian who lived in Sardis as a metic. At least it is difficult to see how a barbarian could have so completely identified himself with Spartan institutions and Spartan speech as did the stranger who was afterwards to be known as ‘ the Lakedaimonian poet.’ Despite the explicit statement in Frag. v., the Pergamene scholars held that he was ἃ Lakonian from Messoa. Doubtless some passage in the poet gave rise to this tradition. As Crusius suggests, MEZZOATAZ, and ΜΕΣ- ZOPITA> an inhabitant of Mt. Messdgis in Lydia, may have caused the confusion. That he was a Lakedaimonian by birth is improbable, since all the early great poets who lived in Sparta were aliens: Terpander from Lesbos, Thaletas from Crete, Polymnastos from Kolophon, and Tyrtaios (probably) from Miletos. ‘The similarity be- tween his father’s name, Titaros, and Teutaros, the slave of Amphitryon, may have given rise to the story that the poet was of servile origin, or actually a slave who was manumitted when his master discovered the marks of his genius. (In some places in Greece Lydians stood in the relation of periotkor to the Dorians.) The cultivation of poetry was generally restricted to the aristocracy in the melic period, but, as in the case of the tradition which made a schoolmaster of Tyrtaios, there is evidence of a tendency on the part of Lakedaimon to depreciate the social position of the artists whom she invited to her territory. If Alkman was in truth a slave he may have been made a prisoner of war in one of the forays of the Kimmerians (Kallinos 1), and sold over-sea to the Spartan A gesidas. The only date that is handed down concerning the poet is connected with the seventh year of the Lydian king Ardys. According to Africanus, this fell in 657, which is - probably nearer the truth than Apollodoros’ 672, since that chronologer regularly puts the dates farther back 172 ALKMAN. than other scholars. Eusebios’ 612 represents an attempt to synchronize Alkman with Stesichoros.! Alkman is certainly later than the second musical period at Sparta which was founded by Thaletas. His official position as teacher of the state choruses, his com- mand over the cantonal speech, his acquaintance with the specifically Lakonian myths, and his reproduction of Likonian manners, show that the poet must have passed much of his life in Sparta. He died at an advanced age, and was buried between the shrines of the Hippokoontidai, whose death he sung, and the heroon of Herakles, near the district called Sebrion (Paus. 3. 15. 2). Alkman’s life fell in a period of material prosperity and artistic development in the Spartan state. The old- time severity of the institutions of Lykurgos had been somewhat relaxed. The plastic arts flourished. The Σκιάς was built. Still, notwithstanding these traces of sym- pathy with the arts on the part of the state, and the partial fusion between seriousness and playfulness that gave a more secular tone to life—both the results of the second musical epoch, of which Alkman was the heir— these causes are not sufficient to account for the character of his art. There is a non-Dorian touch. He is an Aiolian in his tenderness, buoyancy, imagination, grace (ὁ χαρίεις ᾿Αλκμάν), love of beauty; and he has more of Ionic suppleness than Dorian vigour. His love of the pleasures of life, his quick sensibilities, are not Dorian, though his humour is not alien to his new home. There were six books of Alkman’s poems current in Hellenistic times: partheneia, hymns, hyporchemes, paians (both intended for the gymnopaidia), erotika, and hymenaia. Some of his poems suggest the skolia. The deities he celebrated in the partheneia and hymns—Zeus, Hera, Artemis, Aphrodite—were those held in special honour in the Spartan cult. If the nome had been dis- placed by his immediate predecessors, he gave to the partheneion a perfection that was never equalled even by the great poets of the sixth and. fifth centuries. The universal character of the later choral lyric rendered it 1 Rohde R. M. 33.199. In the Greek biographies γέγονε usually denotes the ἀκμή. This is regarded as forty years after birth; and a similar period is supposed to elapse between the ἀκμή of a teacher and the ἀκμή ofa pupil. So with Alkman and Arion. ALKMAN. 173 ill-suited to the display of the fine personal qualities, the delicate reverence and even romantic gallantry towards women that distinguish the first cultivator of this class of melic composition. By a pardonable error, which ignores the predecessors whom he eclipsed, the poet was in fact called the founder of erotic song. But his passion does not consume the heart like that of his Aiolic successors. No choral poet of Greece loves to speak of himself so much as does Alkman. No choral poet has such winsome ingenuousness in giving us his confidence; but he is proudly conscious of his position as a poet who has learned from nature the secret of his art. He is the most amiable of the Greek singers. If he does not compass the loftier range of the idealistic poets, he has the serenity of the humbler sphere wherein he was a master. His feeling for nature is almost modern. Technical originality is displayed by Alkman only in his use of metre. The lyric hexameter he, indeed, em- ploys, and with fine effect; but the preference of Terpander for the hexameter has yielded in him to a love of shorter dactylic verses, notably the tetrameter, in which spondees rarely find a place. Through the in- fluence of Archilochos, and possibly of folk-song, the splendour of the epic verse has at last suffered eclipse. Alkman often uses pure trochaic and iambic metres of various forms, and also employs these measures in con- junction with dactyls, following herein the innovation of Archilochos. His anapaests he probably derived from the melodies of the people. His cretics show the influence of Thaletas; while ionics, the first examples of which appear in his fragments, are due to his predecessor, Polymnastos. His logaoedics show various forms that are simple and graceful. In the arrangement of his verses Alkman makes use both of systems, consisting of the same measures repeated (such as dactylic tetrapodies, iambic dimeters, and cata- lectic trimeters), and of strophes. The latter are usually of simple structure, consisting of three or four verses, and are monostrophic in arrangement (dactylic and trochaic lines). The long logaoedic partheneion stands midway between the systems and the elaborate odes of Stesichoros 174 ALKMAN. 1 and Pindar. Alkman probably instituted the tripartite division of strophe, antistrophe, and epode, which is usually referred to Stesichoros. Alkman was placed first in the Canon of the melic poets established by the Alexandrian grammarians. He " was still sung at Athens in the time of Perikles. The bucolic poets regarded him as a predecessor. Pausanias testifies that he was read in the second century a.p., and that the local Lakonian idiom, which was then accounted harsh, did not destroy the sweetness of his muse. His dialect consists mainly of the severe Lakonian of the day, with a touch of Aiolism and several Homericisms. In his choice of vocabulary he was largely influenced by Homer, from whom he drew the story of Nausikaa. He is also indebted to Hesiod and the cyclic epics. I. Max. Plan. (Rhet. Gr. δ. 510), Priscian 2. 425, Et. Mag. 589. 47. _From a partheneion of the first book, and probably addressed to Zeus Lykaios. ὃ 1. πολυμμελές owes its uu to the analogy of φιλομμειδής, ἐυμμελίης, Where μμ is from cp. 2. αἰενάοιδε : as αἰένυπνος Soph. O. Κ΄. 1578. 3. νεοχμόν : love of new songs is as old as song itself. Cf. “1 will sing a new song unto thee” Ps. 144.9, ‘‘ And they sung a new song” Rev. 5. 9; τὴν yap ἀοιδὴν μᾶλλον ἐπικλείουσ᾽ ἄνθρωποι ] ἥ τις ἀκουόντεσσι νεωτάτη ἀμφιπέληται a 352, ᾿Αργὼ πᾶσι μέλουσα μ 70, [Terp.] v., Pind. Ol. 3. 4, 9. 48, Sim. xxxv., Bacch. 19. 9, Eur. Troad. 512, Timoth. viii, ἐν τοῖς μουσικοῖς τὰ νέα εὐδοκιμεῖ Xen. Kyrop. 1. 6. 38. So in Plutarch’s time (de lect. poet. 11). La Bruyére complained that all had been said, but still the world must have novelty. ἄρχε: as Pind. Nem. 3. 10 ἄρχε δ᾽, οὐρανοῦ πολυνεφέλα κρέοντι θύγατερ, | δόκιμον ὕμνον. ἄρχε after Μῶσ᾽ dye, as in xvili. The imperative after dye, as y 475.—Metre: a com- plete strophe, consisting of a dactylic tetrap., a dactylic penthim., and a catal. iamb. trim. Rossbach unnecessarily writes vv. 1 and 2 in one line (of two cola); and classes the fragment under the hyporchematic dactylo-trochaics. His comparison of the epodes of Archilochos will not hold. In two bits from the same poem (kal ναὸς ἁγνὸς εὐπύργω Θεράπνας 4; χερσόνδε κωφὸν ἐν φύκεσσι πιτνεῖ 6) we have — — in the fourth foot of the iambic measure, a usage adopted also by Simonides (1). Cf. Usener 109. Regarded as trochaics with anacrusis, the last dipody of v. 3 is |. + x. ALKMAN. TI1.-IV. , 175 II. Herodian περὶ σχημάτων 61 (Rhet. Gr. 8. 606) ete.: quoted to illustrate the σχῆμα ᾿Αλκμανικόν. This poetical figure allows by anticipation a plural (or dual) noun or verb to intervene between the subjects in the singular. It occurs in E 774 ἧχι pods Σιμόεις συμβάλλετον ἠδὲ Σκάμανδρος, LT 138, κ 513; Pind. Pyth. 4. 178 πέμπε 6 Ἑρμᾶς. . . διδύμους υἱοὺς ... [τὸν μὲν ᾿Εχίονα, κεχλάδοντας ἥβᾳ, τὸν δ᾽ “Epurov, where, however, a plural precedes ; Eur. 17. A. 195. See Valckenaer on Lesbonax, p. 79. The figure may have been especially frequent in Lakonian. The Dioskuroi are called ἐπιβήτορες ἵππων, λευκώλενοι, εὔιπποι etc. Two mss. have ἱππότα coda, but the dual is rarer in Doric than in Attic. ἸΠωλυδεύκης : for Ilo\v-; see on iv. 1.—Metre: iambic tetrameter. The fragment may consist of three iambic dimeters and be con- nected with v. 111. Athen. 15. 6814. In 678A we read rudedv" οὕτως ᾿ ἐκαλεῖτο ὁ στέφανος, ὃν TH Ἥρᾳ περιτιθέασιν οἱ Λάκωνες. Hence this partheneion is probably in honour of Hera. Pollux 5. 96 classes the πυλεῶνες among the κεφαλῆς κοσμήματα. κύπαιρος, attested as Alkmanic by Eust. Od. 1648. 7, is borrowed from Hebrew kéfer, a fact that may explain the variation with κύπειρος. We have, however, Cret. ὄναιρον =tvecpov.—Metre: trochaic. The tripody concludes the strophe. IV. This partheneion, the oldest example of Greek choral composition in strophes, is written on a papyrus, perhaps of the first century A.D., that was discovered in 1855 by Mariette in a tomb near the second pyramid of Sakkarah. It was first published by Egger in 1863. For the earlier discussions of the fragment, see Bergk* (No. 23). The chief contributions to the subject since Bergk (1880) have been made by Sitzler Philol. Rundschau 1883, p. 934; Blass R. M. 40; Piccolo- mini Studi de filol. greca 1; Diels Hermes 31; Jurenka Wiener Stud. 17, Serta Harteliana, p. 36, Sitz.-ber. d. Wien. Akad. 135, Philol. 56; Wilamowitz Hermes 32. The poem consisted of 140 verses in ten strophes, of which the first two and part of the third are missing. In many places the frag- ment is exceedingly obscure, and no one of the possible interpretations of the last three strophes is convincing. Most of the lacunae in vv. 1-21 have been filled out by Blass. The first five strophes (to v. 36)—the portien of the par- theneion reserved for the gods and the myth—dealt mainly with the death of Hippokoon and his sons, a story that to the Spartan poet assumed an importance comparable to the tale of Pelops’ line and the house of Labdakos in tragedy. According to the legend (schol. Clem. Alex. 4. 107), Herakles 170 ALKMAN. IV. slew them because they had killed his friend Oionos. In the extant part of the poem, however, Herakles is not mentioned in connection with the Hippokoontidai, though from ν. 31 we may infer that he appeared as an instrument of divine vengeance in connection with the overthrow of the Giants. In v. 1 Polydeukes is mentioned as one of the combatants. Now in a local Spartan legend the Dioskuroi would natur- ally appear in their capacity as σωτῆρες (cf. Pind. Nem. 10. 54); but, apart from this, and the possibility that they may have come to the rescue after Herakles was wounded, there is evidence of the existence of a feud between the Tyndaridai and the Hippokoontidai. Plutarch tells us that Tyndareus was fearful of the brutality of Enarsphoros (ν. 3) when Helen was a child; and it is reported that the Dioskuroi were rivals of the Hippokoontidai, the enmity of the fathers having descended to the sons. Hippokoon was the elder (half?) brother of Tyndareus. After the death of his father, he expelled Tyndareus, who was not restored to his kingdom until the death of his persecutor and his sons at the hands of Herakles. ἰ- (unless ὀρεσκῷοι has a short penult), which occurs in tragedy, but is singular in early lyric. (5) Log. hexap. with anacr. Cf.the pentapody called Alkmanic: --: —~ LL --, —_=, Writing βένθεσσι and πορφυρίας we have a troch. trim. catal. (6) Pherecratic with —> as a basis. ὀϊωνῶν gives greater rapidity to the rhythm than the Ms. οἰωνῶν. Cf. Usener 103. The dialect is generally epic in the mss. I have adopted Doric μελισσᾶν and πορφυρίας. Perhaps τράφει should be read. Wilamowitz Comment. grammat. 1879, p. 4, has attempted unsuccessfully to restore the Doric forms throughout. The style lacks the originality of the other poems of Alkman. XXII. Plut. de fort. Rom. 4. Forethought is the mother of Reverence (Pind. Οἱ. 7. 44), whose daughter is Moderation (C.I. A. 2. 2339), while Excuse is the child of Afterthought (Pind. Pyth. 5. 27). Tyche is here allied, through Eunomia, to the Hours, who are the daughters of Themis. Cf. Adesp. Xil., xiii. Sappho called Peitho the daughter of Aphrodite. Alkman, who is fond of such genealogies (cf. xix.), made the Muses the children of Heaven and Earth. Plutos is the child of Tyche according to Paus. 9. 16. Cf. Alk. iii., xxix., Krates 2 (Εὐτελίη, ἔγγονε Swppoctvns).—Metre : logaoediec. SIT. Schol. Pind. Isthm. 1. 56. τοι as in ἀρχὴ δέ τοι ἥμισυ παντός, the sententious το. Cf. Theogn. 571 δόξα μὲν ἀνθρώποισι κακὸν μέγα, πεῖρα δ᾽ ἄριστον, for the expression, Pind. xxviii.—Metre: logaoedie. XXIV. Apoll. de pron. 1214. The chorus praise the poet for his skill in playing the kithara. Bergk and Croiset think κιθαριστάς is the old expression for κιθαρῳδός, a term which was adopted relatively late. In classical times κιθαρῳ- δός is practically—‘lyric poet.’ The first kitharist in the strict sense of the word was Aristonikos of Argos, a contem- porary of Archilochos. Since the partheneia were sung to the 202 ALKMAN. ΧΧΡΚ.-ΧΧ ΡΖ, accompaniment of the flute, some other choral song, perhaps a hymn, seems to be referred to. In Pind. Nem. 11. 7 λύρα is used with reference toa hymn. Stesichoros was not the first to accompany a chorus with the lyre. In Sparta a choral poet was called xopayés=the Athenian d:dacxados.—Metre : logaoedic. ἢ XXV. Athen. 9.374p. This is the oldest example of the use of νόμος with the meaning ‘tune.’ Cf. ἱεροὺς νόμους μελέων Aristoph. Aves 745. The poet learned his art from the birds (Frag. vi.). The birds, who carry the messages of the gods to the prophets who understand their language, were called by the Persians the interpreters of heaven.—Metre : logaoedic. XXXVI. Athen. 3. 110F. 2. ἐπιστέφοισαι is used in the sense of ἐπιστεφόμεναι. Per- haps ἐπιστεφεῖσαι (Kaibel) is correct. The ancients used the poppy and sesame so much that Petron. Satir. 1 says: audiunt . . . mellitos verborum globulos et omnia dicta factaque quasi papavere et sesamo sparsa. 8. λίνω depends on ἐπιστεῴ. 4. παίδεσσι: MS. πέδεσσι, which is scarcely Aiolic for μέτεστι, though éso.=est or sunt occurs in a late Aiolic inscription. Bergk conj. πέδεστι = μέτεστι. Welcker thought the poet refers to a marriage feast.—Metre: catal. iamb. trim.; a catal. dim. concludes the strophe. XXVII. Athen. 10. 416 p (cf. No. x.). This is the first distinct mention of four seasons. Homer and Hesiod know of only three: ἔαρος ὥρη (cf. Stes. ix.), θέρεος ὥρη, χείματος ὥρη. ὀπώρα is technically the period from the end of July (from the rising of Sirius) to the rising of Arcturus in September, and thus includes the hottest part of the year. It is the fruit season; cf. Pind. Nem. 5. 6 τέρειναν μάτερ᾽ οἰνάνθας ὀπώραν (Alkm. 75 calls honey ‘waxen fruit,’ xnpiva ὁπώρα). Eur. Frag. 990, allots only two months each to ἔαρ and ὀπώρα, four each to θέρος and χειμών. Hippokrates gives as the names of the four seasons χειμών, Fp, θέρος, φθινόπωρον (the last name occurs first in Hdt.). The sevenfold division of the year is late. See Dict. of Antig. 1. 233, where the present passage is overlooked. 1. ἔθηκε: the subject (Ζεύς) probably occurred in the pre- ceding line. τρεῖς : we expect τρῆς, or 7pis (accus. as nom.). 2. χὠπώραν : the Doric crasis would be χάἀπώραν. ὀπ-ώρα is the ‘ late season’ or ‘late summer’ (μέρος θέρους τὸ τελευταῖον Eustath.); cf. ὄπ-ισθε, 6yé. The asper is vouched for by ‘Orwpis on a Lakonian inscription (Cauer 6), ὁπίσθιον, Attic, B.C. H. 12. 284. ὀπάρα is a vox nihili. saan teat a ee ALKMAN. XXVII.-XXX1. 203 8. térparov: perhaps Doric as well as epic. Pind. has both rérparos and τέταρτος. Note the chiastic order. 4. θάλλει : impersonal as ὕει, βροντᾷ, ἐχείμαζε. The poem, like x., xxvi., does not seem to be choral. Perhaps it may belong to the class called κλεψίαμβοι, and attributed to Alkman; if so, the song may have been interrupted by recitation accompanied by the notes of the κλεψίαμβος.--- Μοῦ : iambic dimeter. XXVIII. Strabo 10. 482. 1. doivais: Aiolic; cf. θοίνῃς δὲ καὶ εἰλαπίνῃσι Theogn. 239. The short form of the dat. pl. appears also in iv. 47. 61. ἐν : for the position, cf. Pind. Nem. 10. 38 Χαρίτεσσί re καὶ σὺν Τυνδαρίδαις, where Dissen remarks hoc artificio poetico nova vis et alacritas secundo membro conciliatur. Cf. Pyth. 1. 14, 2. 59, Isthm. 1. 29, and Soph. O. 7’. 734. The comic poets use this construction only in choral parts, or when the language is lyrical. In ἢ ἁλὸς ἢ ἐπὶ γῆς μ᾿ 27, ἁλὸς is prob. local gen. 2. ἀνδρείων : the old name for the συσσίτια, or common meals; cf. Miiller Dorians 2. 294, Schoemann Antig. 269, 306. The Cretans retained the name ἀνδρεῖα, which was afterwards abandoned by the Spartans. In Sparta these banquets were also called φειδίτια, perhaps a jocose name, or φιλίτια. ϑαιτυμόνεσσι : cf. per’ ἀνδράσι 6. x 12. πρέπει : so used Aisch. Frag. 355. παιᾶνα: Philochoros (Athen. 14. 630 F) says that it was the custom among the Spartans ἂν δειπνοποιήσωνται καὶ παιωνίσωσιν, ἄδειν καθ᾽ ἕνα τὰ Τυρταίου. κατάρχην : as ΒΌΓΚ-ΞΟΝΟΒ vii. (accus.), Eur. 17. }΄. 750, 891; ef. ἐξάρχων παιήονα Archil. 76. This is the earliest mention of a sympotic paian in post-Homeric poetry.—Metre: dactylic. Since a paroemiac with short anacrusis does not occur in the old κατὰ δάκτυλον εἶδος, I do not make a third verse of πρέπει κιτιλ. Cf. Ibyk. v. 3. XXIX. Hephaist. 38; fragment of a song to Apollo, perhaps a hyporcheme. First extant specimen of ionics in Greek poetry. Alkman also employed anaklasis in ionics (83). XXX. Apoll. de pron. 3654: quoted for the orthotone τοί. Probably from a hymn to Apollo. ἅδοι ἃ5 Pind. Ol. 3.1, Pyth. 1. 29. δόμῳ : vd~?—Metre : uncertain. XXXII. Schol. Pind. ΟἹ. 1. 60 (97), quoting Archil. 53 μηδ᾽ ὁ Ταντάλου λίθος | τῆσδ᾽ ὑπὲρ νήσου κρεμάσθω, Alk. xxxi. Homer, who places Tantalos in Hades (λ 582), mentions only the tortures of hunger and thirst, though the overhanging rock is a necessary ingredient of the original myth, which is 204 ALKMAN. XXXII. XXXII. adopted by the lyric and tragic poets. Poetic fancy and an ethical purpose transferred, as early as the Νέκυια of Homer, the tortures of Tantalos, Sisyphos, etc., to the nether world. The earliest form of the legend appears in Athen. 7. 2818 (from the Cyclic ‘Return of the Atreidai’), according to which Tantalos, who lived in heaven with the gods, had a rock suspended over his head by Zeus, who had pledged himself in advance to grant any request that his son might make ; but who was filled with wrath when Tantalos peti- tioned that his appetites be gratified, and that he live in the same manner as the gods. This scene is laid in heaven, and the suspended rock not merely robs the conviva deorum of his power to enjoy the divine nectar and ambrosia, but is an added torture because of his immortality (μετὰ τριῶν τέταρτον πόνον Pind. Ol. 1. 60). Pindar does not certainly localize Tantalos in Hades. Cf. Comparetti Philol. 32. 230. On the view that Alkman keeps to the original story, ἐν ἀσμένοισιν of the mss. is ‘among the blissful,’ ‘the well pleased gods.’ The rock of terror was explained by Welcker R. M. 10. 242 as merely the creation of the distressed mind of the living sufferer. For such phantasms, cf. those of Io, Orestes (Aisch. Choeph. 1051), Pentheus (Eur. Bacch. 918, Verg. Aen. 4. 469). Hecker’s ἀρμένοισιν is taken to mean either ‘the bound’ captives, or ‘in bonds,’ and transfers the scene to the nether world, thus making the poet follow Homer rather than the Cyclic epic. The rock is then a reality, and all the more awful because invisible. I doubt whether ἀρμένοισιν can have either of the above meanings. It should mean ‘amid pleasures,’ ‘good cheer’; cf. Hes. W. D. 407, Shield 84, Theogn. 275, and such expressions as ἀγαθὰ πάντα, ἄφθονα πάντα. Hecker supplied πᾶσιν before ἐν (Pind. Nem. 3. 58 ἐν ἀρμένοισι πᾶσι ; ef. schol.). 2. θάκω: the ms. θάκα -- θᾶκος might be defended by the pair σκοπός σκοπή, etc. Welcker took κάτα (sic) with ἧστο. Hermann wrote θάκοις κάτω. ἧστο presupposes motion, so there is no difficulty about the card. There is no need to take it with ὁρέων, or to regard πέτρας οὐδέν as= οὐδεμίαν πέτραν. 8. Eust. Od. 1701. 23 has ὁρέοντι and δοκέοντι, whence Bergk δοκέοντι δ᾽ (€o.xws).—Metre: uncertain, probably logaoedic. XXXII. Oxyrhynchus Papyri 1. No. viii. Attributed to Alkman by Blass. From a partheneion. It is possible that the poem is a happy imitation of Alkman’s manner by some Alexandrian. 1. ἤνθομεν : cf. ἐνθοίσα iv. 73. The ending -μὲν is either epic or Aiolic, and seems to be used, as the editors remark, ALKMAN. XXXII. 205 in order to avoid the sigmatism of -μὲς és. In iv. 12 παρή- comes. μεγάλας : this epithet of Dem. does not recur until Kallim. 6. 121 μεγάλα θεὸς edpvdvacca; μεγαλαῖσι θεαῖσι of mother and daughter, Anth. Pal. app. epigr. 1. 59. 3(Cougny). ἐάσσαι -- ἐοῦσαι. Dor. ἔασσα <*éonria reappears in Philolaos and the Pseudo-pythagoreans. In Messen. and Argive we find éaca, in Cretan tarra. In 64 Alkm. has παρέντων. 2. παρθενικαί : see on vii. 1. Cf. 7 20 παρθενικῇ . .. κάλπιν ἐχούσῃ. 8. Kaka: for the variation with κἄλά, 1, 2, see FouK- Sones i. In xii. Alkm. has καλῶς, ὅρμως : not ὅρμους, as the editors write. 4. πριστῶ ἐλέφαντος : cf. σ 196 λευκοτέρην δ᾽ ἄρα μιν (Penelope) θῆκε πριστοῦ ἐλέφαντος, τ 563 mp. ἐλεῴφ. of one of the dream-gates, 6 404 κολεὸν νεοπρίστου ἐλέφαντος. αὔγλᾳ (Blass) is paleographically uncertain. Blass suggests that the next verse began λευκοτάτας x.dvos.—Metre: dact.-hexameter. Whether the Frag. is connected with vii. is uncertain. ARION. THE only early account of Arion’s rescue that is extant is Herodotos 1. 24, where it is introduced as an anecdote, based on Korinthian and Lesbian sources, in connection with the mention of Periander (625-585). Most of the later recounters of the tale—eg. Hyginus 194, Dio Chrys. 37, p. 455, Plutarch Sept. Sap. Conv. 18, Fronto 262—and the numerous writers who allude to it, depend ultimately on Herodotos, though some may have derived the legend from some Hellenistic poet. The story was greatly embellished in later times, Plutarch, for example, throwing moonlight on the scene, and making the story subserve his reverence for nature and his piety. The fragment is cited by Aelian Hist. An. 12. 45 to show the dolphin’s love of music. Herodotos says that at Tainaron there was a bronze statuette of Arion, a man riding on a dolphin. Aelian gives the epigram on the votive offering : ἀθανάτων πομ- παῖσιν ᾿Αρίονα Κύκλονος υἱόν, | ἐκ Σικελοῦ πελάγους σῶσεν ὄχημα τόδε. This inscription may have been added after the time of Herodotos. That the legend wandered from Sparta to her colony, Thera, was concluded from an epigram found there (Kaibel 1086), but now shown to 206 ARION. be worthless evidence (Athen. Mittheilungen 21. 253). Neither the inscription nor the figure of Arion on coins of Methymna is proof of the existence of a poet of this name. The legend of Arion’s romantic rescue is due to a mis- interpretation of the figure at Tainaron. The statuette was either that of a god or of some hero originally identical with the god, but in course of time individualized and dissociated from him. The rider has been identified with the Korinthian Melikertes-Palaimon (cf. Ant. Denkm. d. Arch. Inst. 1. 7. 26, Inser. Sicil. et Ital. 2519 C); or with Taras, the son of Poseidon, who rode from Tainaron to Tarentum on a dolphin’s back. Studniczka, Ayrene 181, has, however, shown that the rider was not Taras, but Phalanthos, who, at first a form of Poseidon, gradually became an historical person connected with the emigration of the partheniai. Hartung thought the rider was Orpheus. Most probably it was either Poseidon ar Apollo, with whose’ cults the dolphin is intimately associ- ated. In Lakonia there was a goddess ’Apiovria (J. G. A. 79), ἴ whose honour horse-races were established. Mr. Paton (Class. Rev. 4. 134) thinks that she corresponds to Demeter Erinys of Thelpusa, the mother of the mythical horse Arion, whose father was Poseidon. Now both horse and dolphin are symbolical manifestations of the god of waters, and it is noteworthy that the only places mentioned in the story of Arion—Methymna on the island of Lesbos and Korinth of the double sea, the birth- place of the poet, and the place where he is said to have practised the dithyramb—are the seats of legends of grateful dolphins. It is, in fact, probable that the poet Arion is one and the same with the mythical horse, the manifestation of Poseidon. Exactly how the invention of the cyclic chorus and of the τραγικὸς τρόπος came to be attributed to him we cannot say; doubtless Lesbian legends are here at work, just as they created Phaon, the mythical lover of Sappho. It may be noticed that, apart from the steed of Adrastos (Ψ 346, Hes. Shield 120), the name Arion occurs nowhere in early literature. It is possible to derive it from dpi-Fiwv, ‘ very swift’ (Maass Ἴνα. Forsch. 1. 166), though Fick-Bechtel (Personennamen 433) propose to connect it ARION. 207 and the Arkadian form ’Epiwv (coin of Thelpusa S. G. D.-L. 1253) with Ἐρινύς, rivalis. Κυκλεύς and Κύκλων, the names of the father of the supposed poet, are inventions made to account for the belief that his son first set up the κύκλιος χορός, an institution which is involved in obscurity, though it is supposed that a circular chorus of fifty members took the place of the older rectangular arrangement in ranks and files. Some suppose that Arion first made the dithyramb choral, it having been monodic up to his time, and that the τραγικὸς τρόπος, which he invented, alludes to the ‘fashion’ of satyrs, who, clothed as goats, spoke in verse, thus forming the beginning of the ‘ tragic’ drama. Others think the ‘ goat-fashion’ is the pathetic fashion in contradistinction to that of the nome ; others refer it to the introduction of the tales of heroes. Many theories, little certainty. Despite the statement in Herodotos that Arion was the founder of the dithyramb, some Hellenistic critics seem to have doubted his existence, and given that honour to Lasos, Pindar’s teacher. Most of the state- ments in Suidas may be an expansion of Herodotos’ account, or based on some book on the Korinthian festivals. Arion is strangely enough called the scholar of Alkman. The authenticity of the poem was first disputed by Van der Hardt in 1723. Hermann regarded it as an example of ornatus qui varietate et venustate constat. Welcker (AV. Schr. 1. 89 ff.) was inclined to regard it as old, if not by Arion himself. But considerations of style, metre, and dialect show that it must be later than the lyric age. It cannot be a forgery by an author of the quality of Aelian, as Lehrs supposed (Popul. Aufstitze 204), nor indeed the composition of a nomic writer of an early period (Boeckh Berl. Acad. 1836. 74), but is rather the production of an Athenian dithyrambic poet of the last period of Euripides, or later. The style, despite its partial smoothness, recalls the fulsomeness, the veneer, of the later dithyramb; the metre is ornate, with its many resolutions, syncopated feet, and anacruses, and shows its late authorship by its frequent instances of positio debilis. The dialect is Attic diluted with Doric, a mixture that became common in the fifth century. Ross- bach conjectures that the poem is either the work of a - 208 ARION. scholar of the dithyrambic poet Phrynis, or of the master himself. Aelian quoted the poem in good faith, but originally it was put into the mouth of Arion, without intent to deceive, in order to serve as an exaltation of the power of music, a theme that was popular with the later dithyrambic poets, to judge from the Argo of Telestes, a fragment of which is akin to the hymn of Arion in the frequency of anacruses. Just so Kallimachos made Simonides himself tell of his miraculous rescue by the Dioskuroi; and so the story of Sappho’s leap from the Leukadian cliff and of her love for Phaon arose from her mention of this resort of hapless lovers and her story of the ferryman of Aphrodite. The poem falls into two parts: (1) 1-11, invocation of Poseidon, around whom the dolphins dance; and (2) 12-18, the rescue of the poet. The mention of the dolphins is withheld till v. 9, θῆρες standing in epexe- getical apposition. Throughout we have a series of pictures produced by ornamental and ‘characteristic’ epithets. The poet is prodigal in his use of colours. 2. xpvootplawe may be defended by χρυσηλάκατος, xpuco- κέφαλος. Hermann and Bergk read -rplawa from a nom. in -ns, With which cf. χρυσοχαίτης, χρυσομίτβης, χρυσοκόμης (χρυσεοκόμα Sim. 26B; Alk. iii. χρυσοκόμας). Alk. xiii. has μελλιχόμειδε, though we have φιλομμειδής ; in Anakr. xxviii. there is warrant for εὐέθειρε and εὐέθειρα ; Sim. xxvii. has puyopaxos; Sa. Xxil. καλλίκομος. Pindar’s ’Opoorpiawa, ᾿ΑΎλαο- τρίαιναν, Hirplavay, are sometimes explained as Boiotisms (-a for -ns). Aristoph. Hquit. 559 ὦ xpvoorpiaw’, ὦ δελφίνων μεδέων (where the schol. has χρυσοτρίαινα), is not necessarily either a parody or an imitation of this poem. Cf. M. 27 ᾽Εννοσίγαιος, ἔχων χείρεσσι τρίαιναν. ἸΠόσειδον : the Attic form. 3. γαιάοχος is the ‘earth mover’ (γαίης κινητήρ). as ἐννοσί- γαιος, ἐνοσίχθων, ἐλασίχθων. Cf. Lakon. γαιάξοχος, Pamphyl. Fexérw, veho. -(F)oxos was later confused with -(c)oxos (in πολιάοχος, ῥαβδοῦχος etc.), and Artemis is called γαιάοχος, Soph. ὁ. 7. 160. ἀν᾽ is due to Hermann, who connected ἐγκ. dv’ ἅλμαν with the following. 4. βράγχιοι : if correct, is a neologism. Hermann read βραγχίοις περὶ δή ; Buchholz περί σέ ye ; Sitzler ἐν κύμασι πάλμυ βρυχίοις. Cf. N 27 βῆ δ᾽ ἐλάαν (Ποσ.) ἐπὶ κῦμα" ἄταλλε δὲ κήτε᾽ ὑπ᾽’ αὐτοῦ | πάντοθεν ἐκ κευθμῶν, οὐδ᾽ ἠγνοίησεν ἄνακτα. ARION. 209 δ. θῆρες : a bold innovation on established usage, which restricted the word to ‘beasts,’ a generic term (Schmidt Synom. 2. 432 is wrong). Cf. Archil. 74. 7 μηδ᾽ ὅταν δελφῖσι θῆρες ἀνταμείψωνται νομόν. The dolphin was a fish to the ancients. χορεύουσι: χορὸς ἰχθύων Soph. Frag. 695 and Anakreont. 55. 27; δῦ. 24 δελφῖσι χορευταῖς. κύκλῳ: cf. Thuk. 2. 84 περιέπλεον κύκλῳ. 6. A fanciful variation on κούφοισιν ποσίν Pind. Ol. 13. 114. Schneider says pedes affinxit poeta delphinis quia saltare facit ; ef. καλλίχοροι δελῴ. Eur. Hel. 1454. Pindar’s use is bolder (ἐλαχυπτερύγων Pyth. 4. 17). 7. ἀναπαλλόμενοι : cf. ἀναπάλλεται ἰχθύς Ψ 692. 8. On the speed of the dolphin cf. Pind. Nem. 6. 64 dehpivi κεν τάχος δι᾽ ἅλμας | ἴσον εἴποιμι, Frag. 234 παρὰ ναῦν δ᾽ ἰθύει τάχιστα δελφίς, Pliny H. N. 9. 8 velocissimum omnium animalium, non solum marinorum, est delphinus, ocrior volucre, acrior telo. σκύλακες : cf. Eur. Hippol. 1277 ox. πελαγίων. φιλόμουσοι : Pind. Frag. 235 τὸν (δελῴ.) μὲν... αὐλῶν ἐκίνησ᾽ ἐρατὸν μέλος, Hur. Hl. 435 ὁ φίλαυλος δελφίς. 9. ἔναλα: οἵ. Aristoph. Thesmoph. 325 Νηρέος εἰναλίου τε κόραι. 13. Σικελὸς πόντος, first in Euripides. Lucian Dial. Mar. 8, doubtless following Lesbian tradition, puts the scene in the Aigaian Sea. Cf. Spenser 1. Q. 4. 11. 23 ‘* And even yet the Dolphin, which him bore | Through the Agaean seas from Pirates vew, | Stood still by him astonisht at his lore.” 15. ἄλοκα: cf. Mel. Adesp. 88 ᾿Αφροδίτης ἄλοκα (conj.) τέμνων καὶ Χαρίτων ἀνάμεστος. The form ἄλοξ does not occur before the fifth century. The details of the following scene are too precise to admit of Welcker’s symbolical interpreta- tion ; nor can it be regarded as pure embellishment due to imitation of a previous mention in literature of the thankful dolphin. 18. Perhaps the dithyrambic poet was capable of writing aduréppupov (only here of the sea). ἁλι- may have crept in from 17; Bergk πορφυροῦν ; Reiske ἁλιπορφύρουι. Cf. dds πορφυρέη IL 391, Sim. 51, Sem. 1. 16, Eur. Frag. 882, Theogn. 1035 πορφυρέης λίμνης, Soph. Frag. 435 γλαυκᾶς ἐπ᾽ oldua λίμνας. Note Attic νεώς in 17. Metre: The fragment is astrophic, a fact that agrees with its composition by a late dithyrambic writer. The metre is either degenerate free logaoedic or degenerate dactylo-epitritic with frequent —~ —~ and —~~ “ or ~~ LY —A. The epitrite is not found except at the end, where it may be a ditrochee, ο 210 ALKATOS. ALKAIOS. Ε ΤῊΒ close of the seventh century witnessed a change in the established order of things in Lesbos that has left a profound impression upon the poetry of Alkaios. The tide of democracy was sweeping in upon the princely Penthelidai, who traced their descent from Orestes, and upon the other noble houses whose power had been sanctioned by centuries of prescription. For eight years Alkaios and the other aristocrats struggled against the demagogue Melanchros, who had utilized the popular uprising to make himself tyrant. Had their party possessed sufficient power they would not have suffered the even more detested rule of Myrsilos, which followed upon the murder of Melanchros (6127?) at the hands of Pittakos and Antimenidas, the poet’s brother. Though Myrsilos himself was finally slain, other tyrants rose in his stead. We have no certain landmarks by which to date the events of this period of faction and unrest. We do not even know when the contest was waged with the Athenians for the possession of Sigeion, in which Alkaios lost his shield. The account in Hdt. 5. 94, which places this event after 560, is confused, and should not have misled Beloch into making Alkaios a contemporary of Anakreon (cf. Tépfer Pfhilol. 49, Crusius Philol. 55) ; though it must be confessed that it is surprising enough to hear of Athens warring in the Troad at the end of the seventh century, the period to which the struggle is usually referred. Alkaios himself, perhaps not unmind- ful of a similar confession on the part of Archilochos (6), sang of his loss, and bade the herald report that, though he was safe, his shield had been hung up as a trophy by the victors in the temple of Athene at Sigeion. We may well believe that a remembrance of the disaster that had befallen the two Greek poets, whom he was to make his models, must have softened the bitterness of flight to the young tribune at Philippi (Hor. 2. 7). It may have been in 595 that Alkaios was exiled, together with Antimenidas, Sappho, and other members of the aristocratic faction. No doubt Alkaios, too, had lusted after power (οὐδ᾽ αὐτὸς καθαρεύων τῶν τοιούτων νεωτε- ρισμῶν, Strabo 13. 617). The poet wandered about in ALKATOS. 211 Thrace, and voyaged as far as Egypt, but even in exile did not cease to foment attempts to effect a return by force of arms. To counteract these schemes, Pittakos, once the adherent of the aristocrats and the champion of the Lesbians against the Athenians, was (in 590?) ap- pointed dictator (αἰσυμνήτης : Alkaios calls him ‘ tyrant’) to defend the constitution. Under his rule tranquillity was restored to the island, and the poet, weary of in- cessant contest, was content, after fifteen years of exile, to accept the offer of clemency on the part of the sage, who thus put into execution his doctrine that pardon was better than punishment (συγγνώμη τιμωρίας κρείσσων). Akenside’s lines on Alkaios reflect the spirit of the liberty-loving Englishman or of the Roman republican, not the narrowness of the fierce champion of the Lesbian oligarchs : With louder impulse and a threatening hand The Lesbian patriot smites the sounding chords ; Ye wretches, ye perfidious train, Ye cursed of gods and free-born men, Ye murderers of the laws ; Though now ye glory in your lust, Though now ye tread the feeble neck in dust, Yet time and righteous Jove will judge your dreadful cause. Alkaios was not an apostle of liberty, though he possessed the art of painting partisanship in the colours of patriotism. The poetry of his contemporary Solon shows us at once the statesman and the patriot. Alkaios’ creed was ‘down with all tyranny—except that of my own party!’ His poetry is full of the storm and stress of the time. He sings the dura navis, dura fugae mala, dura belli (Hor. 2. 13). He lives in the present, and projects himself into his every utterance. He fights with the lyre as with the sword. The passion that Archilochos had vented in personal rancour, Alkaios transfers to the larger canvas of politics and war. For the first time in its history the pure Melic of the Greeks looses the bonds which bound it to a mythological past, and becomes the warm and spontaneous expression of the heart. By birth a Lesbian, Alkaios displays the Aiolic temperament, which is seen at its fullest in the noble,—high-spirited, proud of his order, frank, generous and free, fearless and open-handed as the Stuart cavalier, 212 ALKATOS. joyous and resolute even in disaster, delighting in love and wine. With his fondness for magnificence there is a dash of pretence and pompousness. His sensuousness is tempered by a high-minded enthusiasm. Of his style, Dionysios of Halikarnassos, who read him when his poems were not mere fragments, says that it was distinguished by its magnificence (μεγαλοπρεπές), by its brevity, by its combination of grace and force (δεινότης), and that his figures were remarkable for their clearness (de vet. script. cens. 2. 8; οἵ. Quint. 10. 1. 63). When the veil of the metre has been removed there remains, he says, a rhetorical quality that savours of the orator. To us Alkaios suffers by the unjust but inevitable comparison with Sappho. Though a vigorous and a graceful poet his fame is largely a reflection of that of his great country- woman. He is always genuine, often vivacious and tender ; he possesses a fine feeling for nature, and a love of detailed pictures. He speaks a direct language, and his figures are not richly coloured. He is fond of senten- tious sayings. In the imaginative quality he is deficient, nor can he lay claim to high originality ; though hatred of Pittakos hammers out for him such startling com- pounds as σαράπους, χειροπόδης, ζοφοδορπίδας. His dialect—which Dionysios characteristically says impaired the appreciation of his beauties—was the native idiom of his time with (possibly) a touch of epic form. Both Alkaios and Sappho show conscious adaptation of epic phraseology. The light and elastic logaoedics were peculiarly suited to the lively Aiolic temperament. With the name of Alkaios is associated the four-line strophe that he employs in such perfection, and which Horace transformed by the admission of diaeresis. The Alkaic stanza, whether invented by the poet or not—Crusius seeks to discover its first traces in Alkman (cf. iv.)—is a marvellous combination of fire, grace, and variety, welded together in perfect unity. Alkaios also employed the softer ‘Sapphic’ stanza. His choriambics (Asclepiads), which constitute a large part of his verse, are full of restless energy and a certain stateliness. Besides these he wrote in Aiolic dactyls with the free, undetermined first foot, in ionics, and in iambics. The latter recall Archilochos, with whom he has much in common. ALKAIOS. J. 213 The Alexandrians divided his poems into at least τς ten books, probably arranged according to the elusive criterion of the predominant note. To the composition of hymns Alkaios’ genius was apparently ill-suited. At least those we have are mere silhouettes. Himerios summarizes the paian to Apollo, which described how at the birth of the god Zeus gave him a lyre and a chariot drawn by swans to bear him to Delphi to proclaim his ordinances of justice and right to the Hellenes. But the god hastened to the Hyperboreans, where he tarried for a year until the songs of entreaty uttered by the Delphians prevailed upon him. Then he came in the fulness of summer ; the nightingale, the swallow, and the cicada sang for joy, and Kastalia poured forth her silver streams. The political songs (στασιωτικά) are passionate and defiant like the siventes of Bertran de Born. His love songs were so generally devoted to the praise of boys that Quintilian laments that he did not devote his muse to higher themes. The traditionary story of Alkaios’ passion for Sappho fails to stand the test of criticism, as we shall see on Sa. vili. The skolia overlap the other divisions. All Alkaios’ poetry, except the hymns, is virtually sympotic. Alkaios enjoyed great popularity in Athens in the fifth century. His songs graced the banquets of Athenian gentlemen, and Aristophanes knew him well. The Alexandrians edited his works and wrote commentaries on them. Theokritos imitated him (28, 29), but his greatest admirer was Horace. I. Hephaist. 44: quoted with the remark that it is doubt- ful whether Sappho or Alkaios invented the ‘Sapphic’ strophe. Vv. 3-4 are from Choirob. on Hephaist. (Rk. MW. 36. 464). The hymn mentioned the theft of the kine of Apollo, which is referred to by Horace in the ode (1. 10) that is based on Alkaios. 1. péSas: the ancients disputed whether pédes was the part. from μέδημι (so Apoll. Dysk.), or 2nd pers. of μέδω (so Apion). On the one hand (1) we have Ἑρμῆν... . Κυλλήνης pedéovra Hymn 3. 2, 18. 2, and the various other passages in L. and 8. (where read Hq. for 1}.}, to which may be added Bacch. ix. 66; Melanip. iv.; skol. iv.; μεδέουσα Smyth onic Dial. p. 69. On the other hand (2), és μέδεις Soph. Antig. 1119, Frag. 342. In Alk. 48 8, Bergk read ᾿Αχίλλευ, ὃ μέδεις 214 ALKAIOS. 1.-1/1. (ὃς μεδέεις, MSS.). The dispute cannot be decided. Classen Beobacht. z. hom. Sprachgebr. 46, remarks that pédes in Sophokles is an arbitrary (Homeric) archaism because the verbs in actual, though poetical, usage were μέδομαι (Hom. μ. πολέμοιο, μ. VOTTOLO) aNd μήδομαι. μεδέων is a real, μέδων, even in Homer, a crystallized participle, like γέρων, κρείων, θεράπων. 2. Cf. carm. pop. 3 Αλρτεμι, σοί μέ τι φρήν... | ὕμνον ὑφαινέμεναι, Ovid Metam. 1. 1 fert animus dicere. ἄγναις : avyats, v.l., ‘on the gleaming peak,’ is indefensible. Hermes was born ἄντρου ἔσω παλισκίου͵. Bergk read αὔταις, which is=in solis montibus according to Schulze Q. 1. 251; Fick κορύφας ἄκτᾳ ; Sitzler ἄντρῳ or ἰώγᾳ ; Kock αἴπαις. 4. Cf. Hymn 18. 3 ὃν τέκε Mata... Διὸς ἐν φιλότητι μιγεῖσα, Verg. Aen. 8. 139 Mercurius, quem candida Maia | Cyllenae gelido conceptum vertice fundit. —Metre : the ‘Sapphic’ strophe (three Lesser Asclepiads + Adonic) : 5.5.5. +2. ἐπῳδικόν. II. Strabo 9. 411. 1. ’A®avda: so “A@aviias Theokr. 28. 1 (Aiolic). ἄνασσ᾽ ᾿Αθάνα Kur. 7. 7. 1475, skol. i., etc. The hymns of the lyric poets and of the Orphic collection begin with an invocation in the vocative, herein differing from the Homeric Hymns. A relative pronoun often follows the vocative clause, as here, Pind, iv. 3, Aristoph. Hy. 551. πολεμάδοκος of Athena, Kaibel 1035. 4, Anth. Pal. 9. 59. 3. 2. ποι: as κου Anakr. i. 4. ἐπιδεύαο, Fick ; cf. Hesych. emdedoar’ ἐπιστρέψαι ; émide(v)ov' ἐπίστρεψον. Κύπριοι. Cf. ἐπιστρέφεαι Anakr. ii. 4. Bergk read ἐπὶ πίσεων. 3. Homer always places πάροιθεν before the genitive. 4. Κωραλίω: cf. Kallim. 5. 63 ἢ ᾿πὶ Κορωνείας, ἵνα ol τεθυωμένον ἄλσος | καὶ βωμοὶ ποταμῷ κεῖντ᾽ ἐπὶ Kovpadttw. Here was celebrated the festival of the Παμβοιώτια in honour of Athene Itonia at the end of the month Alalkomenios. ποτάμω παρ᾽ ὄχθαις : cf. ποταμοῖο παρ᾽ ὄχθας A 487; for the order of the words, cf. Pind. Pyth. 4. 46, Isthm. 5. 42; and see Mommsen Griech. Pridp. excurs. 6.—Metre: Alkaic strophe = two Alkaic hendecasyllabli, an Alkaic enneasyllabus, and an Alkaic decasyllabus (I. 5.5. II. 4.4.). III. Plut. Amator. 20. Perhaps from a hymn to Eros. As a cosmogonic god, Eros was called the child of Chaos (Hesiod, Ibykos), of Night and Day, of Erebos and Night, of Heaven and Earth, of Chronos, etc. ‘As the god whose power commands gods and men alike (Anakr. xxv.), he is generally called the child of Aphrodite. Sappho (132) made him the son of Uranos and Aphrodite or Earth, in 74 the ALKAIOS. IY. 215 servant of Aphrodite ; Simonides (43), the son of Aphrodite and Ares; Olen called him a son of Eileithyia; Euripides, the child of Zeus. In Apuleius, Zephyros is a servant of Eros. His genealogy as given in Alkaios characterizes his stormy, impetuous nature (cf. Sa. xiii, Ibyk. i, Anakr. xix.). The connection of Zephyros with Iris, the sister of the Harpies, is old. IV. Herakleid. Alleg. Homer. 5. An allegory of the dis- tress of the Mytilenaians under the tyrant Myrsilos. The comparison of the state to a ship is frequent in Greek poetry. (Schol. Aristoph. Vesp, 29 ἀεὶ ot ποιηταὶ τὰς πόλεις πλοίοις παραβάλλουσι.) Cf. Pind. Pyth. 1. 86, 4. 274; Theogn. 671-680 οὕνεκα νῦν φερόμεσθα Kad’ ἱστία λευκὰ βαλόντες | Μηλίου ἐκ πόντου νύκτα διὰ δνοφερήν᾽ | ἀντλεῖν δ᾽ οὐκ ἐθέλουσιν" ὑπερβάλλει δὲ θάλασσα | ἀμφοτέρων τοίχων K.T.A.; Aisch. Septem 2, 62, 758-765 κακῶν δ᾽ ὥσπερ θάλασσα κῦμ᾽ ἄγει" | TO μὲν πίτνον, ἄλλο δ᾽ ἀείρει | τρίχαλον, ὃ καὶ περὶ πρύμναν πόλεως καχλάζει κιτ.λ.; 795 πόλις δ᾽ ἐν εὐδίᾳ... ἄντλον οὐκ ἐδέξατο, 1077; Soph. 0. 7. 22 πόλις yap... ἄγαν ἤδη σαλεύει, 101; Antig. 163; Eur. Rhes, 248; Plato Rep. 6. 4; Cic. pro Sestio 20, 846; Hor. 1. 14 0 navis, referent in mare te novi | fluctus, etc. (cf. Quint. 8. 6, 44.). 1. ἀσυνέτημι : we may double the ν under the ictus; cf. cuvvexés M 26 (Ven. A.). Survival of the original sibilant of *ceros (*(c)i(c)nu) is not probable. Cf. σὺν ὀλίγῳ (— ~ ~ —) Theokr. 28. 25; ἐνόχλης (--- -- —) 29. 36, both Aiolic idyls. Aristoph. of Byz. wrote ἐνιμμεγάροισιν β 94. See La Roche Hom. Teatkr. 354, 391. στάσιν : cf. Aisch. Prom. 1085 σκιρτᾷ δ᾽ ἀνέμων | πνεύματα πάντων eis ἄλληλα | στάσιν ἀντίπνουν ἀποδεικνύμενα. 2. κῦμα κυλ., A 307. 4. σύν personifies. The ‘black bark’ is their companion in distress ; Soph. Phil. 1022 ζῶ σὺν κακοῖς πολλοῖς τάλας. In the minor melic poets this (epic) use of σύν occurs also in Alk. xxix., Ibyk. ii. 6, FoLK-Sones v. 6. περ: see on Sa. i. 10. Theogn. 673, quoted above, has ὑπερβάλλει. The ship is ὑπέραντλος. 7. Cf. «70, 1 410. λαῖφος, as Hymn 2. 228 (un-Homeric use). ἵζάδηλον : either ‘transparent,’ ‘full of holes,’ or better, ‘utterly destroyed’ (δηλέομαι). δῆλος, “ visible,’ from *Oe-ndos, ἴδη-ελος, or *decados (cf. δέαμαι) ; not from ἔδειελος, whence δέελος K 466, because this form would have become δεῖλος in Ionic and Aiolic. Horace has non tibi sunt integra lintea. 9. When the ship is labouring in the open sea, anchors (and these Greek anchors) are not in place, even in an allegory. Hence for ἄγκυραι (cf. Kiessling on Hor. i. 14. 6), Unger read dyxowa, ropes for making the yards fast to the 216 ALKAIOS. V.-IX. mast. Michelangeli’s ἄγκυλαι is nearer the Mss. ; ansae quae mediam antemnam in malo continent (Thesaurus), the ansa being here the end of a rope so tied as to make a sort of ring. Compare the storm described in Ὁ 381, 624, Theokr. 22. 10-18; also Archil. 54. V. Herakleid. /./. Probably from the same poem as iv. 1. τὸ δ᾽ αὖτε: Cf. Alkm. xiii. If we read ᾿νέμω-- ἀνέμω, the gen. follows κῦμα, as in κύματα παντοίων ἀνέμων B 396. The sense is, however, inferior to that of the text (Bergk). 2. Note the parechesis ; cf. πόνος πόνῳ πόνον φέρει Soph. Aias 866; πόνου πολλοῦ πλέῳ 1112; πῆμα πήματος πλέον Eur. Hek. 1168; Sa. 38; Aristoph. Nubes 1049; Ran. 829; Aisch. Prom. 98; Agam. 63. (Alliteration with a often denotes anger or vexation. ) 3. ἔμβᾳ: Bergk suggested ἐμβᾷ vi(ara), the ‘hold,’ for ἐμβαίνει. Others ἐμβαίΪνῃ. νᾶος depends on an omitted word, or ἐμβαίνω may take the partitive gen., either directly or by analogy to em Baw. VI. Athen. 10. 4806 : Alkaios is ready to drink at all seasons. ‘‘Who drinks well, loves the commonwealth.” πρὸς βίαν : not violentius, but invitum, coactum, as Soph. Frag. 669; Aristoph. Acharn. 73 (1. βίαν πίνειν. So πρὸς ὀργήν, mp. καιρόν, mp. ἡδονήν. πρὸς βίαν is rarely used of force other than physical. twa: subj. of μεθύσθην. πώνω and πίνω (xx. 1) are both Aiolic: χαῖρε καὶ πῶ τάνδε Alk. 544; δεῦρο σύμπωθι 548. Cf. rérwxa, πῶμα, poculum; Skt. pati, ‘drinks.’ An anonymous critic in Porto’s work ad Lyric. Frag. 1598 conj. καὶ χθόνα π. βίαν παίειν, as if Hor. 1. 37. 1 nunc est bibendum, nunc pede libero | pulsanda tellus were derived from this fragment of Alkaios. But Horace may have had in mind another line of his Greek exemplar. The tautology is not intolerable. VII. Choirob. Zpim. 1. 210. For the rare articular inf. see on Alkm. xii. Cf. Tyrt. 1. 1 τεθνάμεναι yap καλὸν ἐπὶ προμάχοισι πεσόντα, Hor. 3. 2. 13 dulce et decorum est pro patria mori. VIII. Herodian 2. 929. 15. Cf. Alkm. viii. ἔπταζον : πτάζω--πτήσσω, of the cowering of birds, Eur. H. F. 974, Kykl. 408; Aristoph. Vesp. 1490. Cf. Soph. Aias 171. IX. Athen. 10. 4304. Imitated by Hor. 1. 9 wides ut alta stet nive candidum | Soracte, nec 1am sustineant onus | silvae laborantes, geluque | flumina constiterint acuto? | dissolve Srigus, ligna super foco | large reponens, atque benignius | deprome quadrimum Sabina, |o Thaliarche, merum diota ; ——— ALKAIOS. IX. X. 217 also Hpod. 13 horrida tempestas caelum contraxit et imbres | nivesque deducunt Iovem. Campion’s Winter Nights: ‘* Now winter nights enlarge | The number of their hours ; | And clouds their storms discharge | Upon the airy towers. | Let now the chimneys blaze | And cups o’erflow with wine.” 1. ὕει Zeds; cf. ξ 457. The phrase contains a survival of the original meaning of Ζεύς, 7.e. sky, heaven. 2. Cf. χειμὼν πολύς 6 566; πολὺς δ᾽ ἐξ οὐρανοῦ ὄμβρος Theokr. 22. 14. With χείμων there is an ellipsis of the predicate (γίγνεται, ἔστι, or perhaps ἄησι. Cf. ὑόμενος καὶ ἀήμενος £131). πεπάγαισιν : the MS. πεπάγασι can be defended if Aiolic has -aot= Dor. -ἅτε in the perfect (borrowed from the present of reduplicating verbs). Homer has πεφύκασι, Xenophanes πεφήνασιν. 89. Cf. the scene in Theokr. 7. 00 ff. κάββαλλε: perhaps the expression is derived from the palaestra. Cf. stravere ventos. ἔπί: tmesis as Alkm. xviii.; cf. Alk. xiv. 3, xx. 2, XXvill. 2; Sa. vii., xix. 3. 4. Képvats (with tmesis=éyxipyds)=xipyds π᾿ 14. An Aiolic inser. has the inf. κέρναν. 5. αὐτάρ: the accent in Aiolic is uncertain, as is that of οὐδέν. In Homer the ictus always falls on the initial syllable. αὐτάρ is parallel to μέν in II 732 ete. 6. dupi or -τίθει would suit as well as -βάλων. γνόφαλλον : a cushion filled with wool. Pliny H. N. 27. 10 has a derived meaning: gnaphalion . .. cuius foliis albis mollibusque pro tomento utuntur. XX. Athen. 10.4308. Probably from the same poem as ix. 2. προκόψομεν : proficiemus, strictly of the preparation by the pioneer of the path for an army. Cf. Eur. Alk. 1079 τί δ᾽ ἂν προκόπτοις, εἰ θέλεις ἀεὶ στένειν ; Hek. 961 ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν τί δεῖ | θρηνεῖν προκόπτοντ᾽ οὐδὲν εἰς πρόσθεν κακῶν ; ‘making no progress forwards in evils.’ ἀσάμενοι : from ἄσᾶμαι. Theogn. 657 μηδὲν ἄγαν χαλεποῖσιν aod φρένα. 8. Βύκχι is said to be Aiolic for Βάκχι, as βύθις for βάθις-. But a does not become v in this dialect. The v of σύρξ, πέσσυρες is not derived from a. φάρμακον : cf. Sim. 14 πῖνε, ww’ ἐπὶ συμφοραῖς. 4. ἐνεικαμένοις (scil. ἄμμε). Aiolic inser. have ἤνικαν, ἐσένικαι probably with % The Aiolic may also be the Homeric-Ionic form (ἐνεῖκαι). The middle =‘have brought in’; so ἐγχεώμεθα, ‘have poured in,’ Xen. Symp. 2. 26; ηὐλοῦντο, ‘had the flute played,’ Kyrop. 4. 5. 7. So ἐδιδάξατο, ‘had taught.’ 218 ALKAIOS. XI.-XV. ΧΙ. Tzetz. Lycophr. 212. Cf. Frag. xxxii., Theogn. 500 ἀνδρὸς δ᾽ οἶνος ἔδειξε νόον, Aisch. Frag. 393 κάτοπτρον εἴδους χαλκός ἐστ᾽, οἶνος δὲ νοῦ, Hor. 1. 18, 16 arcanique fides prodiga, perlucidior vitro. The Greeks had a proverb οἶνος οὐκ ἔχει πηδάλια. To Plato indulgence in wine is a test of self- command, and a measure of the facility with which men are tempted to extravagance (Laws 649, 671 ff.). We read ἀνθρώποισι, as we expect the full form in Aiolic, and suppose a loss of = at the end.—Metre: as xiii. MII. Arist. Rhet. 1. 9. Bergk placed this fragment with No. xiii, See on Sa. viii., with which it probably belongs. XIII. Hephaist. 45. βιόπλοκ᾽ “ dark-tressed,’ as ἰόπλοκοι Νηρηΐδες Bacch. ix. 37; cf. Anth. Pal. 9. 542. 10. Hesych. has ἰόπλοκος (MSS. ἰοπλόκος), ἰόπεπλος ἀπὸ τοῦ χρώματος, i.e. πλόκος Ξξεπλόκαμος. In Pind. Ol. 6. 80, Bergk conj. ἐιόπλοκον Εἰὐάδναν for ἰοσπλόκαμον, ἰοβόστρυχον of the mss.; and in Isthm. 6. 23 βιοπλόκοισι Μοίσαις for tomdoxduoor. Cf. ἰοπλοκάμων θυγατρῶν Sim. vii.; ἰοπλοκάμων Μοισᾶν Pind. Pyth. 1. 1, as Mel. Adesp. 53 (Sappho ?), where Fiordéxwy suits the metre better. The Greek violet (ἴον μέλαν) was darker than ours. λευκόϊα are probably pansies. Ruskin thinks that ἴον in Homer was the blue or purple iris. ἰόπλοκ᾽ might mean ‘ violet-weaving’ (with recessive accent for lom)éx’). μελλι- xopetSe: the nom. is given by Hesych. as μειλιχομείδης (cf. φιλομμειδής), whence Blomfield conj. μελλιχόμειδα here. Cf. on Arion 2.—Metre: the Sapphic pentapody with the masculine anacrusis. XIV. Athen. 15. 674¢ (vv. 1, 2), 687D (vv. 3, 4). Cf xxi. The Aiolic writing of the multiform ἄνηθον is ἄνητον (Sa. xxix.). Acro on Hor. 4. 11. 3 vel quia Alcaeus frequenter se dicit apio coronari. Crowns of dill were often used (Theokr. 7. 63, 15. 119; Verg. Hcl. 2. 48). Ch Sa. 46 καπάλαις ὑποθύμιδας | πλέκταις ἀμφ’ ἀπάλᾳ δέρᾳ, Xenophan. 1.2; Plut. Symp. 3.1.3; Anakr. 9 στήθεα χρισάμενος μύρῳ. --- Metre: Sapphic strophe. XV. Schol. Aisch. Pers. 347 (ἀνδρῶν yap ὄντων ἕρκος ἐστὶν ἀσφαλές). From Aristeid. 1. 791, 821, 2. 273, we infer that the preceding thought was that of Sir William Jones’ What Constitutes a State. A later age made Lykurgos the author of the saying (Plut. Vita 19). Plato may be referring to Alkaios (Laws 778 p). For the sentiment, cf. Soph. O. 7. 56; Hdt. 8. 61; Thuk. 7. 77; Dio Cass. 66. 6; and Pind. Pyth. 5. 56; Theogn. 233. πύργος : so used \ 556 τοῖος γάρ σῴιν π. ἀπώλεο, Soph. O. 7. 1201, Eur. Med. 389, Alk. 311. ALKAIOS. XVI. 219 With π. ἀρεύιος cf. τεῖχος ἄρειον A 407. Another saying of Alkaios’ was, ‘Emblems on shields inflict no wounds.’— Metre: Lesser Asclepiad. XVI. Hephaist. 34, Liban. 1. 406 (vv. 1, 2), the remainder in a paraphrase, Strabo 13. 617, whose words have to be rearranged and Aiolized. Antimenidas, the brother of Alkaios, was one of the leaders of the oligarchical faction in Mytilene who had been driven into exile. He entered the service of Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon (604-561 B.c.}, and may have performed the deed of valour here recounted in Syria or in Egypt in the war against Hophra. Some think he may have been present at the capture of Jerusalem (586). The employment of Greek mercenaries was as old as Adra- malech, son of Sanherib ; and later, under the reign of Psam- metichos, they were engaged in Egypt. The chronology of the period is uncertain, but it is improbable that Antimenidas served in 604 in the war against Egypt. The brothers seem to have returned in 580, when Pittakos recalled the exiles and laid down his office. Cf. R. M. 33. 215. 1. Imitated in Thuk. 1. 69. 5 τὸν Μῆδον αὐτοὶ ἴσμεν ἐκ περάτων ys... ἐλθόντα. Hom. has πείρατα γαίης Θ 478. In 85 Alk. has περράτων. 2. χρυσοδέταν : the compound adj. has only here the more poetical fem. ending. 3. Βαβυλωνίοις : -os for -οἱσι at the verse-end ; cf. i. 2. 5. paxatrav: from the desiderative payaiw or μάχαιμι ; μαχητής is from the stem of μαχή-σω. 6. παλαίσταν : Ionic also has the a form. Cf. Τροιζήν, Τροζήν ; Τεραιστός, Γεραστός. ἀπυλείποντα, as Hes. W. D. 696 μήτε τριηκόντων ἐτέων μάλα πόλλ᾽ ἀπολείπων. ‘ Lacking but a single hand’s breadth of five royal ells,’ 1.6. about 8 ft. 4 ins. Hat. 1. 178 says the royal ell exceeded the common (Attic ?) ell by 3 δάκτυλοι. As the ell consisted of 6 παλαισταί-- 94 δάκτυλοι, the relation of the ells was as 24 : 27, or as 21 : 24. If we reckon the Persian ell as 528 mill. (Oppert says 525-530), and the Attic at 462 mill., the ratio is 24:21. The passage in Hdt. 7. 117, in reference to Artachaies (ἀπὸ πέντε πηχέων βασιληΐων ἀπέλειπε τέσσερας δακτύλους), would seem to be borrowed from Alkaios, with a slight change. A statue of Herakles (schol. Pind. Jsthm. 3. 87) was four δάκτυλοι shorter than the πελώριος ἀνήρ who was slain. The common oe for giants was five cubits (Skylax 54, Apoll. Tyan. 2. 4). 7. πέμπων : the Aiolians inflected 5, 10, 40, 50, 90.— Metre: Lesser Asclepiads in stichic arrangement. 220 ALKAIOS. XVIT.-XTX. XVII. Eust. Od. 1397. 32, I/. 633. 61. A political song, doubtless referring to Pittakos. In the Greek game of draughts (rerreia), the stone on the ἱερὰ γραμμή, or middle line of the five, was moved only as a last resort. Hence κινεῖν τὸν ἀφ᾽ iepés=‘ try one’s last chance.’ Cf. Sophron 98 κινησῶ δ᾽ ἤδη τὸν ἀφ᾽ ἱαρᾶς, Theokr. 6. 18 καὶ τὸν ἀπὸ γραμμᾶς κινεῖ λίθον, and Smith’s Dict. of Antiqg., s.v. Latrunculi ; Becker’s Charicles 352. Note the pregnant use of dr’. Bergk read πύματον for πύκινον, Crusius πυκινῶς. Metre: as xv. XVIII. Arist. Pol. 3. 9. 5; cf. Plut. Hrot. 18. κακο- πάτριδα may be either (1) ‘of a low-born father ’—Pittakos is reported to have been the son of a Thrakian father and a Lesbian mother—or (2) ‘ the ruin of his country.’ The first explanation is preferable. κακός-ε: δυσγενής (6 64). That κακό- πατρις -εκακοπατρίδης (Blass would read κακοπατρίδαν) is clear from Theogn. 193, the only other occurrence of the word. In Attic, -rarplins was the ending (cf. εὐπατρίδης). κακόπατρις is both masc. and fem., as ἄναλκις, φιλόπατρις, φιλόπολις ete. ἀχόλω means ‘ chicken-hearted’ (cf. B 241) and should be re- tained. Bergk ζαχόλω, ‘wrathful,’ and later, διχόλω (cf. δίχολοι γνῶμαι); Fick a8d\e=aBovdov (cf. Soph. O. K. 940 πόλις ἄβουλος). ἐστάσαντο : this is the earliest instance of ἵστασθαι for αἱρεῖσθαι. ématvevtes: ἐπαινέοντες, if correct, would be the only case in Aiolic of a verb in -ew showing synizesis. Else- where eo is either open (ποτέονται 43) or contracted to ev (if μοχθεῦντες iv. 5, and not μόχθεντες, is correct), or disappears, -ew being inflected like a -μὲ verb.—Metre : Greater Asclepiad. XIX. V. 1. Athen. 1. 22, X 4308, Proklos on Hes. W. D. 584, Gell. 17. 11. 1, Macrob. Sat. 7. 15. 13, Plut. Symp. 7. 1. 1, Eust. 11. 890. 47, Od. 1612. 14. V. 2. Athen., Prokl. V. 3. Partly in Prokl., partly in Demetr. de eloc. 142. Vv. 4, 5. Demetr. V. 6, 7. Prokl. With a few variations that show a nice attention to detail, the fragment is a lyric setting of Hes. W. D. 582 ff.: Ἦμος δὲ σκόλυμός τ᾽ ἀνθεῖ καὶ ἠχέτα τέττιξ | δενδρέῳ ἐφεζόμενος λιγυρὴν κατεχεύετ᾽ ἀοιδήν | πυκνὸν ὑπὸ πτερύγων, θέρεος καματώδεος ὥρῃ, ᾿τῆμος πιόταταί 7 αἶγες καὶ οἶνος ἄριστος, | μαχλόταται δὲ γυναῖκες, ἀφαυρότατοι δέ τε ἄνδρες | εἰσίν, ἐπεὶ κεφαλὴν καὶ γούνατα Σείριος ἄζει, [ αὐαλέος δέ τε χρὼς ὑπὸ καύματος" ἀλλὰ τότ᾽ ἤδη | εἴη πετραίη τε σκίη καὶ βίβλινος οἶνος κιτ.ιλ. Hesiod is imitated also in xxiii. 1. πλεύμων is the older form (pulmo, Skt. kloman); πνεύμων is due to folk’s etymology, which connected the word with mvew. The best mss. of Attic writers often have the πν- form, though πλεύμων is well attested. In Plutarch, J./., the physician Nikias says that it is not surprising that a poet ALKAIOS. XIX.-XX. 221 was guilty of an error in physiology that was committed even by the philosopher Plato. The reading πνεύμονας is due to ignorance of the F. ἄστρον, Sirius, though some take it of the sun (so Unger Philol. 44. 648). Cf. Theogn. 1040 ἄστρου καὶ κυνὸς ἀρχομένου, 1.6. ὁ ἀστρῷος κύων. On ἄστρον )( ἀστήρ see on Alkm. iv. 63; Pind. Ol. 1. 6 uses ἄστρον of the sun κατ᾽ ἐξοχήν ; so sidus, Tibull. 2. 1. 47; cf. Hor. 3. 29. 18 iam Procyon furit, which rose July 15, eleven days before Sirius. περιτέλλεται : in orbem redit et sic denuo oriri et apparere incipit (ani). 2. δίψαισι: the plural emphasizes the diffusion of the heat. Cf. Hor. 4. 12. 13 adduzxere sitim tempora. 4. κακχέει : cf. + 521 χέει πολυηχέα φωνήν. λιγύραν : in Sparta the cicada was called λιγαντάρ. On its music see T 151, Aristoph. Pax 1159, Theokr. 1. 148, 16. 94; and ef. Anakreont. xxv. It began to sing at the end of June (Arist. περὶ ἕῴων 5. 17. 2, 24. 2). The modern names are τσίτσικος and τσιτσίδα from the note τσι-τσι. σέλας : cf. Hes. Theogon. 867 τήκετο γαῖα σέλαι πυρὸς αἰθομένοιο. 5. πεπτάμενον : cf. P 371 πέπτατο δ᾽ αὐγὴ ἠελίου ὀξεῖα. πεπτ. excludes the reading καθέταν ‘perpendicularly.’ katav- avy: -avw and -aww interchange ; cf. κυδάνω, γρυπάνω, ἀζάνω, μελάνω. 7. Cf. Σείριος dgadéos Hes. Shield 153. Archil. 61 has 2. καταυανεῖ, where >. is said to=+\.os.—Metre : as xviii. XX. Athen. 10. 4380p, 11. 481 a. 1. λύχνα: ὁ λύχνος perhaps 7 37; τὸ λύχνον Hipponax 125. The neuter plural is the common form. Cf. vivae lucernae Hor. 3. 21. 23. It is περὶ λύχνων adds (Hdt. 7. 215), but the poet is unwilling to lose time. δάκτυλος : Heron Merpixd 308 says the daxr. is the smallest of all measures, and is also called the unit; cf. Arist. Metaph. 13.1.7. Cf. Mimn. 2. 3 πήχυιον ἐπὶ χρόνον. Sir Charles Newton (Halicar- nassus) reported that the Greek sailors of to-day measure the distance of the sun from the horizon by the finger’s breadth. The passage is imitated in Anth. Pal. 12. 50 πίνωμεν Βάκχου ζωρὸν πόμα" δάκτυλος ads. [ἢ πάλι κοιμιστὰν λύχνον ἰδεῖν μένομεν ; but the concluding thought (τὴν μακρὰν νύκτ᾽ ἀναπαυσόμεθα) should not have been interpreted into Alkaios (Schweig- hauser punctum est quod vivimus). Cf. Hor. 1. 1. 20 partem solido demere de die; 2. 7.6 morantem saepe diem mero| fregi. 2. καδ δ᾽ deppe=deprome Hor. 1. 9. 7. αὔϊτα ‘beloved.’ In Sparta (Alkm. 195 dira, of maidens), in Thessaly (Theokr. 12. 14), and in Lesbos diras= Attic καλός 7.€. ἐρώμενος, Cretan 222 ALKAIOS. XX.-XX/I. κληνός. Theokr. has dtras. For the Aiolic ἵ, cf. xvdptdes xxiv. 4; note also carivy Anakr. xi. 10, driros and &riros. ἀίτης is derived from a copul. + Firns . The first colon ends with a syncopated foot, as in the asynartetes of Archilochos. At the end of the second colon the irrational long marks the ritardando before the catalectic trochaic clausula begins. The Greater Alkaic verse was not restricted to warlike songs. It is also sympotic (50, 51). XXV. Schol. Pind. /sthm. 2. 11 (viv δ᾽ ἐφίητι (Terpsichore) τὸ τὠργείου φυλάξαι | ῥῆμ᾽ ἀλαθείας ὁδῶν ἄγχιστα βαῖνον, | χρήματα χρήματ᾽ ἀνήρ, ds pa κτεάνων θάμα λειφθεὶς καὶ φίλων) Also Diog. Laert. 1.31. Aristodamos was regarded as one of the Seven Sages. The fragment, whether or not written during Alkaios’ exile, expresses the noble’s contempt for the rich commoner who, in the course of the sixth century, subverted the power of the aristocracy. For the sentiment cf. Frag. xxix., Hes. W. D. 686 χρήματα yap ψυχὴ πέλεται δειλοῖσι βροτοῖσι, Theogn. 181, 697, 699 πλήθει δ᾽ ἀνθρώπων ἀρετὴ μία γίνεται ἥδε, [ πλουτεῖν" τῶν δ᾽ ἄλλων οὐδὲν ἄρ᾽ ἣν ὄφελος, 929 εἰ μὲν γὰρ πλουτεῖς, πολλοὶ φίλοι, ἢν δὲ πένηαι, | παῦροι, κοὐκέθ᾽ ὁμῶς αὐτὸς ἀνὴρ ἀγαθός, Pythermos, Pind. Pyth. 3. 54, Plato Rep. 4088, Hor. 3.24. 42, Sat. 2) 6.8) Wprst. 1 1. 62; Juv. 3. 164. Michelangelo said ‘ Men are more than money.’ ἀπάλαμνον : Theogn. 481 μυθεῖται δ᾽ ἀπάλαμνα. Quotation more or less direct, and usually of gnomic utterances, appears in Hesiod (from the Cyclic poets); in Solon 20 (Mimnermos) ; ALKAIOS. XXVI.-XXX11I. 225 Theogn. 17, 425; in Sim. (see on xxii.) ; in Polymnastos ; in Pind. (Pyth. 3. 81, 4. 277, 9. 94; Nem. 9. 6; Frag. 216); Bacchyl. ii. 192. Cf. Aisch. Prom. 887; Soph. Antig. 623.— Metre: as xxiv. XXXVI. Hephaist. 35. Avav: accus. from a stem Aia-. Alkm. 68 apparently hasa nom, Αἴας. Alkaios rarely touches upon the Epic. Unless Aiolic inflected proper nouns in -evs differently from appellatives, ᾿Αχίλλεα is an Homericism. For the position of Aias, cf. B 768 ff.; Pind. Nem. 7. 27; Soph. Aias, 1341; Skol. xx.—Metre:: basis+three choriambs+a pherecratic (᾿Αλκαϊκόν). XXVII. Hephaist. 34. Cf. Theokr. 17. 36 τᾷ μὲν (Berenike) Κύπρον ἔχοισα Διώνας πότνια κούρα | κόλπον és εὐώδη ῥαδινὰς ἐσεμάξατο χεῖρας. Stat. Si. 2, 7. 86 humum per ipsam | primo murmure dulce vagientem|blando Calliope sinu recepit. ῥοδόκολπον Hivoulay Mel. Adesp. xili. ἸΚρόκοι: cf. Κρόκος, a man’s name, 8. C. H. 11. 249. 2. Bergk’s Κρίνοι should be Kptvvo..—Metre: logaoedic hexapody. XXVIII. Athen. 10. 4808. Cf. Pind. iv. 16. ἐρχομένοιο : the ending -oo only here in Lesbian poetry. It may be old Aiolic as well as Epic. jpos ἐπερχομένου Stes. x.; Theogn. 777; ἦρι ἐπερχ., Aristoph. Nubes 311.—Metre: five Aiolic dactyls with basis. XXIX. Stob. 96.17. Cf. xxv., Tyrt. 10. 8 χρησμο-" σύνῃ τ᾽ εἴκων καὶ στυγερῇ πενίῃ, Theogn. 384 πενίην μητέρ᾽ ἀμηχανίης, Hdt. 8. 111 καὶ θεοὺς δύο ἀχρήστους οὐκ ἐκλείπειν σφέων τὴν νῆσον, ἀλλ᾽ αἰεὶ φιλοχωρεῖν, Πενίην τε καὶ ᾿Αμηχανίην, Bacch. 1. 38 πενία ἀμάχανοςς. For the personification, see on Alkm. xxiii—Metre: prob. dact. hexam. Since no — — occurs, the dactyls may be cyclic. XXX. Aristoph. Vespae 1234, schol. ad loc. and ad Thesmoph. 162. A partisan attack on Pittakos, who had been appointed aisymnetes. ἔχεται pdwas (gen.): ‘its fate hangs in the wavering balance’ (ἐπὶ σμικρᾶς poms). μέγα κρέτος : A 753.—Metre: basis+four Aiolic dactyls. XXXII. Schol. Pind. Ol. 1. 60 (97). See on Alkm. xxxi. Anton. Liberal. Metam. 36 Τάνταλον δέ, ἐπεὶ τὸν ὅρκον ἐψεύ- σατο, κατέβαλε καὶ ἐπῃώρει αὐτῷ ὑπὲρ κεφαλῆς τὸν Σίπυλον. ‘The λίθος Ταντάλου early became proverbial, even in medicine (Hippokr. de morbis 2, 482 F). Cf. Pind. Isthm. 8. 11. περ: see on Sa. 1. 10.—Metre: as xxx., with which this fragment is to be connected. XXXII. Schol. Plat. Symp. 2178. Cf. xi. Imitated by Theokr. 29. 1 οἶνος, ὦ φίλε παῖ, λέγεται καὶ ἀλάθεα" | κἄμμε Ρ 226 ALKAIOS. XXXII, XXXIV. χρὴ μεθύοντας ἀλαθέας ἔμμεναι. Cf. Hor. Sat. 1. 4. 89 condita cum verax aperit praecordia Liber. If ἀλάθεα-Ξ ἀλάθεια, -εσια has become -ea in Aiolic, a phenomenon that is otherwise unattested, unless μάομαι {μασιομαι is analogous. Hoffmann suggests that ἀχάθεα is neuter plural (Homer ἀληθέα εἰπεῖν, dyopevew).—Metre: three Aiolic dactyls with basis. XXXIII. Hephaist. 38. The fragment recalls the tone of the folk-song; cf. Sa. xxxii. Traces of ‘ objective’ lyric in Alkaios are very rare. Imitated by Hor. 3. 12 miserarum est neque amori dare ludum neque dulci, the only occasion on which the Roman poet used ionics. The Romans were not fond of this measure, either because it proved too difficult or because it did not yield an agreeable result. The poem was composed in strophes consisting of ten feet, without hiatus or syllaba anceps. Some would arrange in 2 tetram.+1 dim., others 2 dim.+3 trim., and still others 2 trim. +1 tetram. But essentially the whole strophe was one long verse. Cf. Bentley on Hor. 3. 12. From the same poem we have the fragments: @rerov Κυπρογενήας παλάμαισιν (60) and τερένας ἄνθος ὀπώρας (61). : XXXIV. Hephaist. 18. A serenade (κῶμος, cf Aristoph. Ekkies. 960). Flach thinks the poem is addressed to Sappho. There is nothing to prove this. Hermesianax, who says (47) Λέσβιος ᾿Αλκαῖος δὲ πόσους dvedelEaro κώμους | Damgods φορμίζων ἱμερόεντα γάμον, was just the person to twist the fragment ~ out of its original application. λίσσομαι is followed by δέξαι in Pind. viii., and also by the imperative, as in Pind. Ol. 12. 1, Pyth. 1. 71. The anaphora recalls folk-song. See on Sa. xxxvi., and ef. Hor. 4. 1. 2 precor precor.—Metre : iambic tetrameter. SAPPHO. ‘Sappno,’ said Strabo, writing in the age of Augustus, ‘is a marvel ; in all history you will find no woman who can challenge comparison with her even in the slightest degree. Of her life we know virtually nothing. She was a contemporary of Alkaios—whether older or younger is uncertain—and she was born at Eresos in Lesbos of noble parents, Skamandronymos and Kleis. Local forms of her name are Psapha and Psapho. One of her brothers, Larichos, held the high office of cup-bearer in the prytaneion at Mytilene. Her husband’s name is un- SAPPHO, 227 known; her daughter bore the name of the poetess’ mother. She lived at Mytilene until she was exiled together with Alkaios and other members of the oli- garchical faction. Whether she returned to Lesbos, like Alkaios, or died in exile, perhaps in Sicily, cannot be discovered. Romance and contumely fill out the picture. Romance makes her seek refuge from the pangs of despised love by the death-leap from the Leukadian cliff— Where yonder cliff rears high its crest in air, White glittering o’er the distant wave, There Sappho, headlong, in a briny grave Entombed with frantic plunge her grief and her despair. The story of Sappho’s death, like that of her love for Phaon, to which it is merely a pendant, resolves itself into the thin air of legend. Phaon is a creation of the popular fancy, like Glaukos, the sea-god. The ferryman of Aphrodite, he receives from the goddess the gift of a beauty that no woman can resist, but is condemned to remain for ever insensible to passion. If Sappho, whose poetry with all its art is at times akin to the folk- song, did but recount the tale of Phaon, Dichtung, ever mightier than Wahrheit to the Greeks, would associate her, the poetess of love, with him, the object of fruitless love. The Leukadian rock typifies the last act of hopeless passion. Stesichoros, Sappho’s contemporary, sang of the nymph Kalyke, who sought death from the cliff because of unrequited love, but Anakreon (ix.) shows that the leap had become a mere figure for the intoxication of love. Originally associated with expiatory sacrifices, the “far projected rock of woe” had at an early time become fixed in popular fancy as the resort of unhappy lovers. Aphrodite supplants Apollo. Contumely made of Sappho a courtesan. The writers of the middle and the new comedy, misled in part by equivocal expressions (see Frag. vi.), but still more because they were unable to comprehend the free and rich life of noble Aiolian women whose honour was unimpeached, and because they confounded the ‘emancipation’ of women with licence and the noble simplicity of love with the effrontery of the vile, succeeded in fixing upon her a character that pervades all suc¢eeding classical literature. They it is who are ultimately responsible for Chamaileon 228 SA PPHO. the scandal-monger, who set down as sober truth the scurrility of gossip which was fostered by the aspersions of the comic stage. If their vilification defiled the Alexandrian sources from which Ovid drew the materials for his “pistle, this partial excuse for Roman brutalité will not palliate the misconceptions of Louys’ Bilitis at the present day. At least six writers of comedy produced a Sappho, not to speak of Plato’s and Antiphanes’ Phaon and Menander’s Leukadia. The problem fascinated these students of manners, of love and intrigue: the poetess of love—what could she be but another Aspasia from across the sea? Athenian women of breeding must follow Perikles’ advice (Thuk. 2. 45). Alkaios was called her lover; so too Archilochos, though he died long before the birth of Sappho; so too the freezing beggar Hipponax, and the gay trifler Anakreon, who were children when Sappho was past her prime. But some of the Greeks, the race in whom morality merges its outlines with the beautiful, were forced to disengage from the fictitious Sappho the poetess who had been called the ‘ pure’ by Alkaios, whose image had been stamped on their coins by her fellow-citizens (a like honour was accorded to Stesichoros, but also, it must be confessed, to Anakreon), and whose house (the μοισό- πολος οἰκία of Frag. xli.) was the home of girls who came from far and wide to acquire proficiency in music and song. The only authentic source of a true conception of Sappho’s position is the fragments of her poetry, Baca μέν, ἀλλὰ ῥόδα. She gave instruction that would qualify her pupils to appear in festivals sacred to the gods, for, apart from the partheneia, there was no lack of occasions when women’s song was esteemed in Greece (cf. Pind. Pyth, 2.19). Τῦ is the relation in which Sappho stood to her pupils that determined the character of her verse. Her pupils were more than mere scholars in music, poetry, the graces of mind and heart; they were bound to her by an affection in which the older felt for the younger a love that is almost masculine in its nature. The Spartan clubs or coteries of women, with their ἀῖται (‘beloved, Alkm. 125), aré not so exact or instructive a parallel as the relation between Sokrates and his band of SAPPHO. 229 devoted youths (Max. Tyr. 24). Sappho followed with her songs the life of her girl friends until the day of part- ing came, when she composed their bridal ode. If the appreciation, by the same sex, of the beauty of man or woman demands the highest degree of purely artistic sensibility, Sappho’s passion for her pupils is in one sense the key-note of her artistic nature. We may reject as ill-attested the statement that she herself was ‘small and dark,’ and therefore not beautiful according to Greek ideas ; certain it is, however, that Aiolis was the land of fair women, and that contests of beauty (καλλιστεῖα) were held in the temple of Hera in Lesbos. Love of the beautiful in nature or in man easily assumes in a poet, and that a woman, the form of passion. The vividness, the tumultuousness of Sappho, her perfect sincerity, renders her for ever to us an aesthetical, a psychological enigma. ‘To interpret her, we need more than the master- key of the poet : we need the trembling sensitiveness of the Aiolian. Sappho stands alone in the ancient and the modern world for the utter naturalness with which her passion finds graceful and dignified expression. To the sincerity and immediateness of her verbal economy there is no hesitation ; as there is no departure from a taste that admits of no grossness or profanation. Her speech is ‘mingled with fire, as Plutarch says, but her utter- ance never loses its grandeur, sweetness, and delicacy. ‘I love delicacy,’ she says, ‘and for me love has the sun’s splendour and beauty.’ Narrower in her range than Alkaios, her insight is deeper. The ardour of Alkaios for war, and adventure, and the revel, she con- centrates upon a single theme. All thoughts, all passions, all delights, Whatever stirs this mortal frame, All are but ministers of Love, And feed his sacred flame. The centre and periphery of her existence is love. No note of patriotism: Aphrodite alone dwells in Olympos. If Sappho suffers from excess of love, it is because her gift is from the gods, who couple joy with pain. Sappho is thoroughly womanly withal. She is not above jealousy of her rivals, Andromeda and Gorgo. She scorns those who have no share in the roses of Pieria. 230 SAPPHO. I. Sappho’s style is a combination of extremes. She couples intensity with grace, vehemence with sweetness ; she is distinguished alike by simplicity and elegance, passion and sobriety, lucidity and depth. She has the opulence of the Aiolian, though she is not overfond of metaphor. Her expression is vigorous, often rapid, but it always preserves its melody. Her very adjectives, one might say with Turgenieff, are a guide to her life: she is no less a worshipper of the beauty of the external world than of human loveliness. Sappho’s verse-technique is of extraordinary variety, and displays sensitiveness alike to form and sound. Possibly she uses more metres than any other poet. She introduced the Mixo-lydian mood, which was adapted for lament, and perhaps employed in the Adonis-songs. By universal consent she was regarded as the greatest love-poet of Greece. She bore the title of ‘The Poetess,’ as Homer was ‘The Poet,’ and Plato called her the ‘Tenth Muse.’ We hear of nine books of her poems, which were probably arranged according to the metres. Her dialect is the pure Aiolic of Lesbos. In many places she adopts Homeric words and phrases. I. Dion. Hal. de comp. verb. 23: cited as an example of the smooth style, which was adopted also by Hesiod, Anakreon, Simonides, Euripides, and Isokrates. The melody and grace of Sappho’s poem arise, Dionysios says, from the connection of the words and verses, and from the smoothness of the composition. In this ode Sappho implores Aphrodite to aid her in winning the love of a woman who had requited her affection with coldness. 1. ποικιλόθρον᾽ : found only here. Pindar uses εὔθρονος of Aphr., /sthm. 2. 5 (a more stately but less individual epithet than ποικ.), of Kleio, the Horai at Delphi (cf. Jebb J. H. δ. 3. 1. 117), the daughters of Kadmos (the only mortals that have thrones), and ἀγλαόθρονος, ὁμόθρονος, χρυσόθρονος (Homer); λιπαρόθρονος Adesp. xiii. 9, of Justice and Peace. Cf. Aisch. Hum. 806. The Greek does not personify like the modern (‘* The seat, where love is throned,” Twelfth Night). It is possible that the epithet rou. is derived from a sculptured work. Though Welcker urged that a throne inlaid with precious metals presupposes too advanced a stage of art for the early sixth century at Mytilene, it is to be remembered SAPPHO. I. 231 that as early of Homer we hear of stained and coloured ivory, and facing slabs of marble in various colours. On the chest of Kypselos gold, ivory, and cedar were used. Pausanias mentions a seated Morpho at Sparta, and the statue by Kanachos (3. 15. 10; 2. 10. 5). See Miiller-Wieseler Denkm. alt. Kunst 2. pl. 24, Nos. 257, 2584; Klein Griech. Vasen p- 136, No. 2. Wustemann (2. 7,7. 23. 238) comparing θρόνα ποικίλα Χ 441, regarded ’Agp. ποικ. as ᾿Αφρ. “AvOew. The form ποικιλόφρον᾽ is not Aiolic for -θρον᾽ ; nor is Swinburne’s **Thou of divers-coloured mind” in place here. ᾿Αφρόδιτᾶ : with Aiolic shortening. 2. δολόπλοκε: first used by Sa. Cf. Mel. Adesp. 129 δολοπλόκας Kurpoyevéos; Theogn. 1386; Aphr. is δολόμητις Sim. 43; δολιόφρων Kur. 7. A. 1301; δόλιος Bacch. ix. 116. λίσσομαι takes, besides the accus. of the person supplicated, the content of the supplication in the direct form (as here) or in the direct form (inf. etc.). The content of the supplication may be represented by a pronoun (β 210). 8. ὀνίαισι : ἀνιάω of the pain of love, Theokr. 2. 23; Ἔρως ἀνιηρέ 2. 55. Sdpva: cf. Hes. Theogon. 122 ("Hpos) δάμναται ἐν στήθεσσι νόον. δάμνα is from δάμνᾶμι. 4. θῦμον after με: the σχῆμα καθ᾽ ὅλον καὶ μέρος as in μ᾽ ἔρως φρένας ἀμφεκάλυψεν Τ' 442; cf. Sa. viii. 3. 5. τυῖδ᾽ ἔλθ᾽ -- δεῦρ᾽ ἔλθ᾽ Aristoph. Hg. 559. So εἴ more... ἔλθετε καὶ viv Soph. O. 7. 165 (cf. below, 1. 25). In such prayers οὕτως suits the apodosis ; here ἀλλά, because of 1. 3. 6. ἀίοισα : aorist in form as ἔκλυες (cf. ¢ 185). Both verbs may be aoristic in sense here. Hes. W. 7). 9 has κλῦθι ἰδὼν ἀίων τε, cf. ὦ 48 ἦλθε. . . ἀγγελίης ἀίουσα with A 603 ἀκούσας ἔκμολεν. ἀίω is used of immediate, physical hearing (cf. Alk. xxviii.), whereas κλύω implies intent, obedience to the call: ὃ 505 rod... ἔκλυεν αὐδήσαντος. Cf. ὑπακούω ii. 4. So εὐχομένων ἐπακούσατε Mel. Adesp. xiii.; Anakr. ii. 5. Cf. Pind. Isthm. 6. 42 ὁ δ᾽. .. αὔδασε. . . εἴ ποτ᾽ ἐμᾶν, ὦ Zed πάτερ, | θυμῷ θέλων ἀρᾶν ἄκουσας. | νῦν σε, νῦν εὐχαῖς ὑπὸ θεσπε- σίαις | λίσσομαι. Aisch. Hum. 297 κλύει καὶ πρόσωθεν ὧν θεός. 8. χρύσιον might go with ἄρμ᾽ (χρυσάνιος ᾿Αφρ.. Soph. O. K. 692), but the Adonic belongs to the third colon. In Sa. Frag. 84 δεῦρο δηῦτε Μοῖσαι, χρύσιον λίποισαι, the adj. seems to be used as here. Cf. Orphic Hymn 40. 14 δρακοντείοισιν ὑποζεύξασα χαλινοῖς (of Demeter). 9. ἄγον : the imperfect marks the process that culminates in ἐξίκοντο. The imperfect of ἄγω is often preferred to the aorist (cf. Thuk., Xen.). 232 SAPPHO.* WZ. 10. dkees: ὠκύς, celer, generally of inherent, as θοός, velox, of actual speed. But cf. Mimn. 12. 9. Contrasted with ταχύς, ὠκύς has the goal in view. στροῦθοι : many animals and birds that have numerous offspring are sacred to Aphro- dite. Cf. Hor. 3. 28. 14 quae Cnidon | fulgentisque tenet Cycladas, et Paphium | iunctis visit oloribus, and 4. 1. 10. περί : the poetical gen. with περί, ‘over,’ is almost extinct: ε 68 ἡ δ᾽ αὐτοῦ τετάνυστο περὶ σπείους γλαφυροῖο] ἡμερὶς ἡβώωσα, € 130 τὸν μὲν ἐγὼν ἐσάωσα περὶ τρόπιος βεβαῶτα. With Alk. Xxxi. κεῖσθαι περ κεφάλας, contrast Archil. ὑπέρ (53), also in reference to the rock of Tantalos. Eur. Jroad. 816 is doubtful. Monro, H. G. § 188, 2, thinks the gen. may be akin to the partitive gen. of place. The idea ‘over,’ ‘above’ appears in περίειμι, περιγίγνομαι, περὶ πάντων § 231, in πέρροχος Sa. 99 -αὑπείροχος in Hom. Cf. Alk. iv. 6, xxiv. 4. In the allied Thessalian dialect mep=imép in ὀνέθεικε περ rot παιδός (ἀνέθηκε περὶ τοῦ 7.) 8. α΄. D-I. 346, περ yas τᾶσδε ἀριστεύων Roberts, Epigr. 1. 237. (ἀμύνομαι περί Thuk, 2. 39. 2.) In the orators περί and ὑπέρ often interchange, but the syntactical substitution does not repro- duce a common original form. Skt. wpdri is=imép ; pdri=repi is not to be derived from upari. μελαίνας : see on Alkm. xxi. 3. After the Hom. epithet we have an Homeric reminiscence (ἐπιδινηθέντε τιναξάσθην πτερὰ πυκνά β 151). 11. πύκνα πτέρα: A 454, Ψ 879, densis alis Verg. Georg. 1. 382. δίννεντες : from ἔδίν ημι-- Attic δινέω. ὠράνω αἴθερος: a bold case of synizesis. Hoffmann writes ὠρανώιθερος. Cf. T 351 οὐρανοῦ. . . dv’ αἰθέρος. Pindar has the masc. αἰθήρ in two Dorian, the Hom. femin. in two Aiolian odes. 13. aiva δ᾽ ἵκοντο Σ 532; cf. Z 514 ταχέες δὲ πόδες φέρον. alya δ᾽ ἔπειτα | ... ἔτετμεν. ἐξ of the attainment of the goal. 14. φιλομμειδὴς ’"Adp. Τ' 424, ἡδὺ γελοιήσασα φιλομ. ᾿Αφρ. Hymn 4. 49, ἐφιμερτῷ δὲ προσώπῳ αἰεὶ μειδιάει Hymn 10. 2, Erycina ridens Hor. 1. 2. 33. 15. Cf. Theokr, 1. 77 ἦνϑ᾽ Ἑρμῆς πράτιστος am’ ὥρεος, εἶπε δέ" Addu, | ris τυ κατατρύχει, Tivos, ὠγαθέ, τόσσον ἐρᾶσαι ; Snore: see on Alkm. xiii. 17. κῶττι : cis pronounced as y with the foll. vowel. See on Anakr, viii. 18-19. ΠΠείθω | λαῖς ἄγην ἐς σάν Seidler (vats Bergk), : πείθω- | μαι σ᾽ (σοι) ἄγην Blass. The active μάω does not occur elsewhere (μάομαι Sa. 23, μαιόμενος Alk. xxx.). Blass’ (ot) is harsh since σάν follows. The word-breaking in πείθω-μαι, though elsewhere unknown in the second pentapody, might be defended by the elision in Catullus 11. 22, Hor, 2. 2, 18, 16. 34, 4. 2, 22. On Peitho, see Ibyk. v. es as SAPPHON Χῆ 233 20. Ward’ may stand either for Ψάπῴφοι (so 59, Σάπῴφοι Alk. xiii.), or for Varga; ef. Τύριννα -- Τυρίννω. On coins of Mytilene we find Σαπφώ, Σαφφώ, Yards, in Cretan Φσαφώ, etc. The word is a certain case of the otherwise disputed change of w and o (ψάμαθος, ᾿Αμαθῴ, ἄμαθος). πσαπῴώ lost its mw by dissimilation because of πῴ. For the use of her own name, cf. Catull. 51. 13. 21. With exquisite delicacy Sappho puts into the mouth of the Queen of Love the wishes of her own heart. Love’s pain is known without the telling. Cf. Theokr. 6. 17 καὶ φεύγει φιλέοντα καὶ οὐ φιλέοντα διώκει, 11. 75 τί τὸν φεύγοντα διώκεις ; Hiller thought there was a proverb νήπιος ὃς φιλέοντα φυγὼν φεύγοντα διώκει. Cf. Kallim. epigr. 33. 5, Hor. Sat. 1. 2. 108, Ter. Hun. 4. 7. 48, ‘‘They flie from me, that sometime did me seek,” Wyatt. 22. With the repetition of αἱ and ταχέως, cf. that of otiwm in Hor. 2. 16, Catull. 51. ἀλλά (Goodwin M. T. 512) emphasizes more vigorously than δέ the opposition of the apodosis to the protasis. So A 82, Θ 154, Soph. Frag. 854 el σῶμα δοῦλον, ἀλλ᾽ ὁ νοῦς ἐλεύθερος, Deinarch. 2. 15 ef μὴ πάντα, ἀλλὰ πολλά γε ἴστε ; cf. 51---οαἰ certe. 28. The φιλήματα follow the φιλότας. φιλέω has replaced the Hom. κύσω. 24. Blomfield’s ἐθέλοισαν was strenuously defended by Welcker, &. 17. 11. 266, who held that the subject of φιλήσει was aman. No ms. whose readings were known before 1892 settled the dispute. Now Piccclomini’s VZ show ἐθέλουσα (Hermes 27). 27. ἱμμέρρει -- ἱμείρει, from *iouep-w. τέλεσον : metrical convenience dictates the choice of the o or the oo form. τέλεσσαι is Hpic and Aiolic. 28. σύμμαχος : cf. Ovid Am. 1. 9. 1 militat omnis amans, et habet sua castra Cupido.—Metre: logaoedic (three Lesser Sapphics and an Adonic). II. Longinos de sublim. 10: the sublime appears in the selection of the most striking circumstances and in the power of combining them into one animate whole. After citing the ode, Long. says: ‘Are you not astonished how at the same time her soul, body, ears, tongue, sight, colour, all vanish and disappear as completely as if they were not her own? She experiences contradictory sensations—at one and the same moment she freezes, burns, raves, reasons; so that it is not a single passion that is here set forth, but a congress of passions.’ The ode is a pathological picture of the tumul- 234 SAPPHOn ils tuous passion experienced by Sappho in the presence of a woman she loves (τῆς ἐρωμένης ἐπιφανείσης Plut. Amator. 18, p. 763 4). It is not an expression of jealousy. It remains to this day the undying type of the passion of love that con- sumes the body. Sappho never describes woman’s beauty : she shows only its effect as Homer shows the effect of Helen’s loveliness. The poem was translated by Catullus (51) with additions, omissions, and other modifications. The fourth stanza is original with the Latin poet. Ille mi par esse deo videtur, | ille, si fas est, superare divos, | qui sedens adversus identidem te | spectat et audit | dulce ridentem, misero quod omnis | eripit sensus mihi: nam simul te, | Lesbia, adspexi, nihil est super mi|—4 ~~ ποτῷ] lingua sed torpet, tenuis sub artus | flamma demanat, sonilu suopte | tintinant aures, gemina teguntur | lumina nocte. Imitations are frequent: Theokr. 2. 106 ff. πᾶσα μὲν ἐψύχθην χιόνος πλέον, ἐν δὲ μετώπῳ | ἱδρώς μευ κοχύδεσκεν ἴσον νοτίαισιν ἐέρσαις, | οὐδέ τι φωνᾶσαι δυνάμαν, οὐδ᾽ ὅσσον ἐν ὕπνῳ | κνυζεῦνται φωνεῦντα φίλαν ποτὶ ματέρα τέκνα" ἀλλ᾽ ἐπάγην δαγῦδι καλὸν χρόα πάντοθεν ἴσα. So Apoll. Rhod. Argon. 3. 962 ff. ἐκ δ᾽ ἄρα οἱ κραδίη στηθέων πέσεν, ὄμματα δ᾽ αὔτως | ἤχλυσαν. θερμὸν δὲ παρηΐδας εἷλεν ἔρευθος. | γούνατα δ᾽ οὔτ᾽ ὀπίσω οὔτε προπάροιθεν ἀεῖραι ἔσθενεν, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπένερθε πάγη πόδας. Lucr. 3. 152 ff. transferred to fear the symptoms of love (cf. ἔφριξ᾽ ἔρωτι Soph. Aias 693): verwm ubi vementi magis est commota metu mens, | consentire animam totam per membra videmus | sudoresque ita palloremque existere toto | corpore et infringi linguam vocemque aboriri, | caligare oculos, sonere auris, succidere artus. Cf. also Valerius Aedituus in xellius 19. 9, Racine, ‘Phédre’ 1. 3, Je le wis, je rougis, je palis a sa vue; | Un trouble s’éleva dans mon dime éperdue ; | Mes yeux ne voyaient plus, je ne pouvais parler, | Je sentis tout mon corps et transir et briler. Euripides would seem to have had the ode in mind when he describes the passion of Phaidra in the Hippolytos. In his Life of Demetrios 38, Plutarch borrows from Sappho the description of Antiochos’ love for Stratonike (cf. Lucian Syria dea 17). In words that recall Sappho’s sensations at the sight of human beauty, Plato in the Phaidros 251 4 describes the effect of divine beauty upon him who has been recently initiated and has thus become the spectator of the glories of the other world: πρῶτον μὲν ἔφριξε... ἰδόντα δὲ αὐτόν, οἷον ἐκ τῆς φρίκης, μεταβολή τε καὶ ἱδρὼς καὶ θερμότης ἀήθης λαμβάνει. We may also compare, though the intent and situation are radically different, a passage (δ 13) in the temptation of Buddha by the Dhitaro (daughters): ‘ For if with this temptation they draw near an ascetic or Brahmin whose heart is not free from desire, then SA PHO.» WL. 235 his heart will break, or madness and frenzy will seize wpon him, or, as a green reed that has been cut dries up, is parched, withers away, so will he dry up, become parched, and wither away.’ The Modern Greek poet Soutsos in his Βάσανος has imitated this ode of Sappho. 1. ἴσος θέοισιν : cf. Eur. Hl. 67 ἐγώ σ᾽ ἴσον θεοῖσιν ἡγοῦμαι φίλον, Hek, 356; sum deus Plaut. Curc. 167. 2. doris: the demonstrative antecedent κῆνος is shown to be indefinite by the use of doris, which, itself generic and qualitative (‘such an one as’), does not need the support of the generic subjunctive; Goodwin M. 7. 534. Cf. quisquis with indic. κῆνος is therefore not a rival of Sappho, but a creation of her fancy, perhaps the man who may win her lovely scholar. Cf. Eur. Hippol. 943 τόνδ᾽, ὅστις x.7.d., talis vir qui. The reference is often to a definite antecedent with causal force. ὅστις defines or explains (see Herm. pref. to Soph. O. 7.). κεῖνος. . . ὅστις as οὗτος. . . ὅστις B 124 (ΞΞ τοιοῦτος οἷος), Kur. Alk. 76, 620. Cf. és followed by ὅστις Anakr. 94. Homer has after κεῖνος ὅς the generic indic. (ξ 156) or the generic subj. (I 312). The generic condition has the ordinary form (without κεν) in Sa. 12 ὄττινας yap εὖ θέω, κῆνοί με σίννονται. Aiolic has not here, like Ionic in places, displaced the simple by the compound relative: Hdt. 6. 47 τὴν νῆσον ταύτην, ἥτις, Bechtel Jon. Inschr. 240. 43 γῆν, ἥτις ἣν Kaxpaéos, Thuk. 6. 3 βωμόν, ὅστις νῦν ἔξω τῆς πόλεώς ἐστι, Which is due to an Ionic model, Antiochos of Syracuse. Cf. the displacement in ἐξ ὅτου for ἐξ οὗ, and ὁπότε for ὅτε in Pindar. 8. φωνείσας : from φώνημι. 4. Cf. dulce ridentem Lalagen amabo, | dulce loquentem Hor. 1. 22. 23, εὔλαλον Ἡλιοδώραν Anth. Pal. 5. 155, εὐδαί- Hwy ὁ βλέπων σε" τρισόλβιος ὅστις ἀκούει" | ἡμίθεος δ᾽ ὁ φιλῶν. ἀθάνατος δ᾽ ὁ γαμῶν ib. 5. θ4. ὑπακούει : attente et cum silentio audit (Weiske). So ἐπακούσω Theokr. 11. 78; ef. Lucian Amor. 46 ἀλλ᾽ ἐμοὶ μὲν βίος εἴη διηνεκὴς οὗτος, ἀπαντικρὺ τοῦ φίλου καθέζεσθαι, καὶ πλησίον ἡδὺ λαλοῦντος ἀκούειν, tb. 53. 5. Cf. δακρυόεν γελάσασα Z 484. With γελαίσας supply αἰσθάνεται from ὑπακούει. Cf. « 167, Aisch. Prom. 21. The zeugma is different in OCatull. τό: te. τὸ ἡδὺ φωνεῖν καὶ ἱμερόεν γελᾶν. Ahrens conj. τὸ δὴ μαν. 6. καρδίαν ἐν στήθεσι: so κραδίη ἐν στήθεσσιν ὃ 548, ἐπτόασεν : gnomic aorist. Of. χ 298 φρένες ἐπτοίηθεν, Eur. I. A. 587 ἔρωτι ἐπτοάθης, Apoll. Rhod. 1. 1232 τῆς δὲ φρένας ἐπτοίησεν Κύπρις. Also of fear, Aisch. Prom. 856. Mimn. 9. 2 has πτοιῶμαι δ᾽ ἐσορῶν ἄνθος ὁμηλικίης. Robortello conj. στήθεσ᾽ ἐπεπτόασεν. Dion. Hal. praises the euphony of 230 SAPPHO. 171 Sappho’s style in its treatment of vowels and consonants. It will be noted that each word in this line ends with ν. 7. Of the numerous conjectures, that of Ahrens requires only a slight change, and is here adopted. Hermann, Seidler, Blass ὡς γὰρ εἰσίδω. Bergk’s εὔιδον is incorrect. βροχέως : συντόμως. Αἰολεῖς Hesych., from this passage. Some take the adverb with Fiédw, others with the last clause. Love, like Fancy, is ‘“‘ engender’d in the eyes, with gazing fed”; amor, ut lacrima, ab oculis oritur, in pectus cadit, Publ. Syrus 40. Fick suggests βρόχεος ‘ throat’ (gen. of source) and Westphal supplied in Catull. v. 8 gutture vocis (cf. vow faucibus haesit). βρόχος is unattested in this meaning, but might be inferred from ὃ 222, μα 240. ὡς with subj.=déray is rare; cf. Hdt. 1. 132, 4. 172 (without ἄν) .---8. εἴκει (Dor. Phok. εἵκω) : ἱκ-νέομαι shows the weak form of the root. The radical in ἥκω is dif- ferent. 9. ξέαγε: whether Sa. said FéFayeis uncertain. Cf. torpebat vox spiritusque Livy i. 25. Note the elision at the verse-end. 11. Cf. Archil. 103 τοῖος γὰρ φιλότητος ἔρως ὑπὸ καρδίην ἐλυσθείς | πολλὴν κατ᾽ ἀχλὺν ὀμμάτων ἔχευεν | κλέψας ἐκ στηθέων ἁπαλὰς φρένας, Ernst Schulze Aber wenn du nah erates Kann ich doch dich nimmer sehn, | Weil vor Freud’ un Schmerz und Zagen | Mir die Augen iibergehn. ἐπιρρόμβεισι : only here. Hesych. has ῥόμβος᾽ ψόφος, ἦχος. Hence not vertigine aures rotantur ! (Neue). Cf. Anth. Pal. 5. 212, αἰεί μοι δύνει μὲν ἐν οὔασιν ἦχος Ἔρωτος. Ringing in the ears was generally regarded as a sign to a lover that his absent mistress was thinking of him (Ellis on Catull. 51. 11). Bergk conj. ém- βρόμεισι, because of Apoll. Rhod. 4. 908 ἐπιβρομέωνται ἀκουαί. Others ἐπιβομβεῦσιν (ἐβόμβει τὰ ὦτα Lucian, Dial. Meretr. 9. 2). 13. ἀ δέ μ᾽ pws: ἱδρώς is said to be fem. in Aiolic (Anecd. Ox. 1. 208. 13), and the statement is probably derived from this passage. Bergk’s μίδρως is impossible as F (*cFidpws sudor) does not become μ. If μ᾽ 15 correct, cf. (oc) Z 165, Sa. 1. 20, and Mimn. 5. 1 αὐτίκα μοι κατὰ μὲν χροιὴν ῥέει ἄσπετος ἱδρώς. Τῇ ἱδρώς retained its F, μ᾽ may be a stop-gap. The article is singular from the Attic point of view. Ahrens’ kad δέ μ᾽ is objectionable because of κακχέεται. Cf. Prop. 3. 22, 12. 14. παῖσαν -εὅλην : cf. Theokr. 2. 106. ἄγρει: ἀγρέω is Aiolic and Tonic (Archil. 4. 3); ef. ἐφαγγρένθειν (= ἐφαιροῦνται) in Thessalian. It is not a by-form of aipéw but derived from ἄγρα. χλωροτέρα: cf. Longos Pastor. 1. 17 χλωρότερον τὸ πρόσωπον ἢν πόας θερινῆς, So K 376 χλωρὸς ὑπαὶ detovs. Cf. the use of ξηρός. George Eliot has ‘‘ withered paleness.” SAPPHO, /1.-1V. 237 15. ἐπιδεύην -- ἐπιδεύεσθαι, only here. Herm. conj. ἐπιδεύης. Longinos says παρ᾽ ὀλίγον τέθνηκεν. The phrase is μικροῦ δέω, not ὀλίγου δέω. 16. ἄλλα: ἄλλος from ἔάλιος Ξε ἠλός Ο 128. ἠλεὲ φρένας β 243 isa fuller form. In Ψ 698 for ἄλλο φρονέοντα Fick writes ἄλλο. The words that follow in Longinos: παντόλματον ἐπεὶ καὶ πένητα (before οὐ θαυμά ζξει5) have been taken by some as Sappho’s, though no satisfactory sense has ever been extracted from them. Probably they are a part of Longinos’ statement. Hersel Philol. 133. 535 emends to πᾶν τὸ ἀσμάτιον ἐπεῖπον iva kal σὺ θαυμάζοις, Miiller Berl. Phil. Wochenschr. 1890, p. 1066 πᾶν (τὸν ποιημάτιον ἔπειτα καὶ (τὴν) ποιήτριαν, Bergk suggested ἐπεῖπον" εἶτα οὐ θαυμάζεις. 111. Eust. 17. 729: 20, Cramer Anecd. Par. 8. 938. 31.— 1. Cf. © 555 ὡς δ᾽ ὅτ᾽ ἐν οὐρανῷ ἄστρα φαεινὴν ἀμφὶ σελήνην | φαίνετ’ ἀριπρεπέα, X 28, 317, Pind. Isthm. 4. 24 ᾿Αωσφόρος θαητὸς ὡς ἄστροις ἐν ἄλλοις, Milton Lycidas 168, Petron. 89 iam plena Phoebe candidum extulerat iubar | minora ducens astra radianti face.—2. dap (Bergk aly’) may stand if we picture the moon obscured for a moment by fleeting clouds.—38. πλή- Bora: Σ 484 σελήνην πλήθουσαν. For μάλιστα Ahrens sug- gested κάλιστα.--4. Neue supplied ἐπὶ παῖσαν from 0 1 ἠὼς μὲν κροκόπεπλος ἐκίδνατο πᾶσαν ἐπ᾽ alay (cf. Kur. Jon 83 ἥλιος ἤδη λάμπει κατὰ γῆν, | ἄστρα δὲ φεύγει πῦρ τόδ᾽ am’ αἰθέρος). This suits the usual intransitive use of λάμπω. The object of the transitive verb must have an inherent radiance of its own.- If μέν in 1. 1 indicates a comparison of the moon with some Lesbian beauty, the parallel in Hor. 1. 12. 45 is the more apposite: micat inter omnes | Julium sidus velut inter ignes | luna minores. So Hes. Frag. 83. 4 Onpw 7’ εὐειδῆ, ἰκέλην φάεσσι σελήνης, Wotton Elizabeth of Bohemia, ‘‘ You meaner beauties of the night, | Which poorly satisfy our eyes | More by your number than your light, | You common people of the skies, | What are you, when tle Moon shall rise?” Milton’s “Αὖὐ whose sight all the stars | Hide their diminished heads.” See on Alkm. iv. 41 and ef. Bacch. iv. 29. Sappho called the moon apyupia in this poem (Julian Hpist. 19). IV. Hermog. περὶ ἰδεῶν 2. 4 (Rhet. Gr. 3. 315 Walz).— 1. Neue deleted ὕδωρ as a gloss and took ψῦχρον κελ. = ψυχρὸς κέλαδος. Sa. seems to have in mind p 209 κατὰ δὲ ψυχρὸν ῥέεν ὕδωρ | ὑψόθεν ἐκ πέτρης. ---2. ὕψοθεν is suggested by Theokr. 1. 8 καταλείβεται ὑψόθεν ὕδωρ, cf. v.33 ψυχρὸν ὕδωρ Toure? καταλείβεται. ἠρέμα might be supplied from Lucian Philop. 3 τό τε ὕδωρ Ap. κελαρύζον τὰς ψυχὰς καταθέλξειε. κελάδει of water Σ 576. —4. καταρρεῖ : κατά for κατ is objectionable since in no poem 238 SAPPHO. V.-VII, that is certainly Sapphic do we find the full form of the prep. (xix., xxxv. are doubtful). The suspicious contraction in péw Gerstenhauer thinks is borrowed from Ionic. It occurs in Erin. ii. Ahrens began a pentapody with κῶμα καρρέει. κατάγρει (Bergk, Meister) demands an object. Hom. has κῶμα κάλυψεν σ 201. Bergk thought Sappho was describing the garden of the nymphs, a subject that Demetrios de eloc.:132 says was a favourite with her. See on Ibyk. i. and cf. Theokr. 7. 136 τὸ δ᾽ ἐγγύθεν ἱερὸν ὕδωρ] Νυμφᾶν ἐξ ἄντροιο κατειβόμενον κελάρυζε. With the fragment, cf. [Plato] 25: ὑψίκομον παρὰ τάνδε καθίζεο φωνήεσσαν | φρίσσουσαν πυκνοῖς κῶνον ὑπὸ ζεφύροις, | καί σοι καχλάζουσιν ἐμοῖς παρὰ νάμασι σύριγξ | θελ- γομένῳ στάξει κῶμα κατὰ βλεφάρων, Soph. Phil. 18 ἐν θέρει δ᾽ ὕπνον | dc ἀμφιτρῆτος αὐλίου πέμπει πνοή, Propert. 5. 4. 4 multaque nativis obstrepit arbor aquis, Hor. Epod. 2. 27 fontesque lymphis obstrepunt manantibus, | somnos quod invitet leves, Verg. Georg. 2. 470 mollesque sub arbore somni. V. Athen. 11. 463. A kletic hymn with which Frag. 6: ἤ σε Κύπρος καὶ Πάφος ἢ ἸΤάνορμος (cf. Alkm. 21 Κύπρον ἱμερτὰν λιποῖσα καὶ Πάφον περιρρύταν, Hor. 1. 19. 10, 30. 2), seems to be connected. As Hebe pours out nectar to the gods (νέκταρ ἐοινοχόει" Tol δὲ χρυσέοις δεπάεσσιν | δειδέχατ᾽ ἀλλήλους A 3), 50 Kypris is invited to leave her favourite abodes and come to pour out love’s nectar. The song of the poet is νέκταρ χυτόν, Pind. Ol. 7. 7; οἵ. ὕμνους οἰνοχοεῖν Dionys. Chal. 4.1. Bergk thought there was a reference here to Larichos, Sappho’s brother, who was cup-bearer in Mytilene. This would be out of place. θαλίαισι : ‘joy’ (Volger ‘ flowers’); Ahrens conj. θαλέεσσι. Since the nectar is figurative, συμμεμείγμενον recalls εὐθαλεῖ συνέμειξε τύχᾳ Pind. Pyth. 9. 72. Cf. οἴκτῳ συγκεκρα- μένην Soph. Aias 895. After v. 4 Athen. adds τούτοις τοῖς ἑταίροις ἐμοῖς τε καὶ σοῖς, whence Kaibel extracts the verse ταῖσδε Talo’ ἔμαισι κάλαισ᾽ ἐταίραις. VI. Athen. 13. 7561] Dp: quoted to show that freeborn women and maidens call their associates and friends ἑταῖραι. Cf. Frag. 31 Adrw καὶ Νιόβα μάλα μὲν φίλαι ἦσαν ἔταιραι. To avoid the short dat. form Hoffmann reads ἔμαις (accus.) téprovra. See on Alk. xvi. 3. WII. Schol. Pind. Pyth. 1. 6 (εὕδει δ᾽ ἀνὰ σκάπτῳ Διὸς aieréds, ὠκεῖαν πτέρυγ᾽ ἀμφοτέρωθεν xahaéas). Fear produces the same result in the case of doves that music does in the case of Pindar’s eagle. Cf. Ψ 879 σὺν δὲ πτερὰ πυκνὰ λίασθεν" | ὠκὺς δ᾽ ἐκ μελέων θυμὸς mraro. Ψψαῦκρος: ‘swift’ (Fick); terror made them eager to fly but paralysed their wings. ΘΟ KOR ΧΩ: 289 VIII. Arist. Rhet. 1. 9. 20 (1367 4 7): ‘for shameful things we are ashamed of when we say them, do, or intend to do them’ ὥσπερ καὶ Σαπφὼ πεποίηκεν εἰπόντος τοῦ ᾿Αλκαίου : “ἐ θέλω τι Feimny, ἀλλά με κωλύει αἴδως (No. xii.) αἱ δ᾽ yes” ete. This passage has been interpreted in various ways: (1) The line quoted from Alkaios is part of an Alkaic stanza: θέλω τι ξείπην, ἀλλά με κωλύει | aiéws and occurred in an amoebean poem by Sappho. Stephanos, a Byzantine commentator on Aristotle (An. Pav. 1. 266, 25), says ‘whether Alkaios was in love with some maiden, or whether it was some one else, at any rate Sappho composed a dialogue in which the lover says to the object of his love θέλω 7.’ etc. Anna Comnena (born 1083) says, as if quoting from memory, that the words ἀλλά... aidws are Sappho’s (Alex. 15. 486). From Aristotle we cannot, it is true, infer, either that Alkaios was not one of the dramatis personae in Sappho’s dialogue or that θέλω τι etc. is not a genuine expression of the poet’s passion. But it is difficult to see how Stephanos’ explanation can be derived from Aristotle unless there existed some tradition in its favour. I believe therefore that θέλω τι etc. is by Sappho. Cf. Comparetti Saffo e Faone 266, Mus. ital. di antichita class. 2. 40, ff. Horace’s lyrical idyl in dialogue form (8. 9) may be founded on Aiolic models. (2) The text of Aristotle is corrupt, and εἰπόντος τοῦ ’AAxaiov should be omitted. This procedure assumes the falsity of the current tradition about the love of Alkaios for Sappho, and aims at making Aristotle’s words square with the truth. ° It is objectionable because it may have suited the critic’s immediate purpose to acquiesce in the gossip of the day, or in older tradition. Furthermore, the Alkaios mentioned may be the Alkaios of Sappho’s dialogue, which Aristotle possessed entire. Comparetti deletes ᾿Αλκαίου, and reads του. Cf. Weil Bull. des Humanistes, 1894, 2. p. 25. (3) The poet Alkaios, whom tradition regarded as Sappho’s lover, actually expresses his passion for his Lesbian countrywoman. This was the view of Bergk, who regarded the line θέλω τι etc. as an example of Sappho’s logaoedic pentapody with an anacrusis, and associated with it a line preserved by Hephaistion (ἰόπλοκ᾽ ayva μελλιχόμειδε Sampo. No. xiii.). Though two cyclic dactyls do not occur in conjunction in the remains of the Sapphic stanza, Bergk preferred to scan κωλύει aidws as —_ ~ — & if we cannot accept a bold synizesis between the words, which might be defended by i. 11, xxiv. 1. The exchange of metrical gallantry, Sappho using the Alkaic stanza, Alkaios the Lesser Sapphic with « masculine anacrusis, strikes one as artificial under the circumstances. Though the ‘bard of revolutions’ may have cherished a passion for ‘‘ The small dark body’s Lesbian love- liness | That held the fire eternal,’ probability makes for the view that the story of this passion is the work of the scandal-mongers, who called Archilochos, Hipponax, and Anakreon (14, ef. [Sa.] 26) Sappho’s lovers. Welcker (Κι. Schr. 4. 75, cf. 1.111) was inclined to think that the line θέλω τι etc. may have been fabricated and added to ἰόπλοκ᾽ ete. in order to connect Sappho’s poem. The words of Sappho, he thought, were a bit of Sappho’s teaching for the benefit of her pupils. Sappho xxviii. has been supposed to be an answer to Alkaios, whose proposal of marriage she declined on the score of difference in years. Two works of art have been thought to prove the correctness of the tradition of Alkaios’ love. 1. A vase from Agrigentum of the fifth century, now in Munich, representing Alkaios with bowed head addressing Sappho (Baumeister Denkm. No. 1607). 2. An archaic terra-cotta relief from Melos, now in the British Museum 240 SAPPHO. VITI.-X. (Overbeck Plastik®, 1. 163). Overbeck refused to believe that the anecdotes about literary personages were reproduced on works of art in early times (the relief dates 540-500 z.c.), and thought that we have here one of the genre scenes which appear on the reliefs of Melos together with mythological subjects. The names are not given as on the Munich vase. Welcker and Jahn regarded the figures as those of Sappho and Alkaios. Comparetti (Saffo nelle antiche rappresentanze vascolart in Museo italiano 2. 40-80) concludes that the representations on vase and relief are those of the Lesbian Singers as poets, not as lovers, and that Alkaios is pictured as offering his respect and admiration to his Lesbian com- patriot as the lofty ideal of poetry. 8. The eye is the seat of shame, as it is the seat of fear (Soph. Azas 140) and security (Pind. Pyth. 2. 20). Cf. Hymn 5, 214 (from Sa.?), Aisch. Prom. 134 θεμερῶπιν αἰδῶ, Theogn. 85, Eur. Frag. 457, Aristoph. Vespae 447, Eur. J. A. [1090], Theokr. 17. 69. He cannot gaze ὀρθαῖς κόραις, lwmine recto. Of. Kur. Hek. 970-972.—4, If τῶ δικαίω is too harsh, I prefer δικαίως either ‘straight-forwardly’ or from δικαίωμι (δικαίως) ‘about that which thou deemest fitting.’—Metre : Alkaic strophe. IX. Athen. 13. 564p. Theokr. 18. 37 ws Ἑλένα, τᾶς πάντες ἐπ᾽ ὄμμασιν ἵμεροί ἐντι is perhaps a recollection of this fragment, which is not to be restored with certainty. There is no need to take ἐπί after the verb (the terminus of a definite purpose). V. 2 is an Alkaic hendecasyllable. As the fourth verse of the strophe Kaibel suggests στᾶθι καὶ ἄντα φίλος φίλᾳ μοι. XX. Dio Chrys. Or. 37. Cf. μὶ 212 καί που τῶνδε μνήσεσθαι ὀίω. For the sentiment cf. Mel. Adesp. 53 (Sappho 3), éyw pau ἰοπλοκάμων Moicay εὖ λαχεῖν, Swinburne, ‘ Anactoria,’ “1 Sappho shall be one... with all high things for ever.” Alkm. 118, speaks of his fame reaching to foreign peoples. Cf. 6 580, Pindar xiv., Theogn. 251, Theokr. 7. 93, 12. 11, Verg. Hcl. 10. 33, Hor. 1. 1. 29, 2. 20, 3. 30. 6 non omnis moriar, Ovid Am. 1. 15. 41 ergo etiam cum me supremus adederit ignis,| vivam, parsque met multa superstes erit, Metam. 15. 875 parte tamen meliore mei super alta perennis | astra ferar, nomenque erit indelebile nostrum .. . perque omnia saecula fama, | si quid habent veri vatum praesagia, vivam. Cf. Shakespeare’s Sonnets 54, 63, 81, 107, Dante’s ‘ sacred’ poem al quale han posto mano e cielo e terra, Johnson’s remark to Goldsmith in the Poet’s Corner in Westminster SAPPHO. XI.-XV. 241 Abbey, /forsitan et nostrum nomen miscebitur istis, Manzoni’s song in ‘Cinque Maggio’ che forse non morrad, Keats: ‘I think I shall be among the English poets after my death.” —Metre: four dactyls (if ἀμμέων is not a dissyllable) with — — as basis. XI. Hephaist. 25. ‘I loved thee—Atthis, of old time, once—long since in old time overpast,” Swinburne, ‘On the Cliffs.’ Cf. xv.—Metre: as x. MII. Plut. Hrot. 5, schol. Pind. Pyth, 2. 42, Max. Tyr. 24.9. Plut. says ἄχαρις -- ἡ οὔπω γάμων ἔχουσα ὥραν. Com- posed after Atthis had deserted Sappho for Andromeda. Terent. Maur. 2154 says cordi quando fuisse sibi canit Atthida | parvam, florea virginitas sua cum foret. CE. Theokr. 5. 35-37, Goethe Rom. Hlegieen 8.—Metre: as x. MITT. Max. Tyr. 24.9. Cf. ε 368 ὡς δ᾽ ἄνεμος. . . Onudva τινάξῃ. Love is a storm-wind, Ibyk. i. 8.—Metre: as x. with ~ ~ as basis. XIV. Galen Protrept. 8. If the fragment belongs among the Epithalamia, it may be that an ill-favoured bridegroom points the moral.—1. ὄσσον ἴδην : visu tenus; cf. ὅσον δοκεῖν Soph. O. 7. 1191, ὅσον ἀποζῆν Thuk. 1. 2, ὅσον γενέσθαι Xen. Anab. 4. 8. 12; Goodwin M. T. 759. The phrase=xaé’ ὅσον ἰδεῖν ἐστι.---Ὦ. καί with both ἄγαθος and κάλος because the ideas stand in mutual relation. So Z 476 δότε δὴ καὶ τόνδε γενέσθαι | παῖδ᾽ ἐμόν, ws καὶ ἐγώ περ, ἀριπρεπέα Τρώεσσιν, Plato Euthyphro ΘᾺ νῦν οὖν εἰ καὶ σοὶ ταῦτα ξυνδοκεῖ.. . ἀνάγκη δὴ... καὶ ἡμῖν ξυγχωρεῖν. Sappho’s words are equivalent to ds δὲ Kal ἀγαθός ἐστιν, ἐκεῖνος Kai καλὸς ἔσται. Perhaps Theogn. 933-4 is by Solon: παύροις ἀνθρώπων ἀρετὴ καὶ κάλλος ὀπηδεῖ" | ὄλβιος, ὃς τούτων ἀμφοτέρων ἔλαχεν. ‘‘ How near to good is what is fair !’’, Ben Jonson. Wealth follows beauty in the scale of blessings in sko]. vi.—Metre: as x. with ~ = in the basis. XV. Schol. Soph. #7. 149: the nightingale is called Διὸς ἄγγελος because it is the harbinger of spring. Cf. 7 518 ὡς δ᾽ ὅτε Iavdapéou κούρη χλωρηϊς ἀηδών | καλὸν ἀείδῃσιν ἔαρος νέον ἱσταμένοιο κ.τ.λ., Aristoph. Aves 682 ἀλλ᾽, ὦ καλλιβόαν κρέκουσ᾽ | αὐλὸν φθέγμασιν ἡἠρινοῖς after the apostrophe to the nightingale, Sim. xxxili., Ben Jonson, ‘The Sad Shepherd,’ ‘‘ The dear good angel of the Spring | The nightingale.”” The swallow, also the harbinger of spring (Stes. ix., FoLK-Sonas xxii.), often has the eee epithets as the nightingale. —Metre: as x. with — ~ as asis, Q 242 SAPPHO. XVI.-X VIII. XVI. Hephaist. 40. Attributed to Sappho.—l. ϑαῦτε : see on Alkm. xili. λυσιμέλης of πόθος Archil. 85, of ἔρως Hes. Theogon. 911, FoLK-Sones xxv. δόνει: ἔρως με dove? Aristoph. Ekkles. 954, νόον ἔρωτι δονεύμενος Mosch. 5. 5, δονέουσι μέριμναι Bacch. 1. 41.—2. γλυκύπικρον : cf. Theogn. 1353 πικρὸς καὶ γλυκύς ἐστι καὶ ἁρπαλέος kal ἀπηνής, | ὄφρα τέλειος ἔῃ νέοισιν ἔρως K.T A, yr. Ἔρως Anth. Pal. 5. 184, γλυκύδακρυς ἐν. 12. 167, πικρὸς Epws Plato; (dea) quae dulcem curis miscet amaritiem Catull. 68. 18, dulcium | mater saeva Cupidinum Hor. 4. 1. 4; ‘Surely most bitter of all sweet things thou art, | And sweetest thou of all things bitter, love,” Swinburne, ‘ Bothwell,’ 1.1, O Lzeb wie bist Du bitter, O Lieb wie bist Du siiss, Scheffel. Sa. called Eros ἀλγεσίδωρος. The comparison of love with a nettle is common, e.g. Bacch. ix. 8. ὄρπετον : perhaps Aiol. for the weak form *apmerov. Attic ἑρπετόν may be due to folk-etymology from ἕρπω, or the initial a was assimilated to the ε. It is uncertain whether Sa. used the word in the etymological sense or whether it meant any animal (6 418, σ 130, Pind. ix. 2, Soph. Phil. 1207). Sem. 13 used it of the beetle. Ahrens took it as ‘rapacious beast’ whether from ἁρπάζω (ef. dprur* ἔρωτα. AioNets, Hesych.) or from ἕρπω. Niket. Kug. Dros. et Char. 2. 217 has "Ἔρως ὁ πικρός, ὁ δρακοντώδης yovos.—Metre : basis —~ —+ three dactyls. XVII. Hephaist. 25. Andromeda, Sappho’s rival, is mentioned in 58: ἔχει μὲν ᾿Ανδρ. κάλαν ἀμοίβαν, and referred to in xxvi. Max. Tyr. 24. 8 shows that the frag. is Sapphic. —Metre: as xvi. (basis — >). XVIII. Athen. 10. 425c (2. 39 a)=vv. 1-2; ll. 4754, Macrob. Sat. 5. 21. 6=vv. 3-5. From an epithalamium with a mythological subject. Ahrens referred the scene to the marriage of Herakles and Hebe, others, with greater proba- bility, to the bridal of Peleus and Thetis, the ideal marriage, which had already been celebrated by Hesiod. Cf. Pind. Pyth. 3. 88. On the Francois Vase (Baumeister Denkm. No. 1883) the procession of the gods at this wedding is depicted with Hermes in a car. See van Herwerden, Mnem. 14. 54. The Muse celebrates the θεῶν γάμοι, Stes. villi. —1. κῆ: an instrumental with locative function, = €-Ket. Though Sa. v. uses νέκταρ, she here makes ἀμβροσία the drink of the gods. This use is post-epic. Alkm. 100 has νέκταρ ἔδμεναι. Cf. y 390 κρητῆρα κέρασσεν | olvov.—2. "Eppas or Ἑρμᾶς (the accent is uncertain) : Hermes is the cup-bearer, as he is the general servitor, of the gods. In Lucian Dial. deor. 24. 1, he complains to Maia of his task of preparing their symposia. His duty here is that of the heralds in Homer (so SAPPHO. XVIITI-XX. 243 Tdaios IT’ 248, cf. 269). Cf. Arch. Zeit. 38. 9. Tiimpel, Philolog. 49. 717, regards Hermes as the Hermes-Kadmos of the cult of the Kabeiroi (Roscher 2356). θέοισ᾽ preserves the full ending, but violates the F of οἰνοχόησαι. θέοις would pre- serve the F.—3. καρχήσια : see Guhl and Koner 153, Panofka pl. viii. 9.—Metre : logaoedic (anacr. + choriambic + phere- cratic). V.4with first pherecratic (hyperthesis), may indicate the close of the strophe. Wilamowitz Jsy//os 127 find ionics here. XIX. Hephaist. 37. Attributed to Sappho. Perhaps it is a genuine bit of folk-song. Cf. the old Scottish ballad «‘Yestreen I made my bed fw’ brade, | The night 111 make it narrow, | For a’ the livelong winter’s night | 1] le twin’d of my marrow”; the German song ending Des Abends wenn ich schlafen geh, | So find ich mein Bettchen alleine, and Morike, ‘Die Verlassene’; Frith, wenn die Hiihne kraél’n | Eh’ die Sternlein verschwinden, etc.—2. ἸΠληΐαδες : see on Alkm. iv. 60. Cf. Anth. Pal. 5. 189 (of a scorned lover) νὺξ μακρὴ καὶ χεῖμα, μέσην δ᾽ ἐπὶ Πλειάδα δύνει.---Θ. νύκτες: horae noc- turnae ; cf. ἐκ νυκτῶν μ 280, Theogn. 460, ἅμαρ ἢ νύκτες Pind. Pyth, 4. 256 (ἂμάρ τε καὶ νύκτα Bacch. xv.), μεσέων νυκτῶν κἠμέρης Anan. 5.9. μέσαι νύκτες without the article is regular, e.g. Hdt. 4.181. We find μέσον νυκτῶν Xen. Kyrop. 5. 3. 52. νὺξ μέσση first in Jas parva 11, νύκτα μέσην Hdt. 8.9. The sing. varies with the pl. according to the conception : πρόσω τῆς νυκτός Hdt. 9, 44, πόρρω τῶν νυκτῶν Plato Protag. 310 Ὁ. παρά: see on iv.—4. Cf. Aristoph. Hkkles. 912 αἰαῖ, τί ποτε πείσομαι, | οὐχ ἥκει μοὐταῖρος᾽ μόνη δ᾽ αὐτοῦ λείπομαι, Theokr. 20. 45 μούνη δ᾽ ἀνὰ νύκτα καθεύδοις, Bion 2. 28 αὐτὰρ ἐγὼ μούνα, μούνα δὲ σὺ νύμφα Eye Grenfell Hrot. Frag. 1. 22 μονοκοιτήσω, Ovid Her. 1.7, Hor. 3. 7. 6, Prop. 1. 12. 13.—Metre: logaoedic. Christ fase ‘the strophe consists of tetrapodies (= ? + — τς | + +A), the absence of a clausula being accounted for by the spondaic close of the cola. The ancients regarded the metre as ionic a maiore with the first syllable anceps. XX. Hephaist. 36: an example of brachycatalectic ionic trimeter (Praxillewm) ——~~ | —~—~ |—=. Some modern scholars accept this scansion, others (e.g. Schmidt, Rossbach) regard the metre as logacedic Bilan’ first glyconic with anacrusis) yt Sere 3 ae Distinguish φαίνω ‘shine’ (ceddva, φαῖνε ENS Theokr: 2. 11) from φαίνομαι ‘rise’ (ἄστρα φαεινὴν ἀμφὶ σελήνην φαίνετ᾽ Θ 556). 1 566 no hint of magical rites here (Volger, Schnei- dewin). The mention of the full moon suggests a wedding, Pind. Jsthm. 8. 47, Eur. I. A. 717. Blass joins the following 244 SAPPHO. ΧΧΛ-ΧΧΩΖΖ. fragment as part of ἃ strophe of different metrical value but belonging to the same poem. For hymns sung at night, see ou Alkm. iv. XXI. Hephaist. 36 (vv. 1-2), 37 (v. 3). Attributed to Sappho. The verses are quoted as acatal. ionic a maiore tri- meters and they are so regarded by Wilamowitz: =— — — | —= S~ | —~ —w._ Others think they consist of anacr. +choriamb. monom. + first pherecratic: > i+ L| =~ ==. Rossbach’ compares “Anekr: sa ΓΟ, ἀργυρέη κώκοτε ἔλαμπε πειθώ, where the open en is wrong. On Cretan dances, see on Sim. x.—1. ἐμμελέως ‘in time.’ Cf. Anakr. 40, 122 (πηκτίδων ἐμμελεστέρα). Sim. ii. 3. The ἐμμέλεια was a solemn dance.—2. ὠρχεῦντ᾽ : if correct, Aiolic had also open verbs as well as those in ται (ὥρχηντ᾽ 2). - 89. πόας, but ποίας ii. 14. Cf. τέρεν᾽ ἄνθεα ποίης ι 449, τερένας ἄνθος ὀπώρας Alk. 61; ὠρχεῦντ᾽ ἐν μαλακᾷ ποίᾳ Theokr. 6. 45. μάτεισαι: van ‘Herwerden, Mnem. 14. 54, wants πάτεισαι unnecessarily. ματέω is etymologically distinct from πατέω, and connected with emineo. XXII. Hephaist. 31. Another form of invocation in Frag. 65 Fpodomaxees ἄγναι Xapires, δεῦτε Δίος κόρα. Pindar invokes the Graces in Ol. 14. Cf. Anakr. 69 καλλίκομοι κοῦραι Διὸς ὠρχήσαντ᾽ éhappas.—Metre: Greater Sapphics. Greek choriambics permit, as Latin choriambics do not, the juxtaposition of stressed long syllables in the same word. In Horace each choriambic closes with a final long syllable. In Horace’s only ode in Greater Sapphics (i. 8), we have τ — for + 1+; and some would read νῦν here, ἘΠῚ τῇ nae an exact Greek original for the Latin form. An initial choriambic in Aiolic poetry is rare. Note the regular caesura after the second choriambic. Some make oT tA Of the final pherecratic. MXIT. Hephaist. 34. For the cult of Adonis, and based on a folk-song. Cf. Anth. Pal. 7. 407. 7 (of Sappho), ἢ Κινύρεω νέον ἔρνος ὀδυρομένη, ᾿Αφροδίτῃ | σύνθρηνος. The lines are Sappho’s without doubt, since Paus. 9. 29. 8 says that she sang of Adonis. Κυθέρηα (so Mel. Adesp. 71) i is=-jla, as Kurpoyévna=-nia ; probably analogues of stems in -ys, -es. --Ζ2. Cf. κόπτεσθ᾽ “Aduvw Aristoph. Lysisir, 396; τά τε ἐσθῆτος... εἶχον, ταῦτα κατηρείκοντο Hdt. 3. 66. Mel. Adesp. 794 of Adonis: κάπρος ἡνίχ᾽ ὁ μαινόλης | ὀδόντι σκυλακοκτόνῳ | Κύπριδος θάλος ὥλεσεν.---Μ εἴτα : logaoedic. Instead of the ending ( ~ +~ —~A) of the Greater Asclepiad, we have the Adonic (cf. ὦ τὸν "Ἄδωνιν Sa. 63). SAPPHO, XXIV.-XXVI. 245 XXIV. Stob. Flor. 4. 12, Plut. Praec. coniug. 48, Symp. 3.1.2. Addressed to a rich but uncultivated woman. Cf. ὅστις νέος ὧν Μουσῶν ἀμελεῖ, τόν Te παρελθόντ᾽ ἀπόλωλε χρόνον] καὶ τὸν μέλλοντα τέθνηκε Kur. Frag. 927 Ν1.---ι. κείσεαι : cf. Sim. xxiv., Soph. Antig. 73. μναμοσύνα : Dr. Verrall (J. H. S. 1. 260) contends that substantives in -cvyy are used either by the Ionian poets or in imitation of Ionic models. It is difficult to prove this for Sappho, who has also ἀβροσύνα in 79.—2. Hoffmann ἔσσ. οὐδ᾽ ὄνυμ᾽ eis torepov. Garlands of roses were sacred to the Muses.—8. IIvepfas: here Orpheus was born and here was the home of the Muses. Cf. Anth. Pal. 6. 14 of Sa., ds μέτα ἸΤειθώ | ἔπλεκ᾽ deifwov Πιερίδων στέ- gavov. κῆἦν : from x(al)+éy, the ε of which is lengthened. κὴμέ occurs on an old Aiolic inscr. Elsewhere in Aiolic kal+-e=xa— by contraction. δόμῳ Fick (δομοφοίτασις one MS.) to avoid the short form of the dative. Cf. Theokr. 16. 29 Μουσάων δὲ μάλιστα τίειν ἱεροὺς ὑποφήτας, | ὄφρα καὶ εἰν ’Aldao κεκρυμμένος ἐσθλὸς ἀκούσῃς. The contemner of the Muses is punished as a soul stained with guilt: cf. Plato Phaidon 8lc, Pind. Frag. 132. Hades often means to the poet de- privation of the enjoyment of song: Theokr. 1. 62 τὰν γὰρ ἀοιδάν | οὔτι ma εἰς ᾿Αίδαν γε τὸν ἐκλελάθοντα φυλαξεῖς, Anth. Pal. 7. 420 οὐκ ᾧδάς, οὐ χορὸν οἵδ᾽ ᾿Αχέρων, Mel. Adesp. v.—4. med’: though etymologically different from μετά, πεδά has the same use. In older poetry when followed by the genitive, the genitive is plural. (Pind., Ibyk. x., skol. vi.; and so in Prat. i. 4, Philox. 2. 30, Bacchyl. v. 123.) For μετά with the sing. see on Ariphron. Pind. uses μετά also of things, a usage that in the minor lyric poets occurs only in Philox. 2. 30. Sappho does not use σύν (Alk. iv.). ἀμαύρων : cf. εἴδωλον ἀμαυρόν ὃ 824. ἐκπεποταμένα : cf. ἃ 222. —Metre: Greater Asclepiads, perhaps to be arranged in distichs. XXV. Chrysipp. περὶ ἀποφατικῶν 13. Doubtless from the same poem as the foregoing. The remark may apply to Sappho herself or to a pupil.—1. δοκίμοιμι : Ahrens δοκίμωμι. φάος ἀλίω : cf. v 207 ζώει καὶ ὁρᾷ φάος ἠελίοιο, etc.—2. σοφίαν : skillin song ; accus. explanatory of roa’ravy.—Metre: Greater Asclepiads. MXVI. Athen. 1. 21c, Eust. Od. 1916. 49, Max. Tyr. 24.9. Sappho’s friend Andromeda has become her rival.— 1. aypotwris: Hiller ἀγροϊῶτις like the supposed Aiolie ὄϊδα. ἐπεμμένα = ἐφειμένα.---8. ξράκεα : rather ‘rags’ than ‘fine clothes’ (βράκος" ἱμάτιον modvredés).—Metre : probably Greater Asclepiads. 240 SAPPHO. XXVII-XXX. XXVIII. Ht. Mag. 2. 48.—1. τις: cf. Theokr. 7. 38 ἐγὼ δέ τις οὐ ταχυπειθής.---2. dpyav: gen. pl. ἀβάκην : ἀβακής -- ἡσύχιος, πρᾷος, εὐήθης ; ‘placid’ rather than ‘innocent.’ Cf. Anakr. xxvi., Archil. 33 βάβαξ-ελάλος, Hippon. 53 ἐμβα- βάξαντες = éuBojnoavres.—Metre : Greater Asclepiads. XXVIII. Stob. Flor. 71. 4, Apostol. 2. 52d. There is little warrant for the suggestion that Sappho is here declining a proposal of marriage from Alkaios. The verses might be arranged as two Greater Asclepiads, if (1) ἄρνῦσο is correct and to be defended as an optative like δαινῦτο Q 665, and (2) συν Εοΐκην can be explained as ὄϊξδα Alk. 145, a strange Aiolic diaeresis. Hoffmann writes ἄρνυσσο (sic) imperat. γεραιτέρα as δικαίτατα on an Aiol. inser.—Metre: pherecratics and glyconics. XXMIX. Athen. 15. 674 5.—1. δέ in the thesis is very rare in lyric. Δίκα is perhaps a clip-name for Μνασιδίκα, a pupil of Sappho. Cp. Frag. 76 εὐμορφοτέρα Mv. ras ἀπάλας Τυρίννως. πέρθεσθ᾽, with αἱ elided as in ii. 2; inf. for imper. Cf. on Anakr. ii. 8.—2. ἀνήτοιο : crowns of dill, Alk. xiv.—8. Cor- rupt. Bergk read εὐάνθεσιν ἐκ yap πέλεται Kal χάριτος μακαιρᾶν | μᾶλλον προτέρην ‘for to those who are adorned with fair flowers it is given to stand first even in the favour of the goddesses,’ taking ἐκ πέλεται as ἐκπέλει Soph. Antig. 478. Blass’ reading is nearer the MSS.: evavOeta . . . καὶ χάρις és μάκαιρας ‘the adornment of flowers is even grace to stand first in the esteem of the gods.’ But εὐανθεία does not occur, and even εὐανθία is very late and rare. I follow Seidler in reading μέν, and take πέλεται as γίνεται in Theogn. 474 ov πάσας νύκτας y. ἁβρὰ παθεῖν. χάριτος depends on the adj. πρότερος in προτέρην ; cf. τέλειος τῆς ἀρετῆς ‘ perfect in virtue.’ —4. For προτέρην some read προσόρην (med. προσ. -- πέφυκε προσορᾶν). ἀστεφανώτοισι: dat. of interest with ἀπυστρ. This construction is often more s;mpathetic, more tender than the usual genitive.—Metre : logaoedic. The metre recalls Alk. xx. except that we have an anacrusis instead of a basis, and a complete tripody at the end. Wilamowitz finds here a catal. ionic tetram. XXX. Schol. Pind. Οἱ. 2. 53 (ὁ μὰν πλοῦτος ἀρεταῖς dedac- δαλμένος φέρει τῶν τε καὶ τῶν | καιρόν). For the sentiment, τ πλοῦτόν τε καὶ χάριν ἄγων | γνησίαις ἐπ’ ἀρεταῖς Ol. 2. 11, πλοῦτος εὐρυσθενής, | ὅταν τις ἀρετᾷ κεκραμένον καθαρᾷ | βραξηώπς ae πότμου παραδόντος αὐτὸν ἀνάγῃ | πολύφιλον ἑπέταν Pyth. ; Alk. xxv., ἀνδρὸς φίλου δὲ χρυσὸς ἀμαθίας μέτα ἄχρηστος, "Ἢ 3 κἀρετὴν ἔχων τύχοι Kur. Frag. 163; οὔτ᾽ ἀρετῆς ἄτερ ὄλβος ἐπίσταται ἀνδρὸς ἀέξειν, | οὔτ᾽ ἀρετὴ ἀφένοιο Kallim. 1. 95. SAPPHO. ΧΧΧΧλΛ XXX/1. 247 πάροικος perhaps=*mapporkos CrapFoxkos. σύνοικος is com- moner in the lyric poets than πάροικος, e.g. Bacch. viii. 20. Ariphr.; Oppian, Had. 2. 681, has σύνοικος of Justice.—Metre : as XXix. MXIT. Hephaist. 54. Attributed to Sappho. If the statement of the ancients that Sappho’s mother bore the name Κλέϊς or Κλῆϊς is not an inference from this fragment, it is possible that we have here a reference to the poetess’ daughter, and not an allusion to one of Sappho’s girl friends, or a fragment of an epithalamium. In xli. Sappho ad- dresses her daughter, and Ovid Hpist. to Phaon 70 speaks of her jfilia parva.—2. ἸΚλεῦις is Κλέϊς with F vocalized. Cf. Κλειώ from Κλεξιώ. The verb *x\eFéw appears in Κλεησιθήρα Alkm. iv. 72. Κλεῦας is also a clip- name (S. G. D.-J. 1317, Thessaly). ἄγαπάτα : cf. “Exropldny ἀγαπητόν Z 401, ἄγαπατός Pind. Frag. 193 (of himself as a child). The initial ἃ is from ἃ (the article) + dy-.—3. Hermann deleted ἀντί and read ἄπαισαν. Λέσβος ἐραννά Moschos 3. 90 suggests that Λέσβον followed. Supply some such phrase as κεν θέλοιμ᾽ ἄμευσαι, and οἵ. Hor. 2. 13. 22. Hephaist. measured the lines thus : ee --- --΄ — - —~ (procatalectic) — -- aa — Ww _ ~~ --- ὦ -- ὐ,; --- --- -- τῳ - τ» --π ~~ - Οὐ -- — SE ew --τὺύυ;, Ἀλέϊς ἀγαπάτα cannot have stood in his text. Ahrens read Κλέϊς pov’ ay., Bergk Κλῆϊς, others Κλέηϊς. Christ Chere dev Griech. 519) would make the first colon vary: 1-2=—wv~ Se Leg — vy - vy —-v —w~ LE. Probably the metre en all three lines was alike, viz. trochaic tetrap.+ithyphallicus, the whole a so-called brachycatalectic tetrameter. The irrational long appears only in the tetrapody. ne ithypallicus may have the value of ἃ tetrapody aS - 7%). Rossbach proposes a different setting of the poem. XXXIT. Hephaist. 35. An instance of the adoption by the Aiolic poets of the spirit and language of the folk-song. Such songs are common in English: “Ὁ mother, put the wheel away, | I cannot spin to-night ; oh, mother take the wheel away and put it out of sight”; Landor’s ‘ Margaret’ “I cannot mind my wheel”’; and in German: Dos soulld a Maedle speinne,| Dos Radle woulld ni gien ; Riickert Ach siisse Mutter, ich kann nicht spinnen, | Ich kann nicht bleiben im Stiibchen drinnen, | Ich muss hinaus; Hor. 3. 12. 4 tebt qualum Cythereae puer ales, tibi telas, etc. Some think the allusion is to Erinna, the author of the ᾿Ηλακάτη.---8. δάμεισα : pw’... δάμναται πόθος Archil. 85, ὑποδμηθεῖσα διὰ χρυσέην ᾿Αφροδίτην Hes. Theogon. 962, cf. Anakr. xxv. 5.—Metre: 1, 3 cata- lectic, 2, 4 acatalectic ionic dimeters of the free form. 248 SAPPHO. XXXII, XXXIV. Note that Horace used ionics only in the poem cited above, and that Alkaios employed the same metre in a poem (xxxiii) on a love-sick girl. Others regard the verses as brachycata- lectic trochaic dimeters with anacrusis (<> :+--~ = Y L— — Ὁ). The arrangement as iambo-trochaics: ~~ —~ — --ΞΞ S| ee ee a LS) NObMCOLreC ΤΠ verses are often written as two lines. XMXXIII. Hephaist. 72: the μεσύμνιον is the refrain after a verse, the ἐφύμνιον the refrain after a strophe. v. 6 is added in Demetr. de eloc. 148. Sappho preserves here the traditional form of the popular epithalamium.—1. tou: cf. ὑψόσ᾽ ἀείρας K 465. μέλαθρον : the lintel (ὑπέρθυρον), Hesych.; or the roof-tree may be meant (cf. ‘‘ her head hat the roof-tree οὐ the house,” Ballad of ‘King Henry,’ Child 1. 148). The situation is different in Catull. 61. 76: claustra pandite ianuae, | virgo adest. Ὑμήναον : Aiolic for Ὑμέναιον ; accus. of excla- mation representing ἔσπετ᾽ or μέλπετ᾽ ᾿Ὑμήναον (Sa. 107).—s. τέκτονες ἄνδρες recalls the epic phrase ποιμένες ἄνδρες, Alkm. xi., Sa. xxxv.—5. yapBpos = νυμφίος Sa. xviii., Pind. Ol. 7. 4. Servius on Verg. Georg. 1. 31: generum vero pro marito multi accipiunt tuxta Sappho. ἴσσος “Ape: cf. ἴσος “Aper βίαν Aisch. Frag. 74, “Apevos στρατιωτέροις Alk. 29.—6. Demetr. notes the grace of the change by which the ‘impossible hyperbole’ of v. 5 is corrected.—Metre: 1, 3, 6 are dactylic tripodies with or without anacrusis. Some omit the verb to make 5 correspond to 1, as 3 to 6, and to rescue the F of ἴσσος. Usener 97 reads vy and ἔρχεται, believing that the poem illustrates the ancient rhythm regulated by beats and not by quantity alone. Many scholars, e.g. Bentley, Schneidewin, Westphal, regard the metre as dactylic hexa- meter interrupted by the μεσύμνιον. The refrain is an iambic monometer, which was often used in exclamations, cf. 6.0. in in, ἰὼ id, ἰὼ ξένοι, ἰὴ Παιάν. After v. 5 the refrain may have dropped out. XXXIV. Schol. Hermog. περὶ ἰδεῶν (οί. Gr. 7. 883 Walz). The fragment is referred to by Longos Pastor. 3. 33, Himerios 1. 16. Sung by a chorus of maidens. In the Hymeneal of Catullus the friends of the bride compare her to a flower (62. 39 ff.): wt flos in saeptis secretus nascitur hortis, | ignotus pecori, nullo convulsus aratro| . . . | multi illum pueri, multae optavere puellae; | idem cum tenuit carptus deflorwit ungui, | nulli illum pueri, nullae optavere puellae.— 1. Cf. Plato epigr. 82 πορφυρέοις μήλοισιν ἐοικότα παῖδα Κυθήρης, Theokr. 7. 117 ὦ μάλοισιν [Ἔρωτες ἐρευθομένοισιν ὁμοῖοι, 20. 1 μαλοπάραυος ᾿Αγαύα, Kaibel 243. 12 ἐρεύθεται ἄνθεα μήλων, SAPPHO. XXXIV.-XXXVI. 249 Longos 1. 24 Adds εἴκασε μήλῳ τὸ πρόσωπον αὐτῆς (Χλόη:ς) ὅτι λευκὸν καὶ ἐνερευθὲς ἣν, Tibull. 8. 4. 33 et cum conteaunt amarantis alba puellae | lilia et autumno candida mala rubent, Ovid Metam. 3. 483 non aliter quam poma solent, quae candida parte, | parte rubent, 4. 330 sed et erubuisse decebat. | hic color aprica pendentibus arbore pomis | aut ebori tincto est, aut sub candore rubenti. ἄκρῳ: the boughs were out of reach as those in μ 435 (ἀπήωροι δ᾽ ἔσαν ὄζοι). Cf. Theokr. 15. 112 παρ μὲν ὀπώρα κεῖται, doa δρυὸς ἄκρα φέροντι.---8. ‘‘ Forgot it not, nay! but got it not, for they could not get it till now” (Rossetti). The correction in οὐ μάν is naivement spirituelle (Croiset). Cf. A127 οὐδὲ σέθεν θεοὶ μάκαρες NeAdOovro.—Metre: dact. hexam. with only two heavy dactyls. Cf. Alkm. vii. XXXV. Demetr. de eloc. 106. Attributed to Sappho. The chorus of youths depicts, in reply to the maidens, the despised condition of the unwedded girl—the ‘“ unprofitable virgin” of Jonson’s ‘ Barriers’ which translates Catullus 62. 49 ff.: ut vidua in nudo vitis quae nascitur arvo | nunquam se extollit, nunquam mitem educat uvam,|. . . hanc nulli agricolae, nulli accoluere iuvenct. The amoebean character of the song is clear from the parallelism of thought and language. Still, many doubt the authenticity of the fragment. The dialectal forms have to be restored throughout. οὔρεσι, if original, is an epic reminiscence, as in Pind. Pyth. 6. 21. The full form κατά is less suspicious because it occurs in hexameters (see on iv.).—1. ὑάκινθον : fem., masc. in Homer.—2. πόσσι: but πόδεσσιν xxi. Of. however xépow xxix. καταστείβω here and Soph. O. K. 467 κατέστειψας πέδον (retained by Jebb). Tmesis is generally denied in Hymn 19. 4 αἵ τε κατ᾽ αἰγίλιπος πέτρης στείβουσι κάρηνα. The epic δέ τε (B 456, Hes. Theogon. 40) only here and Bacch. vi. 26, xiii. 1 in melic. The (generic) τε is not a conjunction and does not affect the meaning of the conjunction 6é So with μέν re, καί τε etc., Monro H. G. 8 266. πόρφυρον for πορφύριον is derived from *zopPuppov <-xov, as dpyvpa on an Aiolic inscription and ἀργύρροι (gen.) in Thessalian, from ἀργύριον. In Sa. 44 πόρφυρα may be correct. Sa. 64 has πορφυρίαν. Bergk’s χάμαι δ᾽ ἐπιπορφὕρει is metrically impossible. The hyacinth is purple according to Meleager Anth. Pal. 5. 147 (ὑάκινθον πορφυρέην); cf. Verg. Hel. 3. 63 suave rubens hyac. Catullus’ deflorwit fills out the thought ; Bergk xdmmecev. Cf. Theokr. 7. 121 τό τοι καλὸν ἄνθος atoppet.—Metre : dact. hexameter. XXXVI. v. 1 Ht. Mag. 174. 48 ete., v. 2 Et. Flor. 129 Miller (Vetus Ht. Mag.), Demetr. de οἶος. 141.—Catullus’ address to Hesperus 62. 20 ff. may be based on this passage, 250 SAPPHO, XXXVI. σε though his attitude is different and his touch is rougher. The concluding thought in Sappho was no doubt that Vesper brings the bride home to her husband. The lines were probably sung by a chorus of youths. From Himerios 1. 20 we may get the Sapphic line Féovepés σ᾽ ἔκοισαν ἄγοι δόμονδε. Sappho called βέσπερος ‘ the fairest of all stars’ (Himer. 13. 9), and so Catullus: Hespere, qui caelo lucet iucundior ignis 2— L. φαινολὶς ἠώς Hymn 5. 51 perhaps borrowed from Sappho.— 2. For the sake of the metre, Bergk wrote φέρες, a form that is nowhere attested as Aiolic, though it appears in the related dialect of Kypros (épzes).—es is never necessary in Theokritos, though it appears in the mss. and is reported by the grammarians. ἄπυ (anastrophe as ἐκρίθην ἄπο Theokr. 8. 74) ‘back,’ as ἀποισῶ οἴκαδις Aristoph. Acharn. 779. φέρεις dmv: restituis not eripis as some take it, referring to Catullus line 21: Hespere—qui natam possis complexu avellere matris. Sappho is fond of anaphora in her epithalamia (xxxiv., XXXVili., xxxix., xl, 103, 105, 109). So Theokr. 18. 49-53, Catullus 62. 59-64. Dionysios of MHalikarnassos called anaphora an artificial and Gorgianic figure. But it is native to all emphatic poetry, to prose as well as to inartistic speech. Cf. FouK-Sones xxili., Alk. xxxiv.—Metre: ν. 1 dact. hexam. Bergk regarded the line as consisting of Aiolic dactyls with — ~ ~ as the basis for the ordinary ==. No such basis occurs in the other Aiolic dactyls, though a dactylic basis has been assumed in FonKk-Sones xxiii. If the fragment belongs with xxxiv., xxxv. we expect lyric hexameters ; which would not admit φέρεις in v. 2. It must be confessed however that we do not know much about the Lesbian use of the lyric hexameter and Aiolic dactyls. Many transpose the words of v. 2, e.g. Koechly, who read οἷν σὺ φέρεις τε Kal alya φέρεις καὶ μάτερι παῖδα (Demetr. omits ἄπυ). XXXVI. Hephaist. 41 ; Demetr. de eloc. 167 says that the prosaic words manifest the sarcasm of the chorus. 1. θυρώρῳ : Pollux 3. 42 καλεῖταί τις τῶν νυμφίου φίλων καὶ θυρωρός, ὁ ταῖς θύραις ἐφεστηκὼς καὶ εἴργων τὰς γυναῖκας βοηθεῖν τῇ νύμφῃ, Hesych. θυρωρός" ὁ παρανύμφιος, ὁ τὴν θύραν τοῦ θαλάμου κλείων. Cf. Anakr. 52 σινάμωροι πολεμίζουσι θυρωρῷ. ἐπτορόγνιοι : cf. ὀρόγυιαν (conj.) Pind. Pyth. 4. 228, ἑκατον- τορόγυιον Aristoph. Aves 1131. The original inflection was *dpéyura (dpéyw), gen. ὀργυιᾶς, whence ὄργυια. A gen. *dpeyulas, formed to *épéyua, became *édpoyvlas by assimilation. The nom. ὀρόγυια was then extracted from *dpoyuias.—2. σάμβαλα : οἵ, Kumelos.—8s. ἐξεπόνασαν : from πονάω a by-form of πονέω. —Metre : logaoedic tripody with basis. a ΩΝ SAPPHO, XXXVIMI-XLI. 251 XXXVIII. Hephaist. 57. Most editors write in two lines, but cf. the schol., where for πέντε read τέσσαρα. So Anakr. 15, 16 are best written as pherecratics.—1,' ὄλβιος was regularly used in hymeneals: Hes. Frag. 71 τρὶς μάκαρ Αἰακίδη καὶ τέτρακις, ὄλβιε Πηλεῦ, Theokr. 18. “16 ὄλβ. yauBp’. ὀλβίζω is to congratulate the newly wedded (Eur. Helen 640). Other forms of address are χαιρέτω ὁ Yau Bpos Sa. 103, χαῖρε, νύμφα, χαῖρε, τίμιε γάμβρε, πόλλα 105, χαίροις, ὦ νύμφα, χαίροις εὐπένθερε γαμβρέ Theokr. 18. 49 ; bene vivete Catull. 61. 233, vivete Selices Tibull. 3. 5. 31.—2. ἄρᾶο = ἠρῶ, from ἀρᾶεσο if from dpdoua; from dpaco if from ἄρᾶμαι.---8. ἐκτετέλεστ᾽ : rehéew γάμον Kallim. 1. 14. ἔχης is a doubtful form.— Metre: pherecratics. XXXIX. Hephaist. 24. Attributed to Sappho. —1. τίῳΞ τίνι ; cf. τίοισιν 168. ἐικάσδω = ξεξικάζω, not é- -Εικάζω with prothetic e. Cf. ζ 152 ἄγχιστα ἐΐσκω. Inv. 1 ἐικάσδω is subj. ὄρπακι in comparison as ἔρνος in Hom.; cf. = 56 ὁ δ᾽ ἀνέδραμεν ἔρνεϊ iscos. Nausikaa is compared to a φοίνικος νέον ἔρνος € 163. See Bacch. ii. 87.—Metre: dactylic tetrapody with basis. XL. Demetr. de eloc. 140. A dialogue between a bride (νύμφα) and her virginity. Demetrios remarks on the beauty of the repetition (ἀναδίπλωσι5). Cf. Alk. xxxiv. and on Sa. xxxvi. All attempts at restoring v. 2 are unconvincing. We are not even certain that the metre of v. 2 corresponded to that of v. 1, i.e. two choriambs and a first pherecratic, as in Sa. xxii. The second παρθενία, though due to an ancient correction, is probably right. Neue read, and Usener 98 defends, ποῖ me λίποισ᾽ οἴχῃ as a short verse of 34 heats, If the verse is quantitative, the ending — ses its eyes ary is objectionable. Bergk’s προτί in v. 2 (οὔκετι, νύμφα, προτὶ σ᾽ vw, προτὶ σ᾽ οὔκετ᾽ ἴξω) is against the dialect, as is ort. εἴκω may have F: Skt. vicdt? ‘come.’ But in ii. 8 we have ἔτ᾽ εἴκει, perhaps from a different root (Arkad. ἱκόντα, not Fixévra). I have adopted Hiller’s reading which gives a second instead of a first pherecratic by hyperthesis (__~ —_ +=). Cf. xviii. 4. Cf. the closing line in ‘O waly, ΧΗ. Max. Tyr. 24. 9: ἀνθάπτεται (Σωκράτης) τῇ Ξανθίππῃ ὀδυρομένῃ, ὅτι ἀπέθνησκεν, 7 δὲ (Σαπφὼ) τῇ θυγατρί. The poem is usually regarded as the message of Sappho on her death- bed to Kleis; but Lunak thinks the reference is to the death of Kleis’ father. It was probably in the same poem that Sappho said: ‘To die is bitter ; and so the gods deem. For they had suffered death themselves, had death been sweet.’ 252 SAPPHO. XLII, Bergk suggested that this is the poem concerning which Stob. 29. 58 tells the following story about Solon: παρὰ πότον τοῦ ἀδελφιδοῦ αὐτοῦ μέλος TL Σαπφοῦς ᾷἄσαντος, ἥσθη τῷ μέλει Kal προσέταξε τῷ μειρακίῳ διδάξαι αὐτόν" ἐρωτήσαντος δέ τινος διὰ ποίαν αἰτίαν τοῦτο ἐσπούδασεν, ὁ δὲ ἔφη, ἵνα μαθὼν αὐτὸ ἀποθάνω. Cf. Theokr. 9. 32 ἐμὶν (φίλα) δέ τε Μοῖσα καὶ δά. | τᾶς μοι πᾶς εἴη πλεῖος δόμος. For the thought, cf. Stes. xiii.—Metre: basis + choriamb + pherecratic. XLII. Oxyrhyncus Papyri, 1. No. viii. (third century A.D.). Attributed to Sappho. The poem represents an attempt of the poetess to effect a reconciliation with her erring brother Charaxos. Hdt. 2. 135 is the first writer to refer to the in- fatuation of Charaxos, who appears to have been younger than Sappho, for the famous courtesan Rhodopis, whose real name Doricha was alone used by the poetess. Charaxos voyaged to Naukratis as a trader in the wines of Lesbos, and here he ransomed the girl for a great sum from her master Xanthos who had brought her to Kgypt. She wasa Thrakian by birth and had been the fellow-slave of Aesop. Suidas s.v. Αἴσωπος and ᾿Ιάδμων reports that Charaxos had children by her. The disgraceful connection moved the indignation of Sappho whose reproaches in turn provoked the enmity of Charaxos. Hdt. says Xdpatos δὲ ws λυσάμενος Ῥοδῶπιν ἀπενόστησε és Μυτιλήνην, ἐν μέλε Σαπφὼ πολλὰ κατεκερτόμησέ μιν though here μιν may refer to Rh., who, according to Athen. ὅ90 Β, was attacked by Sappho because she had been the cause of her brother’s extravagance. In the Lpistle of Sappho to Phaon (vv. 63 ff.) Ovid says arsit inops frater victus meretricis amore, | mixtaque cum turpi damna pudore tulit. | factus inops agili peragit freta caerula remo, | quasque male amisit, nune male quaerit opes. | me quoque, quod monui bene multa fideliter, odit. The poem contains an appeal for Charaxos’ return from Egypt and an expression of the hope that the memory of the past differences between brother and sister may be blotted out. Sappho’s sensitiveness to the voice of public reproach occasioned by her brother’s ill-fame is morally inconceivable had she herself not been innocent of the turpitude with which she was charged by the Athenian writers of comedy. The text is mainly that of Blass, though his restorations leave much that is obscure. 1. Κύπρι: Aphr. as Εὔπλοια, Ταληναία, has power over the sea (Hor. 3. 1). She is often associated with the Nereids in works of art. Νηρήϊδες : this is perhaps the earliest prayer to the daughters of Nereus. Cf. Soph. Phi. 1470 Νύμφαις ἁλίαισιν ἐπευξάμενοι | νόστου σωτῆρας ἱκέσθαι, Eur. Hel. 1585, Aristoph. Thesm. 325. Lesbos was one of the seats of the SAPPHO. XLII. 253 cult of the Nereids. The early conception of the Greeks did not confine their activity to an idyllic life of tranquillity but gave them actual power over the waves. So Hes. Theogon. 252 ff., in his catalogue of the Nereids, says Κυμο- δόκη θ᾽, ἣ κύματ᾽ ἐν ἠεροειδέϊ πόντῳ | roids τε ζαχρηῶν ἀνέμων σὺν Κυματολήγῃ | ῥεῖα πρηύνει. Other names evidencing the same beneficent activity are Law, Tarn, Εὐλιμένη, Φέρουσα, Αλιμήδη, Ποντοπόρεια, Εἰὐπόμπη. ---. τυῖδ᾽ : asi. 5.—8. Cf. i. 26.—5. Aphrodite is implored to blot out utterly the memory of the former dissension between Sappho and her brother. Aphrodite is not merely the divine agent of love and passion: she it is who cements the affection of kindred.—6. as: the earliest case of the consecutive use. βοῖσι: Fés ‘his’ appears also in Alk. 50. Charaxos, not χάραν and ὀνίαν as we might expect, is the subject of γένεσθαι. χάραν κ.τ.λ. cf. £ 184 πόλλ᾽ ἄλγεα δυσμενέεσσι, | χάρματα δ᾽ εὐμενέτῃσι, Livy 3. 72 hoc socios audire, hoc hostes, quo cum dolore hos, quo cum gaudio illos. This is the earliest instance of the concrete use of χαρά. Cf. χάρμα φίλοις Theogn. 692, χάρμα φίλοις ἑτάροισι P 636.— 7. κὠνίαν : ὀνία is used like πῆμα T 50, πένθος Soph. Aias 615 (φίλοις π.).---ἃ. μήδεις : the predicate is ¢Apos.—10 ff. A satisfactory sense cannot be extracted from these lines: and may he utterly forget the sore distress (gen. pl.) at which he grieved aforetime and (by which) he broke my heart, hearing the reproach which stung him to the quick and often overpowered him amid the festal merriment of the citizens—the reproach which ceased awhile but came back all too soon.—11. ὄτοισι: to avoid the harsh constr. Blass takes ὄτοισι as fem. referring to ὀνίαν. Grenfell and Hunt note that such a usage appears only in Eur. 1. 7. 1071 μητρὸς πατρός Te Kal τέκνων, ὅτῳ κυρεῖ, a verse that is con- sidered spurious by most editors for this and other reasons. ἀχεύων : cf. φίλοισι ἄχος Soph. O. 7. 1355.—12. ἐδάμνα : cf. 1. 4.—18. ἐν χρῷ: cf. Hdt. 4. 175 κείροντες ἐν χροΐ, Soph. Aias 786 ξυρεῖ ἐν χρῷ.---14. HAN: from ἔλλω (-Ξ εἴλω)" κατέχειν Hesych. The bitterness οὗ self-reproach would be augmented at the public festivals and particularly at those in which the members of a family participated. Cf. Soph. O. 7. 1489 ποίας yap ἀστῶν ἥξετ᾽ els ὁμιλίας, | ποίας δ᾽ ἑορτάς, ἔνθεν οὐ κεκλαυμέναι | πρὸς οἶκον ἵξεσθ᾽ ἀντὶ τῆς θεωρίας ; with Jebb’s note, El. 982. For κε with the imperf. indic. see Goodwin M. T. 162.—15. βρόχυ and ὀνῆκε: Blass βράχυ and ἀνῆκε. Sadr’: see on Anakr. xxiv. 6.—Metre: Sapphic strophe. 254 ERINNA. ERINNA. Erryna is called by Suidas a scholar of Sappho, while Eusebios places her in the middle of the fourth century. Another tradition reports that Naukydes (floruit 400) made a statue of her. If all the epigrams current under her name are genuine, she cannot well have been a con- temporary of Sappho. The remains of the Ἠλακάτη, a poem of 300 hexameters ‘worthy of Homer’ which she composed while working at the wheel ‘from fear of her mother’ are too scant to warrant any conclusion as to her date. Erinna was probably a native of the island of Telos near Rhodes and wrote in Doric. Her death at the age of nineteen may have served to increase the esteem in which her poetry was held. She is said to have been inferior to Sappho in the composition of songs, but to have excelled her in hexameters (Anth.. Pal. 9. 190). I. Stob. Flor. 115. 18. πολιοκρόταφον γῆρας Bacch. 42 (B 3) is γῆρας λευκόν Soph. Azas 625 (λευκανθὲς κάρα O. 1". 742). —Metre: dact. hexam. II. Stob. Flor. 118. 4. Cf. Pind. Ol. 14. 20 μελαντειχέα viv δόμον | Φερσεφόνας ἔλθ᾽, ᾿Αχοῖ. τουτόθεν Michelangeli (τουτόθε Theokr. 4. 10), τούτω κὴς Meineke. σκότος : neuter in Doric (Sophron 80). κατέρρει : cp. δῶ. iv. Intransitive verbs when compounded with a preposition may become transitive. So καταπολεμέω, κατακράζω; τὴν ἀτραπὸν κατερρύην Aristoph. Frag. 148. Bergk suggested καταγρεῖ as Sa. 43 πάννυχος ἄσφι κατάγρει (ὔπνοΞ).--- Μοῦγϑ : dact. hexam. STESICHOROS. Ir is the peculiar distinction of a distant Greek colony to have been the home of the poet who created a new era in the history of choral song. Stesichoros of Sicily trans- formed the existing choral lyric ; and from his influence none of his successors ever emancipated himself. In 648 Himera was founded by Ionian Chalkidians from Zankle together with Dorians from Syracuse. The father of [eee STESTICHOROS. 255 Stesichoros, if not one of the founders of the city, was certainly one of its early settlers, and seems to have removed thither from Metauros in Epizephyrian Lokris. It is a proof that we are getting on surer chronological ground to find that Stesichoros is the first personage in Greek literary history of whom the birth-year and the death-year are recorded ; though it is curious that 632-556 are reported by Dionysios of Halikarnassos : 632 is just forty years—a generation according to the counting of the biographers—after one dating of Alkman, of whom Stesichoros was regarded as the successor ; and 556 is the year of the birth of Simonides. Still, these dates are approximately correct. The poet owes his name, properly Στασίχορος (Sim. xxi.), to his occupation as ‘marshal of the chorus.’ Originally called Teisias—a name that reappears in Sicily in con- nection with the early history of rhetoric—, his name was changed ὅτι πρῶτος κιθαρῳδίας χορὸν ἔστησε, though the addition οὗ πρῶτος in Suidas is at variance with truth. This substitution of names is not unexampled ; Plato and Theophrastos are familiar examples ; and Terpander may conceal a name less indicative of the minstrel’s calling. With his Lokrian blood Stesichoros may have inherited a taste for music and song (Pind. Ol. 11. 15) which we find already in the Lokrian Xenokritos. Tradition indeed connected his family with Hesiod, who died in Naupaktos in Ozolian Lokris, but there are no special marks of affinity between his poetry and that of the didactic, bowrgeo’s author of the Works and Days and Theogony. With the mother-wit of the Dorians, Stesichoros warned his fellow-citizens against the schemes of Phalaris by reciting the fable of the horse that took man as a master in order to revenge himself on the stag. His advice went unheeded and he was compelled to escape to Katana where he is said to have died. Here he was buried by the ‘Stesichorean gate’ and here was his octagonal tomb with its eight columns which bore the name πάντα͵ ὀκτώ ; whence a throw of two aces and two trays at dice was called the Στησιχόρειος ἀριθμός. Cicero saw a statue of the poet at Himera, and his image was stamped on the coins of that city,—the extant specimens date after 241 B.c. 256 STESTCHOROS. (Baumeister, fig. 1795). Whether Stesichoros visited Greece is uncertain, but his fame was soon widespread. Simonides (xxi.) speaks of him as of a classic, using his evidence to corroborate that of Homer. For the story of his temporary blindness see on Frag. y., vii. The poems of Stesichoros were comprised in twenty-six books, of which the hymns formed the chief portion. The titles recall those of the epic rhapsodies and embrace a wide field of mythological interest. The *A@\a ἐπὶ Πελίᾳ described the funeral games held by Akastos in honour of his father. The Τηρυονηΐς, KépBepos, and Κύκνος dealt with the adventures of Herakles, the Σκύλλα (an Italo-Sicilian tale) either with Odysseus or with Herakles, the Συοθῆραι recounted the story of the Kalydonian boar-hunt, the Εὐρώπεια told of the rape of Europa by Zeus, the ᾿Εριφύλα narrated the death of Amphiaraos and the murder of Eriphyla by Alkmaion. From the epic cycle we have the Ἰλίου πέρσις, Ἑλένα, Παλινῳδία, Νόστοι, ’Opécreca (two books). Furthermore he wrote of the Argonautic expedition, of Aktaion, ete. These hymns were at once a revival and a transforma- tion of the old religious chants. Terpander, Archilochos, and Alkman had composed hymns, but under the hand of Stesichoros this form of lyric, though still closely con- nected with the public worship, was somewhat secularized. Instead of the gods and demi-gods, or the local worthies who appear in Alkman and later on in Pindar, it was the great heroes of the Panhellenic faith, who were worshipped with peculiar sanctity in connection with the foundation of the western colonies (Arist. περὶ θαυμ. ἀκουσ. 106-110), that formed the inspiration of Stesichoros’ poetry. The contents were epic, the setting melic. We have in facta species of hymnodic epic that was sung by a chorus to the sound of the kithara. In these musical epopees, though the poet relied for his story on Homer, Hesiod, and the Cyclic lays, he often departed from his models. Stesi- choros is in fact the first of the poets to exercise the prerogative of the lyric artist with reference to the myths. While he usually has faith in the tales of mythology, he lacks the sincerity of a devout religious feeling to accord to them his passive acceptance. He boldly transforms the accredited myth when it is ill-suited to his feeling, STESICHOROS. 257 but his spirit of innovation is not always governed by the religious awe that masters Pindar. At times he is even a rationalist. He refuses to attribute to Helen the disasters of the Trojan war ; Aktaion’s death is occasioned by the deer-skin thrown upon his shoulders by Artemis whose dogs tore him in pieces (the motif in the metope of Selinus) ; Iphigeneia is made the daughter of Theseus and Helen ; Astyanax dies a natural death. Stesichoros was the first to describe Athena leaping full-armed from the head of Zeus. Some of his paians were famous as late as the time of the younger Dionysios. But, apart from the hymns, it was the folk-tale in which the genius of the poet found freest expression. Asa Lokrian he was naturally attracted to tales of love—one writer says that the poet himself was οὐ μετρίως épwrixds—, and even in the more sacred hymns devoted to the public cult the great heroines of the past occupy a conspicuous place. It is an extraordinary achieve- ment to have enfranchized in Greek literature the im- personal love-poem, an achievement that makes Stesichoros the forerunner of the Greek Romance (Rohde Der griech. Roman 29). From the oral legends of the people he drew the tales of unhappy love for his Ῥαδινά, and Καλύκα, the latter poem taking its name from the girl who threw herself from the Leukadian cliff. If the poet carried the myths of the East to the Western Greeks, Sicily in return gave him the story of Daphnis, who was blinded because of his unfaithfulness. It is however an error to assume that, because he was ‘the first to write bucolic songs,’ as Aelian states, he was a bucolic poet and the founder of an art that was possible only at a period when the world turned to the pastoral to find an enjoyment in nature from which it was debarred in life. The classification of these songs drawn from the folk-story is problematical ; but they may represent the more human side of the hymn, the sphere of which was otherwise heroic. Stesichoros represents a period of the development of choral song intermediate between Alkman and Pindar. From the former he is separated by the grandeur of his themes, his solemnity (graves camenae Hor. 4. 9. 9), and epic stateliness ; to the latter he is akin both in the mechanism of his verse and in its content. Pindar’s art R 258 STESTCHOROS. is in fact conditioned by that of his predecessor. Of this poet who has left so great a name, who was worthy to be read by kings according to the saying of Alexander, who has profoundly influenced both tragedy and art, we possess scarcely more than fifty lines. Longinos called him ‘Ounptxdraros,and Antipater said that the soul of Homer had passed into him. Even in the scanty fragments we may recognize something of the calm elevation, the suppression of the personal element, of the epic, and of that wealth of epithets which Quintilian says he applied to the prejudice of his art, but which Hermogenes regarded as the source of the sweetness (ἡδύ) of his style. As an inventor of striking compounds Stesichoros is the precursor of Pindar, though he lacked the latter’s splendour and lyric fire. The Roman critic in a famous passage (10. 1. 62) says Stesichorum quam sit ingenio validus, materiae quoque ostendunt, maxima bella et clarissimos canentem duces et epici carminis onera lyra sustinentem. Reddit enim per- sonis in agendo simul loguendoque debitam dignitatem ac, st tenuisset modum, videtur aemulari proximus Homerum potuisse, sed redundat atque effunditur, quod, ut est repre- hendendum, ita copiae vitium est. He had not in fact mastered the art of transforming the epic into the lyric that in part made Pindar novem lyricorum longe princeps. Still he had grasped the lyric ideal: he rendered pre- eminent, not the deeds of the heroes, but their character, their feelings. Dionysios of Halikarnassos (script. vet. cens. 2. 7) refers to his μεγαλοπρέπεια τῶν κατὰ τὰς ὑποθέσεις πραγμάτων, ἐν ols τὰ ἤθη καὶ τὰ ἀξιώματα τῶν προσώπων τετήρηκεν. The same writer (de comp. verb. 24) classes Stesichoros with Alkaios, Sophokles, Herodotos, and Demosthenes as an example of the style intermediate between the ‘ grand’ and the ‘plain.’ Stesichoros created a High-Doric dialect by combining epic with Doric, a fusion that is not to be ascribed to the influence of his bilingual home (Thuk. 6. 5). With a few exceptions, e.g. πέποσχα -- πέπονθα, his Doric forms are such as may have occurred in the choral poetry previous to his time; and his vocabulary contains nothing that 1s specifically Doric. The Ionicisms show no evidence of local colour. It is evident that the broad sweep of his themes could not have appealed to a wide commonalty of STESTCHOROS. 259 interest had his dialect been narrow in its sympathies. The @s are both Doric and Aiolic, and the epic εἰ and ov of κλεινᾶς, κλαίειν, Μοῦσα, κούρα were also known to certain Doric states. Aiolisms he seems not to have employed. The elaborate structure of his odes was peculiarly adapted to the lyric development of the myth and com- pensated for his comparative poverty of metrical resource. All his poetry was epodic, that is, arranged in strophes, antistrophes, and epodes; whereas Alkman had made only a rude beginning with the triad (see on Alkm. iv.). The example of Stesichoros determined the future of choral poetry. Pindar recurs to the simpler structure only occasionally, and all later modifications of the Stesi- chorean norm are merely modifications of detail. We must however be on our guard against the assumption that the three-fold division was accompanied by the move- ment of the dance. Though choral, Stesichoros’ hymns, if they preserved the ancient form, were not followed by the evolutions of the dance. στροφή etc. does not refer primarily to orchestic movement, but to the circuit of words and musical notes which form a period. The metres used by Stesichoros are: (1) Pure dactylic lines, sometimes with anacrusis (anapaests). We find variations on the hexameter, the long, swelling octameter, etc. (2) Epitrites in connection with dactyls. The epitritic tri- Bat aan og ee ea ie ee owas called Στησιχόρειον. (3) Logaoedics in the love-songs. Stesichoros used the Dorian mode and occasionally the Phrygian. Stesichoros’ popularity at Athens is attested by the parodies and by the fact that his poems were often sung at the symposia. Sokrates desired to learn one of his songs when in prison before his execution. Tragedy and art were profoundly influenced by his treatment of the myths. The paintings by Polygnotos in the Λέσχη at Delphi followed the Ἰλίου πέρσις. Cf. Robert Bild und Lied 170. 1.-111. The Geryoneis recounted the story of the tenth labour of Herakles. The hero was commanded by Eurystheus to fetch the cattle of Geryoneus or Geryon, a monster with three bodies, six hands, six feet, and winged, who was the 200 STESICHOROS. ἢ. offspring of Chrysaor (the brother of Pegasos) and the Okeanid Kallirhoe. The name (cf. γηρύων) points to a personification of the giant power of the storm. The herd of Geryoneus was watched by Eurytion and the dog Orthros, the brother of Kerberos, on the island of Erytheia. There were three acts in the story: Herakles’ journey to the west, the capture, and the return. In the early tradition Erytheia was an island in Okeanos, to which Herakles proceeded in the cup of the sun. Later, when the island off Gades was fixed upon as the scene of his exploit, in consequence of the establishment there of the worship of the Phoinikian Melkart with whom Herakles was identified, the hero reached his goal by a march through Libya. After setting up the pillars that bore his name he arrived at Erytheia. Here, according to tradition, Eurytion was born, though it is more likely that Strabo, like Skylax, has confused the herdsman with the master of the herd. Cf. Kur. H. F. 423. After the victory, which brought death to Geryoneus, Eurytion, and Orthros, Herakles put the oxen into the cup of the sun, disembarked them on the mainland, and returned the cup to. Helios (cf. Frag. iii.). Driving his oxen before him, the hero proceeded homeward, meeting with adventures in Iberia, Gaul, Liguria, Italy, Sicily ete. Frag. ii. describes an event that happened in Arkadia. Geryoneus is mentioned in Hes. Theogon. 287 ff., 979 ff., and the story of this labour of Herakles was treated by Pindar (Frags. xxv. and 81). Stesichoros may have been influenced by Peisandros of Rhodes (about 645 B.c.) who in his epic Herakleia first fixed the number of the labours of his hero, and gave him the club (as Melkart?) and the lion’s skin. Representations of the combat with Geryoneus are frequent. Cf. J. H. δ. δ. 176, Roscher 1. 1630, 2203, Baumeister, s. v. Herakles. I, Strabo 3. 148.---1. ἀντιπέρας : an accus. pl. used adverbially ; cf. μάτας = μάτην 47. πέρα (subst.) is a land lying opposite, across a body of water. (Aisch. Agam. 190 Χαλκίδος πέραν ἔχων.) πέρα (prep.) = ‘to some point beyond,’ ultra, πέραν (prep.)=‘on the other side of,’ trans, less usually =‘to the other side of,’ trans; as an adv. ‘on the other side,’ less usually ‘to the other side.’ See Jebb on Soph. O. K. 885. «devas: of places, Hom. uses κλειτός and κλυτός ; κλεινὴ νῆσος Solon 19. 3. “EpvOetas: Erytheia was also a name of one of the Hesperides. The name denotes the land touched by the ruddy beams of the setting sun. The eastern equivalent is the ’Epv@pa θάλασσα of the Aithiopians. The island was located in various ways. a? ΨΨ τὰ ραν SEO LOMOROSS) Title 261 Strabo says that the ancients called Gadeira and the neighbour- ing islands by the name ’Epi@ea. Pliny states that at the mouth of the Baetis there were two islands, that nearer to the continent being called Erytheia.—2. Ταρτησσοῦ : the ancient name of the Baetis (Guadalquivir). παγᾶς: the Doric ending occurs as early as Hesiod. Wilamowitz (Hermes 14. 169) wrongly objects to the form in a Chalkidian poet and arranges thus: σχεδὸν ἀ. x. “Ep. | Tapr. π. παρὰ παγάς | ἀπ. κιτιλ. Because he thought EKurytion (Geryoneus 7) was born opposite Gades and at the same time ‘hard by the sowrces of the Tartessos,’ Bergk transposed thus: Tapr. ποτ. σχεδὸν ἀντ. KA. Ἔρυθ. | ἐν κευθ. πέτρας mapa παγὰς ἀπ. dpy., that is, he was born near the Tartessos (not far from its mouth), opposite Gades, and close to the silver mines. For παγάς in this sense, compared Aisch. Pers. 238 ἀργύρου πηγή. But Strabo says that the mines were in mount Kastlon, the source of the Tartessos. If παγὰς apyvpop. cannot mean ‘streams deep-rooted in silver ore,’ and must refer to ‘springs,’ ἀντιπέρας may either cover all the intervening space, or (less probably) Stes. may have regarded the source as not far from the coast. If Aristotle believed that the Tartessos and the Ister rose in the Pyrenees, Stes. may be pardoned for such an error. Perhaps we should read dpyupopifov. The Epitome of Strabo 3. 25 says εἰσὶ περὶ τὰς ὄχθας αὐτοῦ (the river) μέταλλα ἄλλα τε καὶ ἄργυρος πλεῖστος. The Phoinikian traders found such an abundance of silver there that they made all their utensils and even their anchors of this metal (Arist. περὶ Bava. ἀκουσμ. 185). With ἀργυρορίζους, cf. γηγενέταν ἄργυρον Timoth. 14.—3. Cf. πέτρης és κευθμῶνα Hymn 3. 229.—Metre: dact. heptameter. TI. Athen. 11. 4994, πε. MHerakles visits the Centaur Pholos in Pholoe, a rough mountain between Arkadia and Elis. Here he is entertained with wine that Dionysos had given Pholos in preparation for his coming. The rest of the Centaurs are attracted by the perfume of the noble wine and fall upon the hero, who rescues himself with difficulty. Epicharmos wrote a Ἡρακλῆς παρὰ Φόλῳ, and there was a proverb νοῦς οὐ παρὰ Κενταύροισι that originated with Peisandros. The contest ‘is represented on the frieze of Assos (Papers of the Amer. School 1881), and on an archaic Korinthian bowl (J. H. 8.1.1). See Roscher 1. 2193, 2. 1040. The contest with the Centaurs is generally told in con- junction with the hunt of the Erymanthian boar, but Athen. says that the fragment is from the Geryoneis. Hither Stes. combined in part the two stories or, as Sitzler suggests, this fragment formed an episode. 262 STESICHOROS. 7... 172 1. σκύφιον (Guhl and Koner p. 152) only here as an δα]. Ξξ σκυφοειδές (Athen.). With δέπας it means a ‘capacious beaker,’ holding over two gallons. The σκύφος was generally used by rustics (see on Alkm. xi.). It often appears as an attribute of Herakles, Roscher 1. 2914. ὡς /fere (post- Hom., first here). Cf. ἐπί, εἰς of measurement. τριλάγυνον : ef. Anakr. 32 τρικύαθον κελέβην. Cf. Juv. 12. 44 urnae cratera capacem et dignum sitiente Pholo.—2. ἔπισχόμενος ‘putting to his lips,’ not ‘in one draught’; cf. Plato Phaidon 117 α ἐπισχόμενος ἐξέπιε (see Stallbaum), Lucian Tox. 37 ἐπισχόμενοι πίωμεν, Apoll. Rhod. 1. 472 ἢ καὶ ἐπισχό- μενος πλεῖον δέπας ἀμφοτέρῃσιν | πῖνε χαλίκρητον λαρὸν μέθυ. The scene is pictured in Gerhard’s Auserl. Vasen 119, 120 3; 0, Arch. Zeit. 1865, pl.201, 1. Ch» Roscher) Ly 219k ῥά ot: hiatus as in Hom. παρέθηκε: apposwt,; cf. Il. I 90 παρὰ δέ σφι τίθει μενοεικέα daira. Theokr. 7. 149 dpa γέ πᾳ τοιόνδε Φόλω κατὰ λάινον ἄντρον | κρατῆρ᾽ Ἡρακλῆϊ γέρων ἐστήσατο Χείρων ;—Metre: dact. pent.+catal. hexam. (with anacr.). Bergk read σκύπῴφειον and πῖνεν making v. 1 dact. hexam., 2 catal. heptam. 111. Athen. 11. 469 5, 781 a; cf. Eust. Od. 1632.23. The myth of the cup of Helios was invented to account for the rising of the sun in the east after it had set in the west (the τροπαὶ ἠελίοιο o 404). Together with his steeds Helios embarks upon his golden vessel and courses from Erytheia over Okeanos to his place of rising (dvaro\at), where his palace is situated. In the Veda and in Germanic and Lettic myths the sun appears in the form of a golden cup. Okeanos represents the sky. We find Herakles in the cup of Helios on a vase in Roscher 1. 2204, where his presence has been explained as due to the fact that he is the Oriental sun-god. It is improbable that the cup was originally his attribute and later transferred to Helios. 1. Stes., like most of the later poets, probably follows the Hesiodic tradition that Helios is the son of the Titan Hyperion (Theogon. 371-374, cf. 1011), a view that is the result of interpreting Ὑπεριονίδης as a patronymic. Originally Hyperion was not the father but a by-name of Helios. In Homer Hyperion is Helios (a 8, 24). In ᾿Ηέλιος Ὑπεριονίδης 176 the latter word is not a patronymic, but an equivalent of ‘Yrepiwy. Cf. Ἡρακλείδης -ε Ἡρακλῆς. Ὑπερίων is a quasi- patronymic. The suffix -ἴων is the same as that found in comparatives, and probably denotes mere connection (cf. Ovpa- νίωνες caelicolac). Cf. Max Miiller Hssays 2. 410. δέπας : the story of the cup of the Sun was probably derived by Stes. from Peisandros’ Herakleia. The δέπας appears also in SLE SLCHOROS = Ll 1K. 263 a corrupt fragment of Aisch. (69) ἔνθ᾽ ἐπὶ δυσμαῖς ἴσου | πατρὸς ἩφΦαιστοτευχὲς | δέπας, ἐν τῷ διαβάλλει | πολὺν οἰδματόεντα {πόντου | φέρει δρόμου πόρον συθεὶς | μελανίππου προφυγὼν | ἱερᾶς νυκτὸς ἀμολγόν, in Frag. 74 ὠκεανὸν περάσας ἐν δέπᾳ χρυσηλάτῳ, in Antimach. 4. . . τότε δὴ χρυσέῳ ἐν δέπαϊ | Ἤέλιον πόμπευεν ἀγακλυμένη ᾿Ερύθεια, and in Pherekydes (Athen. 11. 470 ο). In Mimn. 12 it is a winged, golden bed that transports Helios from the land of the Hesperides to that of the Aithiopians.—2. ὄφρα has an archaic flavour, though it still the chief final conjunction in the choral lyric of the sixth century. After Pindar it died out almost entirely.—3. The sequence calls for the optative. So usually in Homer and in the lyric poets, except in Pind. Pyth. 4. 92, Hippon. 19. 4 (universal application), Pind. Οἱ. 7. 16 (after κατέβαν Ξε perfect), Bacch. 72=49 (no reference to the present). ἱερᾶς : Hom. ἱερὸν juap, ἱερὸν κνέφας ; cf. ἱερᾶς νυκτός in Aisch. quoted above. épepvds: of νύξ, A 606. Fennell remarks that in Pindar when two adj. agree with one subst. and are not connected by a conjunction or separated by a pause, one is generally a constant epithet, the other descriptive. Cf. ii. 2. Perhaps the double epithets are hinted at in the criticism of Quint. βένθεα: in Hom. of the sea and the forest, not of night.—4. ματέρα : the Night; Soph. Zvach. 94. κουριδίαν ἄλοχον : epic, Tyrt. 10. 6.—5. ὁ δ᾽ : explained by πάις Διός, the epic use. ἄλσος : perhaps that of the Hyperboreans, which one Doric legend located in the far west. Herakles is said to have penetrated to this ‘ancient garden of Phoibos.’— 6. tooo’: the Greek loves to add to a verb of motion the instrum. dat. of the part of the body in motion. So p 27 ποσὶ προβιβάς, = 599 θρέξασκον πόδεσσι, Theocr. 8. 47 βαίνει ποσίν, 7. 158 ποσσὶ χορεῦσαι, Hymn 5. 57 ἴδον ὀφθαλμοῖσιν, ὄμμασι δερκόμενος Ibyk. ii. 1, ὄμμασιν βλέπουσα Anakr. xxvii. ; οἵ. τίναξε χερσίν Pind. Ol. 9. 30. (In βαίνω πόδα Eur. El. 94 the verb is transitive.) So often when opposition is implied or expressed. There is no need to interpret with Schneidewin quo egregie ob oculos ponitur gravis H. incessus. The meaning is simply that the hero proceeded on foot after returning the cup to Helios.—Metre: it is uncertain whether the strophe is complete. 1. dact. hexap. 2. dact. pentap. Some make !-! ~ ZX of the last foot. 3. anacr. and dact. pentap. =anap. hexap. catal. 4. anacr. and hexam. catal. The words πάιδας to Διός have been arranged in a dozen different ways. TV. Athen. 10. 456 τ, Eust. Od. 1323. 57. From the Ἰλίου πέρσις, which was the main source of the Tabula Iliaca in the Capitoline Museum in Rome, The first mention of 264 STESICHOROS. V. V7. Aeneas’ flight to Italy, wherein the poet was doubtless influenced by the Italic tradition, occurred in this poem (see however Seeliger Die Ueberl. der gr. Heldensage bei Stes. p. 34). Athen. says that in the temple of Apollo at Karthaia in Keos there was a representation of Epeios drawing water for the Atreidai. Simonides (173) wrote an enigmatical distich on an ass called Epeios because it per- formed a task like that of the builder of the Trojan Horse (9. 493). The ‘daughter of Zeus’ is Athena, who is represented together with Epeios on a vase in Roscher 1. 1279. Farnell quotes Tempest 3. 1. 11: ‘‘ My sweet mistress] Weeps when she sees me work.” ᾧκτιρε: ‘felt pity’ (ἐλεεῖν ‘have pity’). οἰκτίρω, not οἰκτείρω, is the proper form.—Metre: dact. octameter. V. Schol. Eur. Ov. 249 (ἐπίσημον ἔτεκε Τυνδάρεως ἐς τὸν ψόγον | γένος θυγατέρων δυσκλεές τ’ ἀν’ ‘“EANdda). From the exordium of the Ἑλένα. Stes. follows Hesiod (Frag. 164), who first attributed to Aphrodite the ‘evil fame’ of the daughters of Tyndareus. Cf. \ 436. It was the vituperation of Helen in this poem that moved her wrath and led to the blinding of the blasphemous poet. The story is told by Plato Phaidros 244 A, Isokr. Hel. enkom. 64, and alluded to in innumerable later writers. In the Ἰλίου πέρσις Stes. bore witness to the beauty of Helen: when the vengeful Achaians were preparing to stone her, they dropped their missiles in astonishment at her beauty. Bergk (Gr. Lit. gesch. 2. 290) suggests, as an explanation of the story of the blinding of the poet and the restoration of his sight, that Stes. dreamed that Helen threatened him with blindness, and composed the Recantation after waking with pain in his eyes. An Icelandic scald Thormod dedicated the same poem to two maidens, one of whom appeared to him in a dream and threatened him with the loss of sight unless he made public amends for the insult. Awaking with smarting eyes he paid penance and was cured.—2. ἠπιοδώρω: of Hekabe Z 251; dap’ ’Adp. T 54. Aphr. is the neglected fairy of the fairy-tale.—3. Τυνδάρεω : του ἃ 298, Πηνελέωο % 489. ---4. χολωσαμένη (Mss.), after κείνα, would not be the usage of Pindar, who Doricizes. διγάμους : an allusion to the adultery of Klytaimnestra and Timandra. τριγάμους : Helen was the bride of Theseus, Menelaods, and Paris. Hesiod does not include Theseus. Helen is called πολυάνωρ Aisch. Agam. 62, τριάνωρ Lykophr. Alex. 851.— Metre: dact. -epitrite. VI. Athen. 3. 81 p.—1. Κυδώνια pada: see on Ibyk. i. 1. ποτερρίπτευν : the compound may be defended by ἀνερρίπτουν ν 78. That purréw=iacto, pirrw=tacio is not proven. The STESICHOROS. V7. Vil. 265 ceremony of φυλλοβολία was common on other occasions: Pind. Pyth. 9. 123 πολλὰ μὲν κεῖνοι δίκον | PUAN ἔπι καὶ στεφάνους, iv. 18, Eur. Hek. 574.—8. κορωνίδας : Ht. Mag. κορωνίς᾽ εἶδος στεφάνης πεπλεγμένης ἐξ tov. Perhaps this singular usage is Chalkidian; but it is less likely that the word is borrowed from corona than that the Latin word is a loan. Sim. 174 has yopwrds. Though Kopwvris, the beloved of Apollo, had her name from her beauty (τὸ κάλλος ἐπεκλήθη : Isyllos), she may be the ‘crow’ not the ‘ garland.’—Metre : dact.-epitrite. VII. Plato Phaidros 243.4: for those who have sinned in their treatment of the myths, there is an ancient purification, unknown indeed to Homer, but recognized by Stes., who, blinded because of his slander of Helen (probably in the Ἰλίου πέρσι5), discovered the cause since he was a poet, for he forth- with wrote οὐκ ἔστ᾽ κιτ.Ὰ. and received his sight immediately thereafter. These three verses of the Palinode, the most famous perhaps in all Greek poetry, are quoted by a host of later writers, and passed into a proverb. The thought that preceded v. 1 was: ‘They say that thou wast seized with love of Paris and carried off to Troy.’ Plato Rep. 586c says that, according to Stes., it was Helen’s semblance for which, in ignorance of the truth, the Greeks and Trojans contended. Whether this bold innovation on tradition was borrowed from Hesiod (cf. schol. Lykophr. 822) or original with the poet cannot be discovered. At any rate Stes. received the credit of it; and it is a characteristic of his genius to break with tradition. The poet seems to have implored the assistance of Helen’s brothers: οἵ. Hor. Zpod. 17. 42 infamis Helenae Castor offensus vicem | fraterque magni Castoris, victi prece, | ademta vati reddidere lumina. Hdt. 2. 112 relates that Proteus retained Helen in Egypt but dismissed Paris, who returned to Troy without his stolen bride and the treasure. In his Helen, Euripides recounts that she was carried off by the command of Zeus and that she abode in Egypt until Menelaos, returning with the εἴδωλον, discovers her and both escape to Greece. Euripides endeavoured to outdo his pre- decessors in transforming the post-Homeric version. The story was amplified at a later period: Paus. 3. 19. 13 makes Helen, who is living with Achilles in the island of Leuke, send a message to Stes. telling him that his loss of sight is due to her anger; and Konon Narr. 18 says that the message enjoined the poet to write the Palinode if he would regain his sight. In Od. 1. 16 Horace follows the example of Stes. —2. Cf. ἔβαν κοίλῃς ἐνὶ νηυσίν a 211. Some retain the epic νηυσίν here.—8. The terminal accus. with ixvéoua is less 200 STESICHOROS. VIif1.-X1, noteworthy than that with ἐλθεῖν. ἱκνέομαι has practically become transitive (‘reach’). πέργαμα : the plur. is first used by Stes. of an acropolis in general, here defined by Tpolas. In Homer ἡ Πέργαμος is the citadel of Troy. Pindar recurs to the Homeric usage, O/. 8. 42, while Soph. P/m/. 353 has τἀπὶ Τροίᾳ mépyaua.—Metre: dact.-epitrite. Reading εὐσέλ- μοισιν Rossbach makes one verse of ll. 2 and 3. VIII. Schol. Aristoph. Pax 775 (Μοῦσα, σὺ μὲν πολέμους ἀπωσαμένη μετ᾽ ἐμοῦ | τοῦ φίλου χόρευσον | κλείουσα K.T.A. σοὶ γὰρ τάδ᾽ ἐξ ἀρχῆς μέλει) says these verses are a πλοκή (παρα- πλοκή ?) or ‘intertwining’ of the words of Stes., as in the case of Frag. ix., x. It is uncertain how much belongs to the lyric, how much to the comic poet; some think the entire passage is taken from Stes. (Klein, Schneid.). The Oresteta, from which we have three fragments, was based either on the cyclic epic or on Xanthos. It embraced two of the twenty-six books of the poet.—1. Μοῦσα: we might expect Μοῖσα (Pind.) or Méca.—2. κλείουσα, here and Hymn 32. 19, does not follow the usage of Homer, in whose text κλεέω is always possible.—Metre: dact.-epitrite. ᾿ IX. Schol. Aristoph. Pax 800 (ὅταν ἠρινὰ μὲν φωνῇ χελιδὼν | ἡδομένη κελαδῇ). On the swallow, see FoLK-SoNGs xxii. κελαδῇ : -é7 Mucke, on the ground that the choral poets do not contract outright.—Metre: dact.-epitrite. XX. Schol. Aristoph. Pax 797 (τοιάδε. . . καλλικόμων | τὸν σοφὸν ποιητὴν | ὑμνεῖν) Χαρίτων : cf. Pind. Οἱ. 9. 27 Χαρίτων νέμομαι κᾶπον" [ κεῖναι γὰρ ὥπασαν τὰ τερπνά. δαμώματα: hymns composed for public delivery by choruses of men and youths at the festivals in the western colonies (δημοσίᾳ adéueva). Hesychios thought the word meant a song of jollity, a meaning that suits Pind. Jsthm. 8. 8 παυσάμενοι δ᾽ ἀπράκτων κακῶν γλυκύ τι δαμωσόμεθα. I do not agree with Bury who thinks our fragment is a song of joy sung by the members of the δᾶμος on the return of spring. ἁβρῶς is chiefly Ionic (cf. Anakr. viii., xxv.) but also used by Sappho 6.0. Xxii. ἦρος ἐπερχ : Alk. xxviii. Though the measures are dactylo-epitrite, the musical mode was the Phrygian, not the Dorian as we might expect. So the mode of Pind. Nem. 8 was Lydian, and several odes of the same poet, though Dorian in rhythm, show a mixture of the Dorian and the Lydian ‘harmony.’ XI. Plut. de sera numin. vind. 10. The serpent in the ominous dream of Klytaimnestra was Orestes according to the legend followed by the tragic poets: Aisch. Choeph. 527 STESICHOROS. XII, ΧΗ 267 τεκεῖν 'δράκοντ᾽ ἔδοξεν, Eur. Or. 479, 1424 μητροφόντης δράκων. Some (e.g. Seeliger p. 19) think that II\. here means Orestes, the descendant of Pleisthenes, just as Agam. is called Πελοπίδης and Τανταλίδης. It is however generally supposed that Stes. substituted Agam, for his son. One version of the genealogy of the Pelopidai made Pl. the father of Agam. To reconcile this with the Homeric statement, the story was invented that Pl. died young, leaving his two sons to the care of his father Atreus; whence Agam. and Men. were called Atreidai. In Aisch. Agam. 1569 they are called Πλεισθενίδαι. Robert Bild u. Lied 171 suggests that in the further narration of the dream of K1., the serpent Orestes, who drew blood instead of milk from his mother’s breast, was the result of the union of the serpent Agam. and Kl. The account of the dream in Aischylos and Sophokles (£7. 417) was therefore, on this view, derived from Stes., the second part of the dream being selected for dramatic purposes. The serpent with bloody crest indicates the wounds inflicted upon the head of Agam. (σχίζουσι κάρα φονίῳ πελέκει Soph. Hl. 99).—Metre: v. 1 dact. tetrap. + trip. v. 2 two dact. trip. catal. with the form of an elegiac hexam. (unusual). v. 1 might be written in two lines. Bergk wrote ἐδόκησεν to get an epitrite. XII. Strabo 8. 347: Rhadina sailed with the west wind from Samos to Korinth, the tyrant of which city she wedded. Her brother and her cousin Leontichos sailed to Delphi at the same time. Leont. being in love with Rh. started thence for Korinth. On his arrival he was put to death by the tyrant together with Rhadina. We have in this story one of the elements out of which the Greek romance arose. Strabo thinks it is Samos in Triphylia that is meant, while Paus. 7. 5. 13 maintains that it is the Ionic island, and states that (on the road to the temple of Hera) there was a monu- ment to Rhadina and Leontichos, at which unfortunate lovers offered their prayers.—1. Cf. Alkm. i. λίγει᾽ : see on Terp. vi. ἐρατωνύμου ; as Bacch. ix. 31. Bergk suggested *Eparot, νόμους. Alkm. xviii. has ἐρατῶν éréwy.—Metre: logaoedics, which are rarely used by Stes., are felicitously chosen as the vehicle of a love story. XIII. Plut. de H apud Delph. 21: quoted to show the antagonism between Apollo and Pluto. Bergk suggested that Stes. may have participated in the Delphic poetical contests that were newly organized during his life-time.— 1. To take μάλα with φιλεῖ and μάλιστα (Mss. ; possibly a ditto- graphy of μάλα τοι) with παιγμ. is harsh. Can μάλα τοι μάλιστα mean ‘certainly above all things’? Bergk read μελιστᾶν, from μελιστάς (-- μελικτάς Theokr. 4. 30) probably || 208 STESICHOROS. XIV. XV. κιθαριστάς Alkm. xxiv., since flute contests at Delphi were abandoned soon after their introduction. For the thought ef. Sa. xli., Plato Laws 947 B (when the chief priest of Apollo is buried there are no dirges), Aisch. Sept. 868, Frag. 161, Soph. O.7. 30, O.K. 1221, Eur. Hi. 142, 1. 7. 184, Kallim. 2. 20. Lyric poetry was less austere in the sixth century than in the time of Terpander.—Metre: dact.-epitrite. XIV. Stob. Flor. 124. 15. ἀτελέστατα : apart from the verbals in -τέα, the neut. pl. of adj. used as a predicate appears in early poetry in Z 56, five times in Pind., once in Theognis (C.F.Smith Z’rans. Am. Phil. Assoc. 25. 78). ” For the sentiment cf. Sem. 2 τοῦ μὲν θανόντος οὐκ ἂν ἐνθυμοίμεθα, | εἴ τι φρονοῖμεν, πλεῖον ἡμέρης μιῆς, Archil. 9.—Metre: dact.- epitrite (or possibly logaoedics). XV. Stob. Flor. 126. 5, Apostol. 8. 83 p. Cf. Archil. 63 οὔ τις αἰδοῖος μετ’ ἀστῶν κἀναρίθμιος θανὼν | γίγνεται" “χάριν δὲ μᾶλλον τοῦ ζοοῦ διώκομεν | οἱ fool κάκιστα δ᾽ αὐτῷ τῷ θανόντι γίγνεται, Soph. Azas 1266 τοῦ θανόντος ὡς ταχεῖά τις βροτοῖς | χάρις διαρρεῖ. ‘The evil that men do lives after them, | The good is oft interred with their bones.” For the elision in ποτ᾽, ef. Pind. Ol. 7. 90; ποτθέμεν Epicharm., ποτ τάν Aristoph.— Metre: dact.-epitrite. Some find here a troch. tetram. catal. (without caesura). IBYKOS. Tontan and Dorian civilizations with their divergent ideals came together in the city in which the poet Ibykos was born. Rhegion in Bruttium was founded by Chalkidians from Ionic Euboia ‘with whom were associated many Dorian fugitives from Messene. Thuk. 6. 43, 79 calls the inhabitants Chalkidians, but under the rule of Anaxilas (500-470) the city was Doric rather than Ionic. Whether the poet was of Ionic or Doric stock, or whether he was of mixed blood, is uncertain ; in any event he must have been familiar with both Tonic and Doric, since both dialects were spoken in his birthplace. Early inscriptions of Rhegion show a non-Ionic element. The meaning of his name is unknown. Some of the ancients connected it with ἴβυκος a screaming bird; a derivation which has doubtful support from such bird- names as Aly.dos, Ἔποψ, Κύψελος. Until he settled in ee aye oy ee IBYVKOS. 269 Samos, Ibykos seems to have led a wandering life like the rhapsodes and many of his own class. Himerios relates the fabulous story that on a journey from Katana to Himera he fell from his carriage and broke his arm, whereupon he made an offering of his lyre to Apollo. At Himera he may have become acquainted with Stesichoros whose influence is traceable in his fragments. The only dates that are mentioned in Ibykos’ life are connected with his stay in Samos. Probably his floruwit was fixed by the chronographers with regard to his sojourn at the Samian court ; just as the floruit of Anakreon and Pythagoras was placed in 532 because Polykrates became tyrant in that year. Suidas reports that the poet came to Samos in 564, when Polykrates the father (grand- father ?) of the despot was lord. The father of the famous Polykrates is known to have been Aiakes, and it may have been at his request that Ibykos came to the island in order to assist in the education of his son. Aiakes ascended the throne in the same year as Kyros (560), to whom the poet may refer in Frag. 20, unless Kyaxares is meant by Kudpas. Polykrates reigned from 532 (or 530) to 528 or 522. Kyrillos sets the florudt of Ibykos at 544, which may be tolerably near the truth. Ibykos’ fabulous death, which has been popularized by Schiller, is first narrated by Antipater of Sidon (Anth. Pal. 7. 745) over four centuries after the poet’s time. Antipater relates briefly that the poet was attacked by robbers when he was walking on a lonely shore after leaving his ship, and that in expiring he called upon a passing flock of cranes to become his avengers. Plutarch places the scene of the arrest of the murderers in the theatre at Korinth, while Suidas adds that one of their number, seeing some cranes in that city, exclaimed ἰδέ, ai Ἰβύκου ἔκδικοι, which remark, being overheard, led to their arrest and conviction. The story gave rise to the proverb ai ᾿Ιβύκου γέρανοι. The tale has two main ingredients: (1) That the poet was murdered. This may or may not be true, but Frag. ii., where the poet apparently speaks of himself as aged, makes for neither view. We have legends of the murder of Hesiod and Aesop, who perished when on journeys, of Stesichoros, who was killed by robbers, ete. 270 IBY KOS. These stories may have come into existence from the belief that minstrels often journeyed alone and carried with them the proceeds of their art. (2) That cranes witnessed the murder, and became the instruments of vengeance. Welcker regarded this part of the story as an illustration of the popular belief in a poetic justice whose instruments are the birds, the representatives of the gods and joint inhabitants of the air with the all- seeing sun which brings to light the hidden deed. Person and place are secondary circumstances and vary with the particular case, but the religious or moral sense demands a concrete instance to attest the truth of the universal law. Welcker’s explanation, while probable enough, still lacks some actual points of departure to establish the necessary connection of Ibykos with his cranes. It is most likely that the tale is the creation of a period when ‘nature-poetry’ was no longer in process of formation and that some etymologizing rhetor or grammarian brought the name of the poet into connection with ἔβυξ, which he thought was the equivalent of yépavos. It is noteworthy that none of Ibykos’ lyric successors or Plato, to whom the story would have been serviceable, makes any mention of the legend. Ibykos’ poetical activity falls into two periods, though we cannot be sure that they do not overlap. Before he went to Samos he followed in the path of Stesichoros, whose ἾΑθλα ἐπὶ Πελίᾳ was sometimes ascribed to him. From scattered references to the epico-lyric poems, none of the titles of which are cited, we learn that he antici- pated Pindar in describing the voyage of the Argonauts. He related that Achilles wedded Medeia in Elysium, gave Jason a sister—-Hippolyte,and made mention of the Harpies, Phineus, and Orpheus. Many of the heroic personages of the Trojan war reappeared in his hymns. Thus we know that he treated of Hektor, whom he made a son of Apollo, of Odysseus, Diomedes, Idomeneus, the friend of Helen, the Dioskuroi, and Menelaos. The story of Herakles that had been told by Stesichoros was taken up by Ibykos. With the sojourn at Samos begins the subjective period, in which the poet shows the influence of the Aiolians, as does Anakreon who was associated with him at the court LBV KOS. 271 of Polykrates. Ibykos and Anakreon are the first poets to place their muse at the disposition of a tyrant. We do not know the degree of subservience or of independence displayed by these court poets; but even if Pindar, with a reference to Ibykos, says that before his own time the muse was not venal or put to hire, it is scarcely probable that Ibykos manifested the independence of ‘spirit dis- played by Pindar or even by Simonides at the more splendid courts of the Sicilian tyrants. Though he recalls Alkman, Ibykos occupies a unique position in the history of Greek lyric. He unites the opposing tendencies of Dorian and Aiolic song. In him the choral poetry of the Dorians borrows the glow of passion that illuminates the monodic lyric of the Aiolians. We cannot discover how far the love poems of Ibykos are the outpouring of his own heart, since they assume the choral form with its threefold division, which in Stesi- choros was restricted to the objective hymnodic song. Much of Ibykos’ lyric was devoted to the praise of beautiful youths (the παιδικοὶ ὕμνοι) and it was this aspect of his work that attracted the attention of the ancients, though they objected to its vivid erotic colouring. Cicero Tusc. 4. 38. 71 says maxime vero omnium flagrare amore. Rheginum Ibycum apparet ex scriptis. In his love songs a mythological element reinforced the expression of a feeling that was either personal or the product of the vivid fancy of the poet. Thus in a poem in honour of Gorgias he narrated the story of Ganymede, who was carried off by Zeus, and of Tithonos and Aurora. Ibykos mixed the human and divine after a fashion totally different from that of Alkman in his partheneia. He introduced the enkomia, in which a living person was made the subject of the lyric muse which up to his time had been confined to the praise of gods or heroes, and was herein the successor of Stesichoros and the predecessor of Pindar in his ode to Theoxenos (Frag. xv.). The style of Ibykos is graceful and passionate; it is illuminated by figures that are full of force and vividness ; and it employs descriptive epithets with fine effect. Ibykos has more life and energy than Stesichoros and a keener eye for the beauty of nature. His poems consisted of seven books, a division that was 272 IBNISOSs ΚΖ. based probably on differences of metre. These are in the main those employed by Stesichoros though there is herein no mark of a special connection between the two poets. Dactyls predominate, but epitrites are not un- usual. The # measures are better adapted to the style of the poet in his later period when he came under Aiolic influence. Ibykos uses a slight admixture of Aiolism, which is foreign to the dialect of Stesichoros if we may judge from the mss. of the scanty fragments of the latter poet. Otherwise his dialect is a fusion of Dorie with Tonic-epic elements which is not to be ascribed to his native Rhegine speech. I. Athen. 13. 601 8. In nature Love shows his power in the springtime; the heart of the poet he dominates con- tinually (οὐδεμίαν κατάκοιτος ὥραν). Cf..Theogn. 1275 ὡραῖος καὶ "Ἔρως ἐπιτέλλεται, ἡνίκα περ γῆ ] ἄνθεσιν εἰαρινοῖς θάλλει ἀεξομένη. | τῆμος "Ἔρως προλιπὼν Κύπρον, περικαλλέα νῆσον, | εἷσιν ἐπ᾿ ἀνθρώπους σπέρμα φέρων κατὰ γῆς. As Hros, the child of Aphrodite, is a god of the spring-tide, so to Aphrodite herself the spring is sacred: tibi suavis daedala tellus | swummittit flores Lucr. 1. 7. Cf. the Earl of Surrey’s Description of Spring, and Hor. 2. 9. The closing lines of the strophe are a swiftly moving panorama; the interlacing of the strophe with the antistrophe increases the effectiveness of the picture of the rapid assault of passion. 1. Κυδώνιαι: mala, quae vocamus cotonea, et Graect cydonia, ex Creta insula advecta (Pliny H. N. 15.10). The quince was regarded as the best species of apple. The χρυσόμηλα were a kind of quince, perhaps the same as the aurea mala of Verg. Hel. 3. 71, though some think that they are pomegranates; or aurea is used for pulcherrima (Eel, 8. 52). In Hel. 2. 51 quinces are cana tenera lanugine mala. Kydonian apples are mentioned in Alkm. 143, Stes. vi. They were sometimes called κοδύμαλα (Alkm. 90). Cf. Athen. 3. § 20. 2. μαλίδες -- Hom. μηλέαι ; μαλίς is the tree, μᾶλον the fruit as in Theokr. 8. 79 (τᾷ μαλίδι μᾶλα, scil. κόσμος). μηλέα, ἐλαία, κίτριον are both tree and fruit. The quince and the common apple were love-offerings: Verg. Mel. 3. 71 (cf. Theokr. 3. 10) awrea mala decem mist; cras altera mittam, Theokr. 2. 120, 5. 88, etc., Anth. Pal. 5. 79, 80; roscida mala... donum Veneris Claudian epith. Pall. 8. ῥοᾶν : ἄρδω ΖΡ VESOS. I. 273 with the gen. as in Hymn 9. 3 ἵππους ἄρσασα βαθυσχοίνοιο Μέλητος, Euphorion 75 Σιμόεντος ᾿Αχαιίδας ἄρσαμεν ἵππους (dat. in Aisch. Pers. 805 πεδίον ᾿Ασωπὸς ῥοαῖς ἄρδει). These examples have been compared with λούεσθαι ποταμοῖο as opposed to X. ὕδατι. The constr. of λούεσθαι with the gen., regarded as ‘quasi-partitive’ by Monro, H. Οὐ. § 151, is still obscure (Delbriick in Brugmann’s Grundriss 3. 1. 330; cf. Kiihner- Gerth 2. § 417. 3. n. 4). αἵματος ἔδευσε γαῖαν Eur. Phoin. 674 may be an analogue of πίμπλημι. ῥοᾶν can scarcely be called a genitive of material. ἀρδ. ῥοᾶν ἐκ ποτ. is not=€x pody ποτ. and is not to be supported by πᾶσα δύναμις ἐξ ὑδάτων ἄρδεται (Athen. 2. 43 c) or by Hdt. 1. 193 ἀρδόμενον ἐκ τοῦ ποταμοῦ. Cf. on Bacch. xvii. 2. 8. ἐκ ποταμῶν -- ποταμίων (‘river-streams’) ; a prepositional phrase takes the place of an adj. as in Sa. xxiv. Foddwv τῶν ἐκ Πιερίας, Pind. ix. 5 ὅπλα dm’ Ἄργεος, Aristoph. Hkkles. 918 τὸν am’ ᾿Ιωνίας τρόπον. The ῥοαί are led off by ὀχετοί (αὐλῶνες, διώρυχες). ἄρδω of irrigation Hdt. 1. 193. παρθένων : the garden of the nymphs was described by Homer p 209 (cf. » 318) and by Sappho (see on Frag. iv. and οἵ. Theokr. 7. 135). Some write Παρθένων, and find here an allusion to the garden of the Hesperides, though the daughters of Atlas are not called παρθένοι. In Athen. 3. 83 8B the golden apples of the Hesperides are said to be citrons. Paus. 8, 24. 7 says that the cypresses planted about the tomb of Alkmaion were called παρθένοι and never cut down. A reference to these trees and to a local cult would however be out of place here. 4. ἀκήρατος: Hymn 3. 72 λειμῶνας ἀκηρασίους, Choirilos 1 ἀκήρατος λειμών of the Muses, Eur. f/ippol. 73 σοὶ τόνδε πλεκτὸν στέφανον ἐξ ἀκηράτου | λειμῶνος. . . [ἔνθ᾽ οὔτε ποιμὴν ἀξιοῖ φέρβειν βοτὰ | οὔτ᾽ ἦλθέ πω σίδηρος, ἀλλ᾽ ἀκήρατον | μέλισσα λειμῶν᾽ ἠρινὸν διέρχεται. The garden is ἀνειμένος (cf. Plato Laws 761 6). οἰνανθίδες : elsewhere οἰνάνθη, the bud (yemma) that appears on the shoot (palmes) of the vine (οἴνη vitis). Cf. Pind. Nem. 5. 6 τέρειναν ματέρ᾽ οἰνάνθας ὀπώραν, ‘season of fruit, tender mother of the vine-blossom,’ Eur. Phoin. 229 olva θ᾽, ἃ καθαμέριον | στάζεις τὸν πολύκαρπον | οἰνάνθας ἱεῖσα βότρυν. 5. αὐξόμεναι : the melic poets generally prefer αὔξω to the epic ἀέξω (still used by Pind. and Sim.).—6. ἔρος : Aiolic and epic, also in tragedy. 7. οὐδεμίαν : Welcker, A7. Schr. 1. 233, wrongly thought the reference in οὐδ. ὥραν is to the manifold use of Ibykos’ love-songs in praise of beautiful youths. Cf. Tibull. 1. Ss 274 LE VERGOS, ele 2. 4 infelix dum requiescit amor. κατάκουτος : only here. ὑπό ‘amid,’ of the external accompaniment of an action, as of sound tm’ αὐλῶν Anakr. x., ὑπ᾽ ἀοιδᾶς Pind. Ol. 4. 3; of light ὑπὸ λαμπάδων Kur. Jon 1474: of pressure from without ὀρύσσειν ὑπὸ μαστίγων Hdt. 7. 22. See Jebb on Soph. 7Z’rach. 419. In ἀέλλη ὑπὸ βροντῆς N 796 the thunder is regarded as the cause of the squall. Ancient meteorology saw in the wind the cause, in the lightning the effect. Cf. Lucr. 6. 96, 246: flashes of lightning struck out by the collision of the clouds. In Verg. Aen. 8. 429 three shafts of red fire and winged Auster form the motive force of the thunderbolt together with three shafts of writhen rain and watery cloud, ef. 2. 649. But in Ibykos an allusion to a distinctly physical doctrine would be inapposite. φλέγων : ‘raging.’ ‘The transitive use in the transferred sense in Eur. Phoin. 250 ἀμφὶ δὲ πτόλιν νέφος | ἀσπίδων πυκνὸν φλέγει [ σχῆμα φοινίου μάχης. See on Bacch. xiii. 12. 8. Θρηΐκιος : the ‘ruffian Boreas’ of Chaucer, I 5, Hes. W. D. 553, Tyrt. 12. 4. The Ionic ἡ is invariably preserved in choral poetry (Pind. Pyth. 4. 205, Soph. ὦ. 7.197). Hor. 1. 25. 11 has Thracio bacchante magis sub inter- | lunia vento. In Sa. xiii. Love is a wind that descends on the mountain oaks. Here obstinate, persistent passion is compared to Boreas. Contrast Soph. Aias 257 λαμπρᾶς yap ἄτερ στεροπῆς | déas ὀξὺς νότος ὡς λήγει. Some winds are sine pertinacia vehementes Seneca de ira 1. 16. ἀζαλέαις : passive in Hom. Frenzy parches like the dog-star (af. Σείριος Hes. Shield 153) or the sun (ἀξ: ἥλιος Apoll. Rhod. 4. 679). épepvds: Love, the storm-wind, is an ἐρεμνὴ λαῖλαψ (M 375). Cf. Dante on Love: ‘There seemed to be in my room a mist of the colour of fire, within which I discerned the figure of one of terrible aspect’ (Vita Nuova 3). Love, the child of Zephyr, is a δεινότατος θεός Alk. iii, ἀθαμβής : cf. Bacch. viii. 22. Some read ἀστεμῴφής. 9. πεδόθεν τινάσσει: Hes. Theogon. 680 πεδόθεν δ᾽ ἐτινάσσετο. μακρὸς "Ολυμπος, Sa, ΧΙ. pos... φρένας ἐτίναξεν. The reading of the Mss. παιδόθεν φυλάσσει ‘holds my heart captive from my earliest manhood’ is inappropriate and ill supported by Cicero’s a puero litteris deditum. Nor can παιδόθεν = παιδός because of the distance from épos.—10. ἁμετέρας φρένας : so Bacch. 12. 3.—Metre: a logaoedic strophe of simple structure though more elaborate than Alkm. iv. -We have here the beginnings of the freer logaoedic movement in choral poetry. v. 7 consists of two catal.‘tetrap. like 1-3; v. 8 of a catal. tetrap. and a dact. heptapody. The dactyls are probably choreic not cyclic. IBYEOS. 15 275 II. Schol. Plato Parmen. 1374. Cf. Sa. xvi., Anakr. vii., xix., Hor. 4. 1 intermissa, Venus, diu | rursus bella moves ? Parce precor, precor.|non sum qualis eram bonae | sub regno Cinarae.— 1. αὖτε: see on Alkm. xiii. κυανέοισιν : cf. A 528 κυανέῃσιν ἐπ᾽’ ὀφρύσι, Hes. Shield 7 βλεφάρων ἀπὸ κυανεάων. The v is lengthened as in Homer. So κυανέας Pind. Ol. 6. 40. βλε- φάροις : cf. Hes. Theogon. 910 τῶν καὶ ἀπὸ βλεφάρων ἔρος εἴβετο δερκομενάων | λυσιμελής᾽ καλὸν δέ θ᾽ ὑπ᾽ ὀφρύσι δερκιόωνται. τακέρ᾽ δερκόμενος : as παρθένιον βλέπων Anakr. iv., λοξὸν βλέπουσα Anakr. xxvii., φθονερὰ βλέπειν Pind. Nem. 4. 39; τακερὸν βλέπειν Alkiphron 1. 28, τακεραῖς λεύσσουσα κόραις Anth. Pal. 9. 567. Anakr. 169 calls Eros τακερός, and Aphro- dite’s glance is τακερόν (Philetairos 231), and was so repre- sented in the sculptures of the fourth century. τήκομαι of love Pind. xv. 9. Some find metonymy here as in χλωρὸν δέος, φρίσσοντας ὄμβρους, ‘cold shuddering dew.’ For the sentiment we may compare Eur. Hek. 442 διὰ καλῶν γὰρ ὀμμάτων]... Τροίαν ἕλε (Helen).—2. ἄπειρα : ἀμφίβληστρον ἄπειρον Aisch. Agam. 1382.—8. δίκτυα: cf. Ariphron ὅ. Eros is the κύων ᾿Αφροδίτης. με (supplied by Bergk) does not repeat we in 1. 1, since that depends on depx. A pronoun may be repeated under stress of excitement (especially in entreaty) when the construction is not altered. A complete member of the sentence intervenes in such cases. βάλλει de conatu.—S. ἀεθλοφόρος = φερένικος (the name of Hieron’s horse). Cf. A 699 ἀθλοφόροι ἵπποι αὐτοῖσιν ὄχεσφιν | ἐλθόντες μετ᾽ ἄεθλα, X 22 σευάμενος ὥς θ᾽ ἵππος ἀεθλοφόρος σὺν ὄχεσφιν, Alkm. iv. 48. ποτί : close to old age; cf. Soph. O. 7’. 1169 πρὸς αὐτῷ γ᾽ εἰμὶ τῷ δεινῷ λέγειν, Pind. Nem. 9. 44 τελέθει πρὸς γῆρας αἰών (personification). According to Pliny N. H. 8. 42, 9. 64 race-horses live longer than ordinary horses, which are old at sixteen. The former may continue to race till they are twenty, and live till fifty. Flying Childers died at 26, Henry Clay and Dictator lived to at least 30, while Matchem, who stopped racing at 10, lived to 33. Even stud-horses do not reach the age mentioned by Pliny. The simile of course proves nothing as to the advanced age of the poet himself.— 6. σύν is personal and comitative ; the car accompanies the steed in his course. Cf. σὺν ἅρματι θοῷ Pind. Ol. 1. 110, σὺν ἵπποις Pyth. 11. 48. ὄχεσφι: when Ibyk. does not borrow -¢t from Hom.., as here, he uses it out of place (Λιβυαφιγενής 57). Boots: Gods generally of actual speed. See on Mimn. 12. 9. ἔβα : the aorist in similes is used for vividness, e.g. N 389 ἤριπε δ᾽ ὡς ὅτε τις δρῦς ἤριπεν, Τ' 23, 33. This aorist is akin to the gnomic. See Goodwin MW. 7’. 547, 548. For the thought ef. Soph. Hl. 25 ὥσπερ yap ἵππος εὐγενής, κἂν ἢ γέρων κ.τ.λ.; 276 IBVKOS. 717.--. where Jebb quotes Philostr. Vit. Sophist. 2. 23. 4 ἄνδρα. .. νωθρὸς yap ὑφ᾽ ἡλικίας δοκῶν νεάζουσαν ὁρμὴν ἐν ταῖς σπουδαῖς ἀνεκτᾶτο. Ibykos is imitated by Ennius Ann. 441: sicut fortis equus, spatio qui saepe supremo | vicit Olympia, nune senio confectw quiescit. Cf. Tibull. 1. 4. 31: quam iacet, infirmae venere ubi fata senectac, | qui prior Eleo est carcere missus equus, Verg. Georg. 3. 95-100, Hor. Zpist. 1. 1. 8.—Metre: dactylic, with a protracted trochee in 1. 3 (unless we read K. βάλεν or εἰσέβαλεν). 111. Theon Smyrn. 146: cited to illustrate the poetical use of σείρια = ἄστρα. Usually σείριος was employed of the dog-star. Archil. 61 σείριος ὀξὺς ἐλλάμπων was thought to be the sun (cf. Orph. Avgon. 120), and so even Σείριος ἀστήρ Hes. W. D. 417. Kratosth. Katast. 33 μέγας δ᾽ ἐστὶ καὶ λαμπρὸς (Zelpios)* τοὺς δὲ τοιούτους ἀστέρας οἱ ἀστρολύγοι σειρίους καλοῦσι. Cf. Nauck Mélanges gr.-rom. 4. 599, and see on Alkm. iy. 62. παμφανόωντα as Θ 435: the only case of a ‘distracted’ verb in the lyric poets, and the earliest evidence, outside of the epic, of these vicious forms.—Metre: catal. dact. tetram. + catal. trim. Rossbach calls the verse a syncopated anap. tetram. (~~—-— --- ~ry~— ~~! -- -- - Ἐπ φὴς Ὁ =) —~A) IV. Athen. 9. 388. For αἰεί μ᾽ Bergk read δίημ᾽ = πτώσσω. θυμέ: cf. Archil. 66, Pind. Nem. 3. 26, xv. 1, Frag. 127. 2, pra ψυχά Pyth. 8. 61, φίλον ἦτορ Ol. 1. 4. The πορφυρίς, mentioned in Aristoph. Aves 304, is referred to in Frag. 8 (αἰολόδειροι AabiropPupides). It probably differed from the πορφυρίων, the purple gallinule. In Alkm. vii. the ἁλιπορφυρίς is the haleyon.—Metre: two trip., each ending in a dactyl, form the hexam. Ibyceum. V. Athen. xiii. 564: quoted with Sa. ix., Anakr. iv., Pind. xy., Likymn. 111., etc., to show that love is ‘‘ engender’d in the eyes.” Philoxenos’ address to Galateia (p. 137) is called ‘blind panegyric’ and totally dissimilar to the praise of Kury- alos. γλυκεᾶν, γλυκεῖᾶν, aud γλυκέων have been proposed for γλαυκέων, which is a solitary case in choral poetry of Lonic- epic -ewy from an Astem. γλαύκειος occurs only in the proverb γλαύκειον wov. With this passage, cf. Hdt. 4. 108. θάλος : cf. Χαρίτων θρέμμα Aristoph. Lkkles.974, Χαρίτων ἱερὸν φυτόν Theokr. 28. 7, κόλπῳ σ᾽ ἐδέξαντο ἄγναι Χάριτες Alk. xxvii. Ibykos sings only of the beauty οἵ youths.—2. καλλικόμων is sometimes taken substantively, pulchricomarum virginum cura; cf. χρυσοδαίδαλτον μέλημα Aristoph. Lkkles. 972. Others supply Ἐρώτων, Μουσῶν (cf. Sa. 60, Sim. 44), Νυμφῶν, ete. (cf. καλλίκομοι κοῦραι Διός Anakr. 69). It is better to suppose that oy ot led i ἡλόλουσεν. χνυ»..».. τὰ ΨΥ LBYVKOS. ΓΚ-Υ͂ 1. 277 a line has been lost that contained the point of Athenaios’ quotation. μελέδημα: cf. Pind. Frag. 95 σεμνᾶν Χαρίτων μέλημα τερπνόν. Κύπρις: Ibyk. is the only choral poet who permits ‘ Attic’ correption in this word. Pind. has Κὕπρος. —S. ἀγανοβλ. 1ειθώ : cf. Aisch. Hum. 970 στέργω δ᾽ ὄμματα Πειθοῦς. Peitho (Suada, Suadelw) appears first in Hes. W. D. 73. Sa. 1385 and Aisch. Suppl. 1040 call her the daughter of Aphrodite, and Sa. 57 a calls her ‘ Aphrodite’s handmaid bright as gold.’ See on Sa. i. 18. To Pind. (Frag. 122) Peitho is the handmaid of Aphr. Pandemos with whom she was associated in the Attic cult. In Megara a statue of Aphr. Praxis was placed near figures of Peitho and Paregoros, both the work of Praxiteles. There was an Aphr. Peitho in Thessaly and Lesbos. Cf. Hor. Hpist. 1. 6. 38 ac bene nummatum decorat Suadela Venusque. Peitho appears in the scene where Aphr. persuades Helen (Baumeister fig. 708); Sappho, Aphr., Peitho, Himeros and Pothos occur together (Baum. fig. 1809). Cf. Anth. Pal. 6. 14 of Sappho: ἃν Κύπρις καὶ Ἔρως σὺν ἅμ᾽ ἔτραφον, as μέτα ἸΠειθώ | ἔπλεκ᾽ ἀείζωον Πιερίδων orépavoyv.—Metre: vv. 1, 2 dact. tetrap., v. 3 heptap. Perhaps the penultimate syllable was prolonged by TOV]. Vi. Athen. 15. 681 4. The mention of apples, perhaps those of Kydon (Frag. i.), shows that the fragment describes a φυλλοβολία. See on Stes. vi. The édixpvcos was called χρυσάνθεμον in ancient times, and δάκρυα τῆς Παναγίας (the Virgin) by the Modern Greeks. Cf. Alkm. ili., ξανθοτέρα ἑλιχρύσοιο Theokr. 2. 78.—Metre: logaoedic. VII. Herodian. περὶ σχημάτων 60. 24 (Rhet. Gr. 3. 101). Cf. Soph. H/. 17 ἤδη λαμπρὸν ἡλίου σέλας | ἑῷα κινεῖ φθέγματ᾽ ὀρνίθων σαφῆ. Some read ἀύπνους or ἀύπνος (Dor. accus.) as ἃ proleptic accus.: excitat luscinias, ut somnum mittant. But there is no need of change. Cf. φιλάγρυπνε of Selene, Orphic Hymn 9.7. κλυτός : clarus, of the beauty and splendour of the dawn ; Shakesp. ‘‘ Full many a glorious morning.” ‘The ancients thought κλυτός here=0 τοῦ κλύειν αἴτιος. Contrast “the busy day, wak’d by the lark” T’voi/. 4. 1. ἐγείρῃσιν as K 511, depends on a conj. requiring the subj.—Metre: logaoedic. A μέν after ὄρθρος would give a choriambic pentam. Some divide after ὄρθρος. Vill. Herodian περὶ σχημ. 60. 31. The prophetic power of Kassandra is first mentioned in Stasinos’ Κύπρια. Homer calls her the most beautiful of Priam’s daughters (N 365), and describes the scene when before all others she observes the return of her father from the Grecian camp (Ὁ 699). He also 278 IBYKOS. VII. TX. alludes to her death at the hands of Klytaimnestra (λ 422). In the ᾿Ιλίου πέρσις Arktinos narrated her capture by the lesser Ajax, who dragged her by the hair from the statue of Athene. Schneidewin unnecessarily thought the adj. ἐρασιπλ. (cf. Pind. Pyth. 4. 136) points to a mention of her seizure in the poem of Ibykos.—2. φᾶμις ἔχῃσι βροτῶν : cf. Batrach. 8 ws ἔπος ἐν θνητοῖσιν ἔφυ, Soph. Antig. 829 ws φάτις ἀνδρῶν, Kur. J. A. 72 ὡς ὁ μῦθος ἀνθρώπων ἔχει. For this use of ἔχω cf. a 95 μιν κλέος ἐν ἀνθρώποισιν ἔχῃσιν, Mimn. 15, Aisch. Swppl. 1025, Eur. Med. 420, κατέχω Pind. Ol. 7. 10, Pyth. 1. 96. ἔχῃσι : not -ησι, but subj. dependent upon a preceding con- junction. The schema Ibycewm, which supposes the use of -not in the indic. of barytone Q verbs, does not exist. It is possible that the grammarians misunderstood the epic ἐθέλῃσι, dyno etc. and held that -ησι might appear in the subj.; or they transferred the Aiolic indic. -ησι (φίλησιΞε φιλεῖ) to ἔχω. ἐγείρησι, ἔχησι, and θάλπησι Bacch. xvii. 2 should be written -ynot.—Metre: dactylic. Some make v. lyv. .. . Πριάμοιο (=anap. tetram. catal.), IX. Athen. 2. 58a. From a lyric poem with an epic subject after the manner of Stesichoros. Herakles narrates his victory over Kteatos and Eurytos, the Siamese Twins of Greek mythology. They were the offspring of Poseidon and Molione, and had, according to the post-Homeric legend, two heads, four hands, and four feet, but a single body. The twins Otos and Ephialtes were also monstrosities. Homer does not explicitly state the physical union of the Moliones. In Ψ 638 he calls them twins, and says that while one drove, the other plied the whip. Their putative father was Aktor, so that they are called ’Axropiwve B 621, and ’Axr. Μολίονε A 750, Though metronymics occur (Cheiron is Φιλυρίδης), the juxta- position of a patronymic and a metronymic is improbable. The moderns are inclined to follow the ancients in believing that Μολίονε conceals an appellative. As generals of their uncle Augeias they gained a victory over Herakles (πρὸς δύο οὐδὲ Ἡ ρακλῆς), but were afterwards slain near Kleonai; Pind. Ol. 10. 27 ff. Their death was pictured on the throne of the Amyklaian Apollo. 1. λευκίππους : this adj. was first used by Stes. Greek princes have white steeds. The horses of Rhesos were whiter than snow (K 437), the Dioskuroi are λευκόπωλοι Pind. Pyth. 1, 66, Eur. Hel. 639, as are Zethos and Amphion H. F. 29; and so the gods Phoin. 606. Cf. also Diodor. 18. 32. While white was a sacred colour for horses (Soph. Z/. 705, Plaut. Asin. 279, Verg. Aen. 12. 84, Hor. Sat. 1. 7. 8) it did not necessarily imply excellence (χρόᾳ δὲ οὐκ ἔχω ἵππων ἀρετὴν IBVKOS. [X.-XT1. 279 ὁρίσαι Simon de re equestri in R. M. 51. 67. 8). Greek and Hebrew taste (Apoc. 19. 11) was not Roman taste (color deterrimus albis Verg. Georg. 3. 82). Only a later age regarded white horses as a mark of luxury. Cf. Plut. Cam. 7. 1, Livy 5. 23. The sons of Poseidon ἵππιος are naturally horsemen.—8. Cf. σ 373 (βόες) ἥλικες, ἰσοφόροι. ἰσοκεφάλους (ms.) would introduce a resolved — ~ ~, which is objection- able.—4. γεγαῶτας : B 866. deov occurs in Epicharm. 103, Sem. 11, ὥβεα, i.e. Fea, in the Argive dialect, ὥιον in Sa. 56. The twin sons of Leda also sprang from an egg. Some see here a reference to Orphic doctrines.—Metre: logaoedic (regarded by some as dact.-epitrite). v. 2 τέκνα with weak position as in Hes. Frag. 75, Pind. Ol. 6. 62. Correption in the thesis is very rare (Kor. iv., FouK-Sones xxvii. 24). See Smyth Z’rans. Am. Phil. Assoc. 28. 124. X. Schol. Pind. Nem. 1. 1; ef. Strabo 1. 59. The Korinthians under Archias settled in 734 B.c. the island of Ortygia, κλεινᾶν Συρακοσσᾶν θάλος. At the latest in the second half of the sixth century, Ortygia was united by a mole to Achradina on the mainland. ἔκλεκτον : cf. λογάδων λίθων Paus. 7. 22. 5, ‘picked,’ 2.6. ‘unhewn;’ Thue. 4. 4 λογάδην φέροντες λίθους, 4. 31 λίθων λογάδην πεποιημένον. But Ibykos implies that the mole was constructed with more than usual care and of selected stones. ἀναριτᾶν : perhaps ναριτᾶν. On eS’ see Sa. xxiv.—Metre: logaoedic. XI. Plut. Quaest. Symp. 9. 15. 2; Plato Phaidros 242 oc. Plato has παρὰ Oeots=apud deos, in diis (cf. Ter. Andria 233 in aliis peccandi locum) ‘in the judgment of the gods.’ Cf. ἐν θεοῖσι τὴν δίκην δώσειν ‘before the tribunal of heaven,’ Soph. Antig. 459. Reading θεοίς (Aiolic accus.) the meaning will be ‘sinning against the gods.’ Cf. Xen. Memorab. 1. 3. 4 τῶν ἄλλων δὲ μωρίαν κατηγόρει (Sokr.), οἵτινες παρὰ τὰ ὑπὸ τῶν θεῶν σημαινόμενα ποιοῦσί τι, φυλαττόμενοι τὴν παρὰ τοῖς ἀν θρώποις ἀδοξίαν. πρὸς ἀνθρώπων : either ‘from,’ as τιμὴν ... ἄρηαι πρὸς πάντων ΤΠ 84, or ‘in the eyes of,’ as ἄδικον πρὸς ἀνθρ. Thuk. 1. 71. 5.—Metre: dact.-epitrite. XII. Chrysipp. περὶ ἀποῴφατ. 14. Fiir den Tod ist kein Kraut gewachsen. Cf. Anakr. xvi., Aisch. Hum. 648, and contrast Pind. Pyth. 4. 186 ἀλλ᾽ ἐπὶ καὶ θανάτῳ | φάρμακον ἑᾶς ἀρετᾶς ἅλιξιν εὑρέσθαι σὺν ἄλλοις. φάρμακον also Archil. 9. 6. —Metre: dact. hexam. with anacrusis, the enhoplian rhythm formed of two prosodiacs (—j;=——— =~ = and — Fe Ne we -:.. ἰ.:-ὅ.θ..- --.. .--.ὄἧς 280 PYTHERMOS, PYTHERMOS PyTHERMOS, the next writer of skolia after Terpander, is said to have invented the Ionian (or Hypophrygian) musical mode, which received this name from the fact that the poet was born in Teos, an Ionic island, West- phal placed him early in the seventh century because Polymnastos, who is quoted by Alkman, is said to have brought the Ionian mode from Kolophon to Sparta. It is more probable that he lived shortly before or at the same time as Hipponax or Ananios (540 B.c.), since one of these iambists refers to him by name. Pythermos is thus a contemporary of his countryman Anakreon, He borrowed from Sappho the logaoedic pentapody (hendeca- syllabus), which remained a characteristic form of the skolion for two centuries. Athen. 14. 625c, citing Ananios (2) or Hipponax, χρυσὸν λέγει IL. ws οὐδὲν τἄλλα, Suidas, s.v. οὐδὲν ἣν. “ All else is then nought save gold.’ Cf. Alk. xxv., Pind. xxxii., Theogn. 699 πλήθει δ᾽ ἀνθρώπων ἀρετὴ μία γίνεται ἥδε, a ee τῶν δ᾽ ἄλλων οὐδὲν dip’ ἣν ὄφελος, Antiphan. Frag. 232, Trag. Adesp. 294 χρυσὸς γάρ ἐστιν ὃς βροτῶν ἔχει κράτη. Tv ἄρα : the imperf. of the sudden recognition of a previously unsuspected con- nection between two things. The imperf. denotes that the present fact, though just recognized, was true before. The imperf. of ‘previous admission’ is different. For the use of ἣν ἄρα cf. v 209 οὐκ dpa πάντα vonuoves οὐδὲ δίκαιοι ἦσαν, Soph. Ὁ. K. 117, Phil. 978, Eur. Hel. 746, Or. 721, Hippol. 359, H. F. 341, Med. 703, Frag. 810, Aristoph. Paw 832, Nubes 1028, Plato Gorg. 508 c, schol. Theokr. 11]. 1; see Kock on Nubes 165, Shilleto on Thuk. 1. 69, Demosth. ,falsa leg. § 177. τἄλλα : not τἄλλα, Lucius de crasi 12. The use in ordinary Attic is uncertain (τἄλλα Waeschke de crasi Aristoph., Shil leto pref. to Demosth. falsa leg.).—Metre: logaoedic (phalae- cean). ANAKREON. Tue peculiar charm of Aiolic lyric is the result of a com- bination of qualities that rarely coexist in the literature of any people. With Anakreon, the successor of Alkaios and Sappho in the cultivation of the song, grace and ANAKREON. 281 delicacy part company with intensity and force, and in their separation the former lose much of their immediate- ness and sincerity. Anakreon was an Ionian, and an Tonian was incapable of catching the subtle grace that distinguishes the poetry of the Aiolians. The extraordinary fame of the Tean bard in modern times is largely due to the admiration of poems which Anakreon did not write, an admiration that is at once vicious on the stylistic side and ignorant of the debased form in which the Anakreonteia are composed. Of the many proofs of the late date of these poems, which are found in the Anxthology of Kephalas, a work of the tenth century, some may be mentioned here in addition to the absence of imitation on the part of Horace and of citation by the authors who quote the genuine fragments. 1. Anakreon is expressly mentioned as the model for the imitation. 2. The metre, which consists chiefly of cata- lectic iambic dimeters >=— ~~ — - -- -- (which were rarely [xxx. | used by Anakreon himself) and ionic dimeters, is monotonous, and shows flagrant violations of classical usage, some of which are due to the influence of the accent. 3. The dialect, in which epic, Attic, and Doric forms appear. 4. Other anachronisms, such as allusions to painting, sophistical mannerisms, mention of the Parthians, the Ἔρωτες in place of Ἔρως. 5. The absence of individual traits. These poems are the work of unknown authors whose dates range from the period of the Empire to late Byzan- tine times. So pervasive has been the influence of the Anakreonteia upon European literature since they were first printed (in 1554), that it is well nigh hopeless to substitute in the popular conception the more robust figure of the genuine poet for that of the graceful octogenarian who captivated the fancy of the seventeenth century. The life of Anakreon, though full of vicissitudes like that of Archilochos and Alkaios, was narrow in its sympathies. A native of the city of Teos he followed his fellow citizens into exile when the Greeks were menaced by the Persian Harpagos in 545; and assisted in establishing the colony of Abdera in Thrace. Either in the conflicts prior to his migration or in connection 282 ANAKREON. with the founding of his new home he seems to have lost his shield in battle. Of his further life we know nothing until he appears in Samos where Polykrates had established a court renowned for its oriental magnificence and luxury. After the murder of that despot Anakreon accepted an invitation of the art-loving Hipparchos, the son of the tyrant Peisistratos, to make Athens his home. Here he enjoyed the favour of the great, becoming the friend of Xanthippos, the father of Perikles, and of the rich Kritias, whose grandson of the same name—one of the Thirty Tyrants-—called him (Frag. 7) "συμποσίων ἐρέθισμα, γυναικῶν ἠπερόπευμα, αὐλῶν ἀντίπαλον, φιλοβάρβιτον, ἡδύν, ἄλυπον. At Athens Anakreon found Simonides and the dithy- rambic poet Lasos. Upon the assassination of Hipparchos in 514 he may have quitted Athens, or he may have have remained until the expulsion of Hippias in 510. The democratic Athens of Kleisthenes must have been uncongenial to a court poet ; and we may well conclude from one of his epigrams (103) that he took refuge with the princely Aleuadai in Thessaly. He is reported to have died at the age of eighty-five, and, if born about 572, may have lived to witness the Ionic Revolt and the stirring events that followed in its train. Of these there is however no trace in his poems, and the tradition that he was in Teos in 495 is untrustworthy. It is as difficult to disengage the man Anakreon from the court poet as 1015. to apportion his poems to the different periods of his life. Strabo says that his poetry was ‘full of Polykrates,” and though the name of the tyrant, curiously enough, nowhere appears in the extant fragments, we shall not err in referring most of the songs to the period of his sojourn at the vicious Samian court, to the brilliancy of which he and Ibykos lent their muse. Personal independence Anakreon may have preserved in part with all his supple wordliness, but his art, while not utterly venal—ovd’ ἀργυρῆ κώκοτ᾽ ἔλαμπε πειθώ he says in Frag. 33—, seems to have been absorbed by his vocation as elegantiae arbiter. Even in those poems that bear a more pronounced mint-mark of individuality (xix., xx.) we are uncertain whether he is not parading himself for court applause. His sportiveness and levity forbid an as ANAKREON. 283 immediate approach to his more intimate self. If life and art are one with him and there is no visible conflict between his ideal and his environment, still we cannot rid ourselves of the feeling that at times, with the subtle irony of the man of the world, the poet disengages himself from the theme in which he is apparently absorbed. His genius could bloom only in an atmosphere that ad- mitted no other standard of proportion than the ephemeral delight consequent upon the adoration of the senses. Life was endurable to him as a poet only because of its amuse- ments ; its realities, its sorrows, which echo through the other Ionian poets, are unsung by him. The five books into which the Alexandrians divided his poems, contained, besides the songs, iambics, and also elegies and epigrams, some of which have been preserved together with much that is fraudulent. As a writer of elegies Anakreon continued the Ionic tradition especially of Mimnermos, though the Kolophonian poet’s conception of love is dissimilar ; but it is more particularly in the iambics, and chiefly in combination with choriambics, that he shows himself the successor of Archilochos and Hipponax. The popular estimate of the poet as a bibulous and amorous greybeard ignores his marked capacity for satire, wherein he shows the native talent of the Ionian for ridicule and raillery. The ‘effeminate’ Ionian had a sharp tongue. It is only when Anakreon gives expression to scorn or hate that he displays genuine feeling. ‘The satire on Artemon deals with externals and not with character, but it is as effective a weapon as the more envenomed vituperation with which Archilochos assailed Lykambes. It is as the singer of love and wine that Anakreon manifests his affinity to the Aiolians. Between him and Sappho the gulf is profound. Sensuous poetry to be great must be impassioned, and from Anakreon’s poetry of the passions all genuine passion is absent. He is devoid of depth as he is devoid of vivid feeling. Instead of the soul-compelling worship of Aphrodite we have a conventionalized erotic that lacks relief and never loses its equanimity. At best Anakreon may be compared only with Alkaios in his lighter moods. He shows us only the curtain, Alkaios the stage. To the court poet 284 ANAKREON. Eros is the supreme deity of the pantheon. It was Anakreon’s task, following the example of Ibykos, to chant παιδικοὶ ὕμνοι, to sing of Smerdies of the lovely locks, of Kleubulos, and of the other dainty pages of Poly- krates. ‘These are our gods’ (οὗτοι ἡμῖν θεοί εἰσιν) he answered, when asked why his songs were not consecrated to the gods. The only poem that has the faintest touch of religious spirit is that in honour of Artemis (Frag. i.). But contrasts impair our appreciation of the peculiar excellence of Anakreon. Judging his art by what it is, not by what it is not, we must accord to him the dis- tinction of having created the toying grace with which he treats his theme. He possesses a singular sweetness, urbanity, exquisite simplicity—in part the source of his popularity—and a delicate and airy touch. He has the gift of bonhomie, he smiles when he is provoked, he has the art of gracious confession when he recounts his repulse - at the hands of some favourite of the court ; though, it may be remarked, women scorn him only when he is old. The master of the revels, he is master of himself, and rarely descends to grossness. He could not well have retained his vigorous sensuousness till old age had _ his wine not been tempered with the water of σωφροσύνη. Nor does his verse show any trace of dithyrambic ecstacy, though an old writer says that it was composed under the constant inspiration of Dionysos. He has no love for Skythian orgies, strife, or tales of battles ; he loves only good cheer graced by song and love. Within his narrow sphere of the enjoyment of the present, Anakreon moves with the security of the finished artist. Grace is his ideal (xvii.). Splendour and colour we may not demand from a poet whose virtues are simplicity and easy negli- gence (non elaboratum ad pedem says Horace). In imagery he is poor, but his few elaborate figures are carried out with tact and delicacy. The ancient rhetoricians classed him among the writers of the ‘smooth’ style (γλαφυρὰ σύνθεσις) and remark upon his ἀφέλεια. He unfolds his thought analytically, like an Ionian, and thus preserves, with a few exceptions, the natural order of the words. Akin to the simplicity of his thought are the light and limpid measures he employs. Aiolic logaoedics, notably the glyconic, are preferred; but he is no slavish imitator of < ᾽ ANAKREON. 1. 285 the Aiolians, and he refrains from adopting the Alkaic or the Sapphic stanza. His choriambics are full of energy, and the trochaics move with exquisite lightness; his ionics, a measure to which he gave a secure place in literature, are preserved from monotony by the intro- duction of the ‘broken’ foot. The variety of his rhythms was reinforced by the numerous musical modes (Dorian, Lydian, and Phrygian) and by the variety of the instru- ments (especially the Aiolic barbiton) which he employed. His dialect is the literary Ionic of his time tempered with an occasional Aiolic form indicative of his debt to his Lesbian models. Anakreon’s after-fame was secured at: Athens by his popularity as a writer of songs which, above those of all other poets, were suited to grace the symposion. He found endless imitators in Greek—including Theokritos, aud the parallels in Horace show his hold upon the Latin poet. His image was stamped upon the coins of Teos, and his statue, together with that of Xanthippos, was seen by Pausanias on the Akropolis at Athens. I. Hephaist. 69 and schol. 221. A hymn, perhaps of the kletic class, formed the introduction to the ancient edition of Anakreon as it did to that of Alkaios. The poem is incom- plete.—1. ἐλαφηβόλε: cf. Σ 19, Hymn 27. 2 ἀείδω... παρθένον αἰδοίην, ἐλαφηβόλον ἰοχέαιραν, Soph. Trach. 213, Eur. 1. A. 1570 mat Ζηνός, Onpoxréve, Kallim. 3. 17, Hor. 1. 12. 22 saevis inimica virgo | belluis, 4. 6. 33 Deliae tutela deae fugaces | lyncas et cervos cohibentis arcu. Artemis destroys the savage inhabi- tants of the mountains, and protects the civilized dwellers in the city (1. 8).—2. ξανθή: blonde is the type of beauty in a brunette people.—8. Cf. & 470 πότνια θηρῶν, ["Αρτεμις ἀγροτέρη. —4. Anfatov: the diphthong is shortened before ov. The Lethaios was a tributary of the Maeander. On its bank, or near the river, was the city of Magnesia (cf. πόλις καλή, Ληθαίῳ κεκλιμένη πεδίῳ Theogn. 1216, by Anakr.?), where there was a temple of Artemis Leukophryene, which derived its name from Leukophrys, a city in the plain of the Maeander. This temple was famous for its exquisite proportions and in size was exceeded only by the temples at Ephesos and Didyma. ἥ κου : some adopt the v./. txov, ‘come and tarry by the eddies of the Lethaios,’ and read ἐγκαθόρα. κου (που) is common in invocations. —6, ἐσκατορᾷς : only here; cf. εἰσκαταβαίνω ὦ 222, 286 ANAKREON. Δ I. Stes. iii. 1, and εἰσκαταδύνω. ---. χαίρουσ᾽ is postponed so as to precede its explanation (οὐ γάρ). ἀνημέρους : ἥμερος, gentle by culture (mpaiis gentle by nature), is here opposed to ἄγριος. Uncivilized people are ἄγριοι, like the Chalybes, Aisch. Prom. 716. Artemis was called ‘Huépn; see on Bacch. v. 39, 96.— 8. ποιμαίνεις keeps the tone of v. 3. Cf. ποιμὴν λαῶν A 296, ποιμαίνων ἱκέτην Aisch. Hum. 91, 7. στρατόν Eur. Frag. 744; so βουκολῶ, θεραπεύω, curo, foveo.— Metre: glyconics, or glyconics followed by a pherecratic. There are two systems (3+5). The mode was probably Lydian, as the tone is supplicatory. Cf. iv., viii. II. Dio Chrys. Or. 2. (t. 1. 36). A kletic hymn.—1. ϑαμάλης (only here): the ‘subduer’;=daudfwr ἢ dyepwxos Hesych. Cf. xxv. 4, Soph. Antig. 181 Ἔρως ἀνίκατε. δαμαλίξζω Pind. Pyth. 5. 121, Eur. Hippol. 231. Some compare δάμαλις, μόσχος, πῶλος, iwrenca and tr. ‘youthful.’ ”“Epws: to the genuine Anakreon Eros is a youth, not a child. The ἔρωτες of Pindar are impersonal, except in Frag. 122. 4, and only a few monuments of early art show the multiplication of the god. Anakreon’s laudation of Eros is overlooked in Plato Symp. 177 A οὐ δεινὸν ἄλλοις μέν τισι θεῶν ὕμνους καὶ παιῶνας εἶναι πεποιημένους, τῷ δ᾽ "Ἔρωτι. . . μηδὲ ἕνα πώποτε, cf. Eur. Hippol. 541.—2. The Nymphs are often associated with Dionysos, whom they reared. Cf. Soph. O. 7. 1109 Νυμφᾶν ᾿Ἑλικωνίδων, als πλεῖστα συμπαίζει. The first Mainads were the nymphs. Bacchos trained the Nymphs. in song, Hor. 2.19. 3; cf. skol. iv. Βρομίαις Νύμφαις. κνανώπιδες : cf. Ibyk. ii. 1.—8. Aphrodite in conjunction with Dionysos, Roscher 1. 1065; with the Loves, Eur. Bacch. 402.—5. ὀρέων κορυφάς (mss.) would be a unique case in glyconics of the shift in position of the cyclic dactyl.—6. vv. 1-6 recall the λέξις εἰρομένη. In 1-3 the order of substantives and adjectives is chiastic. In Frag. i. too the arrangement is not simple. γουνοῦμαι suits a kletic hymn. Cf. Archil. 75 κλῦθ᾽, ἄναξ Ἥφαιστε, καί μοι σύμμαχος γουνούμένῳ ἵλαος γένεο.---. ἡμῖν : the plur. after the sing. γουνοῦμαι: cf. xvi. 1. 4, Xxili. 2. 4, xxiv. 1. 3. We might expect ἐλθέ μοι. κεχαρισμένης : ‘and may it find favour with thee,’ by anticipation, with εὐχωλῆς, instead of κεχαρισμένως. δέ gives independence to the inf. (=imper.) which follows the imper. The inf. pres. in ll. 8 and 11 follows the aor. imper. The inf.=imper. often has a touch of solemnity. Cf. Cauer 4878, 8. For the thought, ef. Aristoph. Nubes 274 ἐπακούσατε δεξάμεναι θυσίαν καὶ τοῖς ἱεροῖσι χαρεῖσαι.---8. ἐπακούειν : especially of a god hearkening to the prayer of his worshipper; cf. Aristoph. Hq. 1080, Aves 205.—10. σύμβουλος : first here; note the play on ANAKREON. 741.- 2. 287 -βουλος.--11. Δεύνυσε or Aco—if the contraction is later than Anakr. Tonic inser. have KXeo- and Κλεὺυ- and even φεόγω. Epigraphical monuments from Ionic territory show Δεονῦς and Διένυσος ; but in xxii. Anakr. has Διόνυσος. Kretschmer (Gesch. d. gr. Sprache 225, 241) explains the eo= 0 by referring the name to a Thrakian source. —11. δέχεσθαι: subject Kleubulos. The inf. cannot depend on σύμβουλος because of δέ. On the inf. see Goodwin M. 7’. 785.—Metre: as i. Three systems (8+5+8) constitute, as it were, strophe, epode, and antistrophe. Note the basis —~ inv. 3. The episynaloiphe in 4, 7, 10 indicates synaphea (contrast xxvii. 3). 111. Herod. περὶ σχημάτων 57. 5: quoted to show the repetition of the same word with different endings. Cf. Archil. 69. Anaphora also in xvii., xxiii. ἐρέω: as xxx., Archil. 25. δϑδιοσκέω : Hesych. has διοσκεῖν᾽ διαβλέπειν συνεχῶς τὴν ὅρασιν μεταβάλλοντα, oculis intentis aliquid investigare. From δι-οπ-σκέω ? IV. Athen. 13. 564 p.—1. παρθένιον βλέπων : see on Ibyk. ii. 1. Eur. Hippol. 1006 has παρθένον ψυχὴν ἔχων. βλέπω first here, Hom. 6épxouar.—2. δίζημαι: an Ionic word, cf. δίζησις. κοεῖς : perhaps connected etymologically with caveo. The same root in θυοσκόος, ἀμνοκῶν ‘ sheep-minded’ Aristoph. Eq. 264.—4. ἡνιοχεύεις : cf. δεινὸς ἡνίοχος of Love, Hermesia- nax $4. With the gen. as Plato Phazdr. 2468; with the aceus. Hdt. 4. 193. Anakr, usually avoids metaphors but when he employs them is full of life (xix., xxvii.). The poem may refer to the Kleubulos of ii., iii.; cf. Max. Tyr. 8. 96 μεστὰ αὐτοῦ (Anakr.) τὰ ἄσματα τῆς Σμέρδιος κόμης καὶ τῶν Κλεοβούλου ὀφθαλμῶν. V. Schol. O 192, Eust. 11. 1012. 1.—1. pets <*ums is also Aiolic. TLoot8yiév: ΠΟοσιδήϊον B 506 and on Ionic inser. ; Ποσιδηϊὼν μὴν C. 1. A. 1. 283. 17 where the absence of the article is to be noticed. ’Arrixol τὸν περὶ χειμερίους τροπὰς μῆνα ἸΠοσειδεῶνα καλοῦσιν. Attic -edv from -η(ι)ών. ---2, ἕστηκεν adest; cf. ἕβδομος ἑστήκει (‘began’) μείς 1117. The schol. has νεφέλη δ᾽ ὕδωρ βαρὺ δ᾽ ἄγριοι χειμῶνες κατάγουσιν, Hust. νεφέλαι δ᾽ ὕδατι βαρύνονται, ἄγριοι δὲ xX. παταγοῦσιν. Bergk conj. νεφέλας δ᾽ ὕδωρ | βαρύνει, Δία τ’ ἄγριοι x. Κι, Comparing Hor. Hpod. 18. 1 et imbres nivesque deducunt Iovem.—&. ἄγριοι: χεῖμα dyp. Eur. Andr. 748, ἄνεμοι ἄγρ. Aisch. Prom. 1048.—4. παταγέω here first of storms ; of clouds Aristoph. Nubes 378. VI. Strabo 3. 151, Pliny NV. H. 7. 154 Anacreon poeta Arganthonio Tartessiorum regi CL tribuit annos ete. Hat. 1. 163 (cf. 4. 152) says he lived not less than 120 years, during 80 of which he was king. His reign fell shortly before 288 ANAKREON. Γλ2- ΚΠ77. Anakreon’s time. On Tartessos, cf. Stes. i. It was called εὐδαίμων, 6\Bla.—1. ἔγωγ᾽ : the iambic basis in the beginning of the strophe is defensible (Blass κἀγώ). ᾿Αμαλθεΐης as Ληθαίου i. 4. Amaltheia, according to one version of the story, was a goat that gave suck to the infant Zeus. From one of its horns flowed nectar, from the other ambrosia, according to Kallim. 1. 49. Another legend told how Zeus broke off one horn and made it the cornu copiae. Cf. Roscher 1. 262. Like Archilochos (25), Anakreon scorned wealth. Stob. 113. 38 reports that the poet, on receiving a talent of gold from Polykrates, returned it with the remark μισῶ δωρεὰν ἥτις ἀναγκάζει ἀγρυπνεῖν. Cf. Frag. 33 οὐδ᾽ ἀργυρῆ κώκοτ᾽ ἔλαμπε πειθώ.---Ὁ. τε καί: cf. xv. and τρεῖς τε καὶ δέκα Pind. Ol. 1. 79. VII. Athen. 13. 599¢, citing Chamaileon, who in his book on Sappho reported that some believed this poem to have been addressed to her by Anakreon. Hermesianax maintained that Sappho and Anakreon lived at the same time; but this opinion and that reported by Chamaileon represent an attempt to bring two famous names into conjunction at the expense of chronology. Sappho’s reply was supposed to be (the spurious) Frag. 26 κεῖνον, ὦ χρυσόθρονε Modo’, ἔνισπες | ὕμνον, ἐκ τᾶς καλλι- γύναικος ἐσθλᾶς | Τ᾿ήϊος χώρας ὃν ἄειδε τερπνῶς [ πρέσβυς ἀγαυός. Welcker thought the last strophe of vii. was spurious, though it is evidently the source of the story that Anakreon was in love with Sappho. Anakreon withholds the names of women in vill., xxvii., but he addresses a special poem to Kallikrite (118) and Eurypyle appears in xi. (seen.), Asteris in 728. The names of boys he does not attempt to conceal.—1. The ‘purple ball’ may be an apple, the token of love (see on Ibyk. i. 1), but is more probably to be taken literally. Cf. 6 373. Meleager in Anth. Pal. 5. 214 has σφαιριστὰν τὸν Ἔρωτα and in Apolk. Rhod. 3. 135 Aphrodite offers to Eros a σφαῖρα εὐτρόχαλος with which the infant Zeus had played. . Eros is represented as a ball-player in Millingen Uned. Mon. xii. ϑηῦτε: of a renewed assault of love (Alkm. xiii. note).—2. Cf. "Ἔρως ὁ χρυσοκόμας Eur. 7. A. 548.—3. νήνι-Ξ- νεήνιδι. vi was Samian for véy. σάμβαλον -εσάνδαλον as in Kumelos.—7. For the omission of ἐστί cf. xiv., xvi. 6, xxv. 4. —8. ἄλλην -- πρὸς δ᾽ ἄλλου τινὸς κόμην. VIII. Hephaist. 34.—1. ἰτρίου : Samos was as famous for its cakes as Banbury or Nuremberg. Hadt. 3. 48 tells of a Samian festival at which sweetmeats of sesame and honey were eaten.—2. ἁβρῶς : Stes. x. ἐρόεσσαν : φυὴν ἐρόεσσα of the χέλυς of Hermes (Hymn 3. 31).—3. ψάλλω : of playing ANAKREON. [X. X. 289 with the fingers, after the Oriental fashion. The pectis was a Lydian instrument that was improved by Anakreon. The poet also used the magadis with 20 strings, the Lesbian barbiton, and the flute. κωμάζων ‘serenade’ as Alk. xxxiv.; here in the day-time. πάιδ᾽ : diaeresis as in rd Archil. 70. 1. For the elision of iota ef. E 5, K 277, Π 385, Παλλάδι ᾿Αθαναίᾳ (—~ — — — —), γυναικὶ ἐσθλήν (~~ — — —) on Attic inser., κήρυκι ἀθανάτων Kaibel 772 (from Imbros). There are eight possible cases in Attic tragedy. Perhaps the usual method was to write the zofa and pronounce it as y. Eust. on K 277 says the ‘ancient’ writing was ὄρνιθι ᾿Οδυσεύς. In the in- scriptions a verb twice omits its augment after παιδί. Ross- bach reads παρὰ madi | ἁβρῇ, Wilamowitz rap’ Ἰάμβῃ. ἁβρῇ: aBph παρθένος Hes. Frag. 242 Rz.—Metre: priapeum. IX. Hephaist. 72. The leap from the Leukadian cliff was supposed to cure those afilicted with unrequited love or to effect a change in the sentiments of the loved one. Stesi- choros sang of the leap of the maiden Kalyke, who was enamoured of Euathlos. The story of Sappho’s suicide rests on the unproved assertion of her love for Phaon. By the time of Euripides the expression had grown into a proverb : Kykl. 166 ῥίψας τ᾽ ἐς ἅλμην λευκάδος πέτρας dro. Cf. Ovid Sappho Phaoni 171 hanc legem locus ille tenet. pete protinus altam | Leucada, nec saxo desiluisse time. The fall was oceasionally broken by bladders attached to the person of the sufferer, and a boat was conveniently at hand. One un- happy lover is said to have tried the πετραῖον ἅλμα four times. Anakr, is here jesting or speaking of plunging into the waves of love. πολιὸν κῦμα : as πολιῆς θαλάσσης A 248, canos fluctus Luer. 2. 767, canae Tethyi Catull. 66. 70. μεθύων : οἵ, Ἔρωτα πίνων Anakr. 163, μεθύω τὸ φίλημα πολὺν τὸν ἔρωτα πεπωκώς Anth. Pal. 5. 305, longumque bibebat amorem Verg. Aen. 1. 749. —Metre: a glyconic proéde and a simmiacum. XX. Athen. 4.1774. Cf. Pind. Pyth. 4. 295 θυμὸν ἐκδόσθαι πρὸς ἥβαν (as here, ‘merriment of youth’), Aisch. Pers, 841 ψυχῇ διδόντες ἡδονήν. ὑπ’ αὐλῶν : ὑπό of musical accompani- ment as in ὑπὸ φορμίγγων Hes. Shield 280, κώμαζον ὑπ᾽ αὐλοῦ... παίζοντες ὑπ’ ὀρχηθμῷ 281-282, ὑπὸ ἀμφοτέρων (lyre and flute) Pind. Οἱ. 7. 18, ὑπαὶ σάλπιγγος Soph. Hl. 711, διὰ λωτοῦ Λίβυος | μετά re . . . κιθάρας | συρίγγων θ᾽ ὕπο Eur. I. A. 1036, λύρας ὕπο Phoin. 824, ὑπὸ τυμπάνων Bacch. 156, ὑπὸ πηκτίδων Hat. 1. 17, ἄδων ὑπ’ αὐλητῆρος Archil. 123, cf. Theogn. 825. In the case of σὺν καλάμοιο Bod Pind. Nem. 5. 38 -the tones of the instrument accompany the words. The flutes known as ἡμίοποι were sometimes called παιδικοί and were used at T 290 ANAKREON. XI. banquets. They were perhaps half as long as the ὑπερτέλειοι and formed the octave to those which were common in the choruses of men. See Howard Harvard Studies 4. 39. Von Jan suggests that they may have been called ἡμίκοποι in con- tradistinction to the μεσόκοποι class.—Metre as ix. XI. Athen. 12. 5335. Chamaileon, quoting from Anakr. ξανθῇ δ᾽ Εὐρυπύλῃ μέλει ὁ περιφόρητος ’Apréuwy, reports that the nick-name tepid. owed its application to the fact that the luxurious Artemon was ‘carried about’ in a litter; for Anakr. says that he passed from poverty to affluence, πρὶν μέν κιτιλ. The words ξανθῇ ... ᾿Αρτέμων are from another poem (in iambic dimeters or tetrameters, cf. xxix.) in which the poet castigated the parvenu, who, according to tradition (Anth. Pal. 7. 27), was preferred to himself by Eurypyle. Anakr. may have alluded to Artemon’s effeminate mode of locomotion, but there is nothing of the sort in Frag. xi. and we know of a περιῴ. ᾿Αρτέμων, the engineer, who assisted Perikles in the siege of Samos and because of his lameness had to direct the operations from a chair (Plut. Per. 27). Probably Chamaileon and Herakl. Pontikos (Plut. /./.) mis- interpreted περιῴ., which here means ‘notorious’ ; at least it is as an adulterer that he is referred to by Aristoph. Acharn. 850 (οἵ, schol. and Miller Mélanges 356). ὁ περιπόνηρος Ap. Acharn. 850 is a combination of Anakreon’s περι (φόρητος) and πονηρός (1. 5). For rich upstarts ef. Hor. Hpod. 4, Juv. 1. 27, 4.24. Acro on Carm. 4. 9.9 is probably referring to this poem, which he calls a satyra. 1. πρὶν μέν... νῦν δὲ 10 (cf. Theogn. 57, Plato epigr. 15): the first member contains only participles. βερβέριον is either a shabby, rustic garment, perhaps so called from the Berbenii, an Arkadian folk (it was the fashion to regard the Arkadians as rustic boors; cf. Alk. 38, 91), or a kind of headgear that was compressed and narrowed to a point (kad. ἐσφ.). καλύμματα : Hesych. has καλύπτρα᾽ κεφαλῆς καλύμματα. Τῇ βερβέριον and καλύμματα refer to clothing, ἐσῴ. denotes the pinched appearance of the man who is starved. Cf. Aristoph. Pl. 561 (σφηκώδεις) of the lean sons of Poverty, and contrast Hor. Hpod. 4. 8 bis trium ulnarum toga. For the plural in apposition to the singular, which may be a bit of irony, cf. Hes. Shield 313 rpimos, κλυτὰ ἔργα, Soph. Phil. 35 ἔκπωμα, τεχνήματα.---2. In Persia, Babylonia, and Lydia men wore ear-rings (Pliny N. H. 11. 37. 50).—8. Bergk supplied δέρμ᾽ ἤει.---Α. At Athens the ἀρτοπώλιδες had a reputation for Billingsgate. Cf. Aristoph. Ranae 857 λοιδορεῖσθαι δ᾽ οὐ θέμις | ἄνδρας ποιητὰς ὥσπερ ἀρτοπώλιδας. Hermippos wrote a comedy ANAKREON, XJ. XII. 291 entitled ᾿Αρτοπώλιδες, which was aimed at Hyperbolos and his mother.—6. βίον : de victu (Hom. βίοτος) as in Hes. W. D. © 232. See Verrall on Eur. Med. 194; cf. βίοτον ηὗρον Med. 1107.—7. δουρί-- κύφωνι ; cf. Pollux 10. 177 σκεῦος ᾧ τὸν αὐχένα ἐνθέντα det μαστιγοῦσθαι τὸν περὶ τὴν ἀγορὰν κακουργοῦντα.---8. Cf. ῥεραπισμένῳ νώτῳ Frag. 166, Hor. EHpod. 4. 11 sectus flagellis hic triumviralibus.—9. ἐκτετιλμένος : the punishment of adulterers.—10. σατἴνη seems to have been a war chariot (cf. Hymn 4. 13, Eur. Hel. 1311 with ἢ. Some think it was a ἁρμάμαξα such as was used by Xerxes and the ambassadors to the Persians. Hesych. has carivac (sic)* ai ἅμαξαι. Con- nect with σάσαι" καθίσαι. Tddio. καθέρματα -- ἐνώτια are as old as Homer (ἕρματα σ 297). See Dict. Antig. s.v. inauris, where there is a fine example of the ‘stringing together’ of the various parts. Perhaps we should read κατέρματα.- 11. Κύκης : a nick-name, perhaps because she was a φαρμακεύτρια. Cf. κυκειῶ" ποτὸν δηλητήριον Hesych. σκιαδίσκην : sun-shades (σκιάδεια) Aristoph. Hq. 1348, Aves 1550, Ovid Ars am. 2. 209, Fasti 2. 311; Panofka pl. 19. 9. They were raised and lowered as now. On the frieze of the Parthenon Eros pro- tects Aphrodite by a sun-shade. A Persian satrap shades himself on the Nereid monument (Baumeister fig. 1233). Cf. the θολία Theokr. 15. 39 and see Becker’s Charicles 125. Slaves often carried sun-shades and fans for effeminate men. —12. αὔτως : cf. αὔτως... ὥστε γυναῖκα X 125, αὔτως ὅπωσπερ Soph. Aias 1179. Here the adj. ἐμῴ. takes the place of the adv. that usually follows αὔτως. -See Buttmann Lewil. 1. 37, Jebb on Soph. ὁ. 7. 931. ἁβραῖς before γυναιξίν would yield a catalectic dimeter (as the clausula); but it is better to follow Schoemann, since without some such addition as ἐμφερής (cf. Sa. xxxi.), we should have the unique construction of αὔτως cum dat. (=instar cum gen.).—Metre: a verse con- sisting of two choriambs, followed either by an iamb. dim. catal. or a glyconic, is repeated, with an iamb. dim. acatal. asepode. Schemeaab. The structuré is not that of a real strophe. Inv. 11 for the first ~_ — L- we find a diiambus. Cf. xii. and such variations as appear in later tragedy, e.g. Soph. Phil. 1138=1161, and in comedy Aristoph. Lysistr. 326 = 340. Some read πάις 6. Wilamowitz Isyl/os 133 calls the metre of xi. ionic (anaklomenoi) tetrameter. MII. 1-2 Hephaist. 31, schol. Aristoph. Aves 1372; 3-4 Lucian Herc. Gall. 8 in paraphrase. The poet having been scorned by a beautiful boy, flies aloft to Olympos to demand satisfaction of Eros, who refuses to listen to his aged petitioner. Other poems of the poet’s old age are xvi., xxviii. Himer. Or. 14. 4 tells the story of the poet’s threatening the Loves 202 ANAKREON. XII-XV. that, unless they punished a youth who had scorned him, he would never again sing in their honour.—1. πτερύγεσσι : the only case in Anakr. of the addition, after the Aiolic fashion, of -εσσι to a non-sigmatic stem. κούφαις and ἀήταις are the only cases in Anakr. of -ais. Both occur at the verse-end (so with ἀήταις in epic).—2. συνηβᾶν : so in 44, skol. xvi., = ἡβᾶν in 18, skol. vi—8. For the golden wings of Eros ef. Aristoph. Aves 698 στίλβων νῶτον πτερύγοιν xpvcaiv.—The metre has been regarded either as choriambic or as ionic. If ionic, it shows the freer form that admits the choriambus. The resolved first foot, an innovation of Anakreon’s, marks the fluttering agitation of the poet; v. 1 is put into the mouth of Kinesias in Aristoph. Aves 1372 to express the freedom of the later dithyramb. Rossbach regards ~~ ~~ ~ — as a diiambus not as a choriambus; cf. xi. 11. Schmidt scans — ! ~_—W— Jefe {ῈΞ} τ Ὁ | =~ |e | = Al). Ch ithe lonics Soph. O. 7’. 486 (πέτομαι δ᾽ ἐλπίσιν οὔτ᾽ ἐνθάδ᾽ ὁρῶν οὔτ᾽ ὀπίσω) following the more agitated choriambics of 483 ff. XIII. Atil. Fortun. 359. Whether Anakreon is to be included in the list of poets who threw away their shields on the battle-field (Archil. 3, Alk. 32, Hor. 2. 7. 9) cannot be determined from this fragment. Some would refer the event to a campaign against Harpagos. Frag. 29 has been referred, with slight probability, to the same disaster (ἐγὼ δ᾽ ἀπ᾽ αὐτῆς φύγον ὥστε κόκκυξ). It belongs rather to erotic contests. Frag. 31 δακρύοεσσάν τ᾽ ἐφίλησεν αἰχμάν, 70 ὀρσόλοπος μὲν “Apns φιλέει μεναίχμαν, 72 νῦν δ᾽ ἀπὸ μὲν στέφανος πόλεος ὄλωλεν, 85 πάλαι Kor’ ἦσαν ἄλκιμοι Μιλήσιοι, 91 διὰ δηῦτε ἹΚαρικοεργέος | ὀχάνοιο χεῖρα τιθέμενοι, 92 ὁ μὲν θέλων μάχεσθαι, | πάρεστι γάρ, μαχέσθω, seem to imply a warlike spirit on the part of the poet or a fondness for describing war.—Metre: two chori- ambs-+a pherecratic. XIV. Athen. 15. 6718, 678 ν. Frag. xxvi. and 16 are addressed to the Samian Megistes (a clip-name for Μεγιστοκλῆς or the like), who was beloved by the poet (Anth. Pal. 7. 25, 27, Anth. Plan. 4. 306). 6: alle notus; note the double article. For the order of words in v. 1, cf. Thuk. 1. 6 οἱ πρεσβύτεροι... οὐ πολλὸς χρόνος ἐπειδή K.T.A. ἐπεί TE: AS Hdt. δ. 18. λύγῳ : the willow was used for chaplets by the Karians (ἀρχαῖον Καρῶν στέφος), who first settled Samos ; and the custom was adopted by the Greeks of the island, who worshipped Dionysos as ᾿Ελυγεύς. On the omission of εἰσί, cf, vii. 7.—Metre: ionics. XV. Athen. 10. 430p. Onthe mixture, cf. Alk. xx. With the numerals supply κύαθοι ὕδατος. and x. οἴνου. The imper. ANAKREON. XVI.-XVII. 293 plur. in -εσθω is not otherwise attested in Ionic poetry, apart from ἑπέσθω v.l. Il. 1170. We tind cwféc6w in Thasos, and similar forms appear in Korkyra, and possibly in Elis. The form appears to be an analogue of διδόσθω <*didove0w. ἀνα- denotes distribution rather than repetition. Cf. Timoth. ii. 3 and ἀμμείξας Q 529.—Metre: as xiv. XVI. Stob. For. 118. 13. For the thought οἵ, Mimn. 1-5, Theogn. 768, inscr. of Asia Minor (B. C. H.7. 277) πρὸς ὀλίγον ἐστὶ τὸ ζῆν" τὸ τέλος ὁ χρόνος ἀπαιτεῖ, Hor. 2. 14. 1 ff. eheu Jugaces ... | labuntur anni, nec pietas moram | rugis et instanti senectae | adferet indomitaeque morti. To the Greek poets old age is not ‘‘ beautiful and free.”—1. Cf. πολιόν τε κάρη πολιόν Te γένειον X 74, πολιοκροτάφους γέροντας Θ 518, πολιοκρόταφον γῆρας Bacch. 42 (B. 8), ἀπὸ κροτάφων πελόμεσθα | πάντες γηραλέοι Theokr. 14. 68, raris iam sparsus tempora canis Ovid Metam. 8. 568.—4. ἀνασταλύζω, only here, ‘wont to bewail’ (ἀνά is reinforced by θαμά). σταλύζξω is connected with σταλάω, -cow ‘drop.’ Hesych. explains νεοστάλυγες by νεοδάκρυτοι. The a- of ἀσταλύχω -- κλαίω is adherescent as in ἀστράπτω, ἀσπαίρω. --- 5. μυχός : of Hades Aisch. Prom. 433, Soph. Azas 571, Eur. H. δ. 607, Herakl. 218.—6. κάθοδος =‘ descent’ only here in early Greek. Cf. Il. I 408 ἀνδρὸς δὲ ψυχὴ πάλιν ἐλθεῖν οὔτε λεϊστὴ | οὔθ᾽ ἑλετή, ἐπεὶ ἄρ Kev ἀμείψεται ἕρκος ὀδόντων, Hes. Theogon. 770, Aisch. Pers. 688 ἔστι δ᾽ οὐκ εὐέξοδον, | ἄλλως τε πάντως χοὶ κατὰ χθονὸς θεοὶ ] λαβεῖν ἀμείνους εἰσὶν ἢ μεθιέναι, Theokr. 17. 120 ὅθεν πάλιν οὐκέτι νόστος, Catull. 3. 11 qui nunc it per iter tenebricosum | illuc, unde negant redire quemquam, Verg. Aen. 6. 126 facilis decensus Averno ; | noctes atque dies patet αἰγὶ ianua Ditis;| sed revocare gradum superosque evadere ad auras, | hoc opus, hic labor est, Hor. 1. 24. 15-18, 2. 3. 27, ‘*The undiscover’d country from whose bourn no traveller returns.” μή with ἀναβῆναι : there is no hyperbaton here ; verum et certum est me non redire. €roipov: for the (frequent) omission of ἐστί with this word cf. Solon 4. 7, Soph. O. 7. 92, Eur. Herakl. 502, Demosth. 9. 4, Plato Rep. 277 £.—Metre: each of the two systems consists of three ionic tetrameters (a dodecameter), in which the fifth dimeter is pure, the others anaklomenoi. Some write the lines as dimeters. XVII. Max. Tyr. 24.9. For the conjunction of μέλεα and λόγοι, ef. Alkm. vi.—Metre: anaklomenoi ionics. Note the absence of caesura as in xv. XVIII. Schol. Ψ 88, citing the form ἀστραγάλαι as having a higher Ionic flavour (Ἰωνικώτερον). The masc. ἀστράγαλοι of ear-rings in xi. 2. Apoll. Rhod. 3. 117 represents Eros and 294 ANAKREON. X/X.-XX1. Ganymede playing with ἀστράγαλοι of gold. Cf. Baumeister fig. 835. μανίαι: cf. μανίαις 7’ ddadais τε Pind. Frag. 208. For the thought cf. Theogn. 1231 σχέτλι᾽ "Ἔρως, μανίαι σ᾽ ἐτιθηνήσαντο λαβοῦσαι, Pind. Nem. 11. 48 ἀπροσίκτων δ᾽ ἐρώτων (impersonal) ὀξύτεραι μανίαι. --- Νοῦν : two first glyconics (the first acatal., the second hypercatal.?). Hiller divided after εἰσιν. XIX. Hephaist. 39. δηῦτε: οἵ. Alkm. xiii. The softer aspect of Eros (ii., vii., xii. etc.) here yields to the severer type of Alk. iii, Ibyk. ii., Sim. 43, which is foreign to the Anakreonteia. Eros brandishes a whip (Brit. Mus. C. p. 622). Here he bathes the poet in the wintry mountain torrent, as the smith tempers his iron by plunging it into water. Cf. ὁ 391 ws δ᾽ ὅτ᾽ ἀνὴρ χαλκεὺς πέλεκυν. . . | εἰν ὕδατι ψυχρῷ βάπτῃ. (Galen Meth. Med. 10. 10, Lucr. 6. 968 etc. employ the comparison to show the invigorating effect upon the body.) The poem probably refers to Smerdies of the beautiful locks. The vigour of the comparison may indicate that the poet is not jesting, as in ix., but conceals with his fine amiability the sting of despised love. medéker: usually ‘axe,’ here ‘hammer.’ χαράδρῃ : cf. A 452 ws δ᾽ ὅτε χείμαρροι ποταμοὶ κατ᾽ ὄρεσφι ῥέοντες | és μισγάγκειαν ξυμβάλλετον ὄμβριμον ὕδωρ κρουνῶν ἐκ μεγάλων κοίλης ἔντοσθε χαράδρης. Note the artistic arrangement: μεγάλῳ--- πελέκει, Xetmepin—xapadpy.—Metre: brachycatalectic ionic tetram. SEX. Hephaist. 40. ἀπό: with tmesis as in Melissos 13 ἀπὸ yap ἂν ὄλοιτο τὸ ὑγιές, cf. Anakr. xxiv. 6, 58. 72. 80.— Metre: anaklomenoi ionics. XXII. Athen. 9. 396 ἢ; cf. Aelian H. A. 7. 39, schol. Pind. Ol. 3. 52. Imitated by Hor. 1. 23. 1 ff. vitas inuleo me similis, Chloe, | quaerenti pavidam montibus aviis|matrem non sine vano | aurarum et siluae metu. Contrast Bacch. 13. 54 ἠύτε veBpos amevOyns . . . σὺν ἀγχιδόμοις θρώσκουσ᾽ ἀγακλειταῖς éralpats.—1. ota te: see on Alkm. xi. 4. Anakr. uses ὥστε in xix. and 90. νεβρόν : cf. νεβροὺς venyevéas γαλαθηνούς ὃ 336. Anakr. rarely indulges in epic fullness of description. Another example is ἡδυμελὲς χαρίεσσα χελιδοῖ 67. On γαλαθηνός see Athen. 9. 396 c.—2. ὅστ᾽ : as Alkm. vii. 3. tq: Bergk has ὕλῃς, but the older poets do not use the plur. (Crusius de Babr. aetate 177). κεροέσσης: the does of the poets have horns, though real does have none (Arist. H. A. 4. 11, Pollux 5. 76). Of. Pind. Οἱ. 3. 29 χρυσοκέρων ἔλαφον θήλειαν, Sim. ix., Soph. Frag. 86. 2 κεροῦσσ᾽ ἔλαφος, Kur. H. F. 375 τὰν χρυσοκάρανον δόρκα, Frag. 857 ἔλαφον κεροῦσσαν. As Fennell —— νι ὦ ANAKREON. ΧΧΛ- ΧΧΖΥ͂. 206 remarks, the animal is male in art, female ἴῃ literature. Zenodotos thought to obviate the difficulty by reading époécons. —8. ὑπό does not connote intention as some think. ἀπό (in ἀπολειφθείς) connotes separation from an object with which there has been union (παρά of departure merely). Cf. Soph. Trach. 529 κἀπὸ ματρὸς ἄφαρ βέβακεν, | ὥστε πόρτις ἐρήμα.--- Μοίγα : ionics (v. 1 pure, 2-3 anaklomenoi). XXII. Athen. 15. 674 c. In Samos Dionysos was worshipped under the names ᾿Ελυγεύς, Τοργυιεύς, etc.— 1. σελίνων : crowns of celery were used to decorate the victors at the games (at the Nemea after the Persian wars, at the Isthmia until about the beginning of our era), and tombs, guests at banquets, children, etc. Cf. Theokr. 3. 28, Verg. Hcl. 6. 68, Hor. 1. 36. 16 (vivax apium), 2. 7. 24, 4.11. 8, ἐπὶ dcp. Oep.: cf. the less simple expression Pind. Ol. 3. 12 γλεφάρων ὑψόθεν ἀμφὶ κόμαισι βάλῃ κόσμον ehalas.— 2. Cf. δαῖτα θάλειαν H 475, 1.6. θάλλουσαν τοῖς ὀνείασι. ὁρτή Tonic for ἑορτή; found in Hdt. (with ἄγω) and Herodas.— Metre : ionics. MXIT. Athen. 11. 782 4. First water was put into the κύλιξ and then wine. Cf. Xenophan. 4 οὐδέ κεν ἐν κύλικι πρότερον κεράσειέ τις olvoy | ἐγχέας, ἀλλ᾽ ὕδωρ καὶ καθύπερθε μέθυ. See on Alk. xx. and οἵ. Hor. 2. 11. 18.—1. φέρε is the regular word; cf. Plato Symp. 213 8, Aristoph. Acharn. 1097, Pl. 644 and the use of affer, inger.—8. ἔνεικον : note the shift of tense when the command is repeated. ὡς δή: in ws δή E 24, ἵνα δή Ψ 207, δή emphasizes the intention ; and reinforces the anaphora here. It is also ironical after ws or ἵνα. The Ionian lyric poets prefer ws and ὅκως to other final particles. —4,. Eros as a boxer Soph. Trach. 442 "Ἔρωτι μέν νυν ὅστις dvtavicrara | πύκτης ὅπως ἐς χεῖρας, οὐ καλῶς φρονεῖ (a passage that agrees in meaning with the old reading ws μή). πυκτα- ftw: -ἰζω has here intensive force as in ἁρπαλίζω. -fw is also frequentative and diminutive.—Metre: anaklomenoi ionics. XXIV. Athen. 10. 427 a, 11. 475.0. Probably from the same poem as xxiii., which is the beginning of the ode. Like Xenophanes, though after a different fashion, Anakr. enjoins moderate drinking and would accompany it by songs to Dionysos. Cf. Frag. 90 μηδ᾽ ὥστε κῦμα πόντιον | λάλαζε, τῇ πολυκρότῃ | σὺν Ταστροδώρῃ καταχύδην | πίνουσα τὴν ἐπίστιον, 94 οὐ φιλέω, ὃς κρητῆρι παρὰ πλέῳ οἰνοποτάζων | νείκεα καὶ πόλεμον δακρυόεντα λέγει, | ἀλλ᾽ ὅστις Μουσέων τε καὶ ἀγλαὰ δῶρ᾽ ᾿Αφρο- δίτης | συμμίσγων ἐρατῆς μνήσκεται εὐφροσύνης. The ancient commentators on Hor. 1. 27. 1 say that the substance of the 296 ANAKREON. XXIP. Latin poem is taken from this ode. On the proportion of water and wine, see on Alk. xx. 1. ἄγε with imper. Goodwin 177. 7. 251. In Homer ἄγε δή is rare (2. 407) ; more common are ἀλλ᾽ ἄγε δή and δεῦτ᾽ ἄγε.--- 2. The κελέβη (cf. xv., and 32 τρικύαθον xeX.) was made of wood and shaped like a κύλιξ (schol. Theokr. 2. 2). It was of considerable size, as it held the watered wine for the company. The word may be connected with κολοβός curtus. The κύαθος was often used for drawing off the mixture into the κύλικες and had a high handle (see Dict. Antiq. 1. 589). ἄμυστιν : οἵ. Threicia amystide Hor. 1. 36. 14; the adv. in πιεῖν ἀμυστί Anakreont. xii. 2.—8. ἐγχέας scil. ἐν κελέβῃ; the same (non-Attic) synizesis in Xenophan. 4.2. ἐγχέω is ‘pour out,’ ὑποχέω ‘pour’ wine into a large vessel, ἐπιχέω ‘mix water with wine.’—5. The common reading ἀνυβριστί produces hiatus. After τί hiatus is allowed only when a long vowel or a diphthong follows. This was denied by Porson on Eur. Phoin. 892, but cf. Aisch. Sept. 704, Hum. 902, Soph. Phil. 100 (τί w οὖν Jebb), Eur. Hek. 820.—6. δηῦτε: unusual position, here between the parts of a verb separated by tmesis. Cf. 91 διὰ δηῦτε. . . ὀχάνοιο χεῖρα τιθέμενοι. In the melic poets δηῦτε is generally the second word in the sentence. βασσαρήσω : βασσάρα ‘fox’ is perhaps Libyan or possibly Thrakian. In Lydia (Aisch. Frag. 59) and ‘Thrace the dress of the Bacchanals was made of skin; represented on a Greek vase (Dict. Antig. 1. 293). The Thrakian Bacchanals were called Βασσάραι and Baccapides (Frag. 55). Βασσαρεύς (Bassareus Hor. 1. 18. 11) as Dionysos was repre- sented in archaic art as an old man.—7. Lines 7-11 are probably from another poem.—8. Farnell quoted Ben Jonson: ‘*So may there never quarrel | Have issue from the barrel.” Cf. Hor. 1. 18. 7-13 ac ne quis modici transiliat munera Liberi, | Centaurea monet cum Lapithis rixa super mero | debellata, monet Sithoniis non levis Huhius, | cum fas atque nefas exiguo fine libidinum | discernunt avidi. Non ego te, candide Bassareu, | invitum quatiam, nec variis obsita fron- dibus | sub divum rapiam.—9. The Skythians drank their wine ἀκρατέστερον or (wpdTepov, whence the saying ἐπισκύθισον Ξ ἐπίχεον Σκυθιστί Hat. 6. 84. Cf. Theogn. 829, Plato Laws 637 5, Kallim. Frag. 109 καὶ yap ὃ Θρηϊκίην μὲν ἀπέστυγε χανδὸν duvorw ζωροποτεῖν, Aelian V. H. 2. 41, Hor. 1. 27. 1 ff. natis in usum laetitiae scyphis | pugnare Thracum est ; tollite barbarum | morem, verecundumque Bacchum | sanguineis pro- hibete riwis.|. . . impium |lenite clamorem, sodales, | et cubito remanete presso. παρ᾽ οἴνῳ (Soph. O. 7. 780) in vino; παρ᾽ οἶνον ad vinum.—11. ὑποπίνοντες -- μετρίως ὑποπ. Plato Rep. ANAKREON. XXV.-XXVII. 297 372 Ὁ; ὑποπίνων πάνυ φροντιστικός Athen. 2. 406; cf. Xen. Kyrop. 8. 4. 9. Often with playful litotes (‘take a drop too much’) e.g. Aristoph. Aves 494 ; sometimes with ἐν μεσημβρίᾳ as Xen. Hel. 5. 4. 40. So si paulum subbibisset Suet. Nero 20. év: of accompaniment as ἀπύων ἐν αὐλοῖς Pind. Ol. 5. 19, κλέοντες ἐν ὕμνοις Kur. Alk. 447. After v. 11 Meineke would add κλείσωμεν Διόνυσον. We expect anaklomenoi, if the two poems are alike. XEV. Clem. Alex. Strom. 6. 745. The authenticity of the fragment has been doubted because of its similarity to Anakreont. 53. Though the tone is akin to that of the imitations (note βρύοντα μίτραις), Anakreon’s Ἔρως is else-- where, except in xviii. and xix., much the same as the god here described ; cf. δαμάλης ii. 1. Ina life stretching over so many years it is natural that the poet should have varied the treatment of his theme.—1. aBpds is not specific to Ionic (Stes. x.).—2. péAopar: cum inf. as Eur. Herakl. 96. On Love as the lord of gods and men οἵ. Hes. Theogon. 121, Soph. Antig. 787, Trach. 443, Eur. Hippol. 538, 1268, Frag. 269 ἁπάντων δαιμόνων ὑπέρτατος, 136 θεῶν τύραννε κἀνθρώπων, 431” Epws γὰρ ἄνδρας οὐ μόνους ἐπέρχεται, | οὐδ᾽ αὖ γυναῖκας, ἀλλὰ καὶ θεῶν ἄνω | ψυχὰς χαράσσει, Plato Symp. § 6, Parmenides in Plut. 756 Ε πρώτιστον μὲν "Ἔρωτα θεῶν μητίσατο mav7wv.—Metre: anaklomenoi ionics. XXXVI. Lt. Mag. 2. 45.—2. χθονίους ῥυσμούς : ‘hidden temper.’ χθόνια᾽ κεκρυμμένα, βαρέα, φοβερά Hesych. Not as Bergk : calide celans tram, but στυγνὸς καὶ κατηφὴς καὶ δόλιος (Miller Mélanges 418). For puopés—a favourite word with Tonians—ef. Archil. 66. 7 γέγνωσκε δ᾽ οἷος ῥυσμὸς ἀνθρώπους ἔχει, Theogn. 964 ὀργὴν καὶ ῥυθμὸν καὶ rpdrov.—4. ἀβακιΐζο- μένων : from ἀβακής-- ἡσύχιος, πρᾶος. Cf. Sappho xxvil.— Metre: encomologicum (dact. trip. + epitrite). XXVIII. Herakleid. Alleg. Homer. 4. Cf. Theogn. 257 ἵππος ἔγὼ καλὴ Kal ἀεθλίη, ἀλλὰ κάκιστον | ἄνδρα φέρω, καί μοι τοῦτ᾽ ἀνιηρότατον" | πολλάκι δ᾽ ἠμέλλησα διαρρήξασα χαλινὸν | φεύγεν, ἀπωσαμένη τὸν κακὸν ἡνίοχον. _Theokr. 1]. 19 ff. ὦ λευκὰ Γαλάτεια, τί τὸν φιλέοντ᾽ ἀποβάλλῃ ; μόσχω γαυροτέρα, φιαρωτέρα ὄμφακος ὠμᾶς" | φοιτῇς δ᾽ αὖθ᾽ οὑτῶς, ὅκκα γλυκὺς ὕπνος ἔχῃ με, | οἴχῃ δ᾽ εὐθὺς ἰοῖσ᾽, ὅκκα γλυκὺς ὕπνος avy με, [φεύγεις δ᾽ ὥσπερ dus πολιὸν λύκον ἀθρήσασα. Hor. 1. 23. 1 (quoted on xxi.), 2. ὅ. 1 nondum subacta ferre iugum valet | cervice, nondum munia comparis | aequare etc., 3. 11. 9 quae velut latis equa trima campis | ludit exsultim metuitque tangi, | nuptiarum eapers et adhuc protervo | cruda marito. In Frag. 96 Anakr. says οὐκέτι Θρηϊκίης (πώλουν ἐπιστρέφομαι. 298 ANAKREON. XXVII-XXIX. 1. πῶλε: of a young girl Eur. Hek. 144; see on Alkm. iv, 47. A πῶλος is an ἐνηβῶσα ἵππος Cauer 17. 15. Θρῃκίη: Thrakian horses were famous (K 436, Θρῇκες ἱπποπόλοι N 4, = 227, φίλιπποι Eur. Hek, 428, εὔιππον γένος 1089), as were those from Skythia (Strabo 7. 4. 8). λοξόν : Solon 34 λοξὸν ὀφθαλμοῖς ὁρῶσιν πάντες ὥστε δήϊοι, Theokr. 20. 18 ὄμμασι λοξὰ βλέπουσα (of scorn, as here), Plaut. Mil. Glor. 1217 aspicito limis. For the adv. cf. παρθένιον βλέπων iv.—2. φεύγεις : cf. Theokr. 11. 30 γινώσκω, χαρίεσσα κόρα, τίνος οὕνεκα φεύγεις. εἰδέναι : cf. Soph. Phil. 960 δοκοῦντος οὐδὲν εἰδέναι κακόν. ---8. The first τοι, with ἴσθι, =‘be sure,’ the second=co.—4. τέρματα Spdpov: as Soph. “||. 686 (cf. Ψ 309, 462). They are the νύσσαι metae.—5. βοσκόμενος λειμῶνι p 49 suggests that βόσκεαι λειμῶνας is not ‘ graze on’ but ‘ graze over,’ with accus. of the space traversed as with πλεῖν y 71, στείχω Aisch. Prom. 708, Sept. 466, πηδάω Soph. Aias 30, Eur. Bacch. 307, διφρηλατέω Soph. Aias 845, ἀλάομαι O. Κι. 1686, Eur. Hel. 532, πλανάομαι ib. 598, πορεύω Soph. Phil. 599, Eur. Alk. 442, τρέχω Hel. 1118, θρώσκω Bacch. 873, φοιτάω Kallim. 3. 193. The construction is scarcely eaquisitius (Hermann). So in English: ‘‘rove some wild and heathy scene” (Collins). For the thought cf. Hor. 2. 5. 5 circa virentes est animus tuae | campos iuvencae. Plut. Mor. 1385 has οὕτω σκιρτῶσα νεότης πωλοδαμνεῖται. κοῦφα: the plur. adj. for the adv. as ὑψηλὰ νενωμένος Frag. 10, μακρὰ BiBds H 213. Cf. Bacch. 13. 54 ἠύτε νεβρὸς ἀπενθὴς | ἀνθεμόεντας ἐπ᾽ ὄχθους | κοῦφα... θρώσκουσ᾽.---Θ. Cf. Ψ 115 σειρὰς ἐυπλέκτους. The σειραί were light reins; σειραφόροι ἵπποι funales equi. ἐπεμβάτην : οἵ. ἵππων ἐπεμβάτας Kur. Bacch, 782, ἐπεμβαίνω I 582.—Metre: the oldest example of a trochaic strophe consisting of an acatal. and a catal. tetram. Kach strophe begins a new thought. The lightness of the movement is heightened by the sparing use of — > (6 or 7 out of the 18 possible cases), and of these only one in the second colon of the verse. Schmidt Metric p. 110, with the Mss., makes a four-line system of each set of two verses (not so in Gr. Metrik p. 400). XXVIII. Hephaist. 21. εὐέθειρα (vl. -pe; cf. on Arion 2)=Hom. ἠύκομος ; cf. καλλίκομοι κοῦραι Anakr. 69. The ms. κούρα and all other Doric forms in Anakr. are not to be defended, though sometimes said to add force and dignity.— Metre: troch. tetram. Note the absence of caesura. XXIX. Ammon. 37. On a womanish man. ἔγημεν uxorem duait, ἐγήματο nupsit, denwpsit. Cf. Kur. Med. 606, where Medea says bitterly to Jason: μῶν γαμοῦσα καὶ mpo- δοῦσά σε; Antiph. ’Acwr. 1 ἐγήματο of a man who married LASOS. 299 a rich wife; Martial 8. 12. 2 wxort nubere nolo meae. Cf. Kriig. 52. 11. 1.—Metre: iambic tetrameter (Anacreontius) with the caesura in the middle. Alkm. 10 has the caesura in the middle of the fifth foot, as in the drama. Note >~ ~— in the first foot, the — being a monosyllable. XXX. Hephaist. 17. Though cited under mention of the Anakreonteia (cf. 45. 9), the verses are Anakreon’s. Cf. the remark of Aristippos, when taunted with yielding to love: ἔχω Λαΐδα ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ éxouat.—Metre : iambic dimeter. LASOS Lasos of Hermione, a composer of dithyrambs and hymns, lived in Athens at the time of Hipparchos. He is said to have unmasked Onomakritos’ forgeries in the oracles of Musaios, and to have been the first to institute dithyrambic contests. The latter statement is either in- correct or must be restricted to the introduction of such contests at Athens in 508. Lasos was a teacher of Pindar and a rival of Simonides. He was a ready wit and a coiner of wise sayings; and is even reported, though on no very credible evidence, to have written a book on the theory of music. As a musician he exercised profound influence on the development of the dithyramb by quickening the tempo, introducing colorature, and poly- phony, which is to be understood in the sense that he made the lyre reproduce the manifold variations of the notes of the flute (see Graf de vet. Graec. re musica 2). It is due to Lasos that the dithyramb began to usurp a place of commanding importance in the lyric of the fifth century. No fragments of his dithyrambs have been preserved, and the Kévravpo is attributed to him on doubt- ful evidence. Athen. 14. 624 8, cf. 10. 455 α: cited to show that the Hyperdorian mode was the same as the Aiolian. This hymn to Demeter of Hermione was asigmatic, like the dithyramb Κένταυρο. Against the degradation of the dithyramb by such a tour de force Pindar protests in Frag. 79 a: πρὶν μὲν εἷρπε σχοινοτένειά τ᾽ ἀοιδὰ διθυράμβων | καὶ τὸ σὰν κίβδαλον 300 LASOS, ἀνθρώποισιν ἀπὸ στομάτων ‘formerly the dithyrambic song was prolix and san pronounced in false wise was heard from the lips of men.’ Of the sibilant san Hdt. 1. 139 says: τὰ οὐνόματα (of the Persians) τελευτῶσι πάντα és τωὐτὸ γράμμα, τὸ Δωριέες μὲν σὰν καλέουσι, Ἴωνες δὲ δΐγμα. The sibilant san was written M, which was the form of the Phoinikian ἐβαάο. Some think that sax was pronounced like sk. The Greeks, who had a keen insight into the rationale of metrical eff2cts, as a rule avoided sibilation. Dion. Hal. de comp. verb. 14 says ἄχαρι καὶ ἀηδὲς τὸ σ, καὶ εἰ πλεονάσειε, σφόδρα λυπεῖ, and reports that some of the ancients employed it rarely and cautiously : Perikles is said to have avoided its use. Lasos was the first to compose an ᾧδὴ ἄσιγμος, and later we hear of an asigmatic Odyssey (!) by Tryphiodoros and an asigmatic tragedy by Dionysios. In English we have Thelwall’s Song without a Sibilant. Pindar, the pupil of Lasos, did not avoid sigmatism (Ol. 10. 71, Pyth. 2. 80, 3. 53, Isthm. 6. 74); cf. Id. I 323, Sim. 168, Soph. O. 7’. 425, Aristoph. Vespae 565, Eur. Med. 476, Hippol. 1167, Plato comicus 30 εὖ γέ σοι γένοιθ᾽, ὅτι | ἔσωσας ἐκ τῶν σίγμα τῶν Εὐριπίδου. Euripides was outdone by Schiller: Dass meines niichsten Schusses erstes Ziel | Dein Herz sein sollte. See Mommsen Griech. Prédp. p. 668 ff.—1. Demeter, Kora, and Klymenos are associated in two inscr. from Hermione: C. J. G. 1197 ‘A πόλις τῶν Ἑ),ρμιονέων Nixw ᾿Ανδρωνίδα Δάματρι ἸΚλυμένῳ Képa, 1199 [Δάματ]ρι Κλυμένῳ Κόρᾳ ἀνέ[θηκε]. Demeter, Kora, and Pluto on an altar in Sparta, Paus. 3. 19. 4; in Messoa C. 1. G. 1464; cf. Philiskos in Hephaist. 31. Klymenos is an euphemistic epithet of Hades. Meliboia occurs nowhere else as a name of Kora though in Lakonia she was called Polyboia (and Phloia). Cf. Μελίβοιος, Μέλιππος. Wide Lakon. Kulte 177 thinks Meli- boia signifies the power that fills the earth with sweet nourishment. It is difficult to see the propriety of the name as applied to Persephone. But a Meliboia, daughter of Niobe, was renamed Chloris (cf. Demeter χλόη). ---2. avayvéov: from ἀγνέω -- ἄγω, λαμβάνω in Lakonian (Cauer 32. 9) and Kretan. Homer has aywéw as Krates 1. 8. Used as ἀνάγω in παιᾶνα avayere ‘lift up a paian’ Soph. Trach. 210, ἀνάγετε κωκυτόν Eur. Phoin. 1350; cf. Pind. /sthm. 6. 62 and on Bacch. iii. 10. Casaubon’s ἀνάγων is adopted by Kaibel.—3s. BaptBpopov seems a strange epithet for the Aiolian mode. But Herakl. Pont. (apud Athen. /./. Ὁ) speaks of its inflated, pretentious and pompous character. βαρυβ. of the flute Eur. Hel. 1351, of the drum Bacch. 156.—Metre: dact.-epitrite probably. TELESILLA. 301 TELESILLA. TELESILLA, an aristocrat of Argos, composed hymns for choruses of girls in honour of Artemis and Apollo. In the latter she sang of the daughters of Niobe. Tradition made her the foretype of the Maid of Orleans and decked her defence of her native city with the colours of romance. Though Hdt. 3. 76-83 does not refer explicitly to her participation in the expulsion of Kleomenes, who slew six thousand of the Argives, later writers accept the story without scruple. Her native city honoured her with a statue representing her with a helmet in her hand, and with her poems at her feet. Her example is said to have led to the worship of Ares by the Argive women. She is reported to have been directed to cultivate poetry by the Delphic oracle. Hephaist. 35, οἵ. 15. Probably from a hymn composed for a chorus of maidens. The river-god Alpheios, enamoured of Artemis, the tutelary divinity of springs and rivers (Ποταμία), pursued her, according to one legend, as far as Ortygia, where the stream reappeared in the fountain Arethusa. Cf. Pind. Nem. 1. 1 ἄμπνευμα σεμνὸν ’Adpeod. . . Ὀρτυγία, δέμνιον ᾿Αρτέμιδος. The legend is native to Elis where there was a spring Arethusa, and where Artemis was worshipped as ᾿Αλφειαία. From Elis the cult was transferred to Sicily.— Metre: Hephaist. found here ionics a maiore; rather phere- cratics with anacrusis. SIMONIDES. Wir Simonides the age of individualism in lyric poetry has passed. The various forms of choral song that had been enriched by the successive improvements of two centuries now converge, and reach in Simonides a per- fection that is all but final. The genius of the poet of Keos consists in large measure not so much in an origin- ality that creates new forms, as in a composite quality, in a sympathy with the forms of lyric employed by his 802 SIMONIDES. predecessors, and in a power of “running into one soul,” as Browning says, the poets of the past. Apart from the monodie song of the Aiolians and iambic verse, neither of which he attempted, there is no species of lyric that was not mastered by Simonides ; and to Pindar, his junior by a generation, who wisely refrained from vying with him in the elegy and epigram, he is inferior only in the triumphal ode, a form of choral song which he was almost the first to cultivate. Before the time of Simonides a national Hellenic lyric was impossible because there had existed no check to the decentralizing forces of Greek life. This check was fur- nished by the renewal in the sixth century of the national games and by the Persian wars. The long life of Simonides (556-467) was contemporan- eous with great events. Born in the age of the tyrants, he witnessed the overthrow of the Peisistratidai, the Tonic Revolt, and the two Persian invasions. The Athens of his youth, though the ‘capital’ to a provincial Keian, was a comparatively unimportant place ; at his death it was already claiming the hegemony of Greece. Simonides’ birth fell in the time of Thespis ; before his death, Sopho- kles may have given tragedy its final form by introducing the third actor. Simonides was a native of Iulis in Keos. The worship of Dionysos in his native island, and his office as trainer of the choruses of Apollo, may have impelled him to choral poetry, while his birthright as an Ionian was the elegy. At Athens, whither he was called by Hipparchos at a time when the dithyramb was rising in importance, he met with Lasos and Anakreon, and formed one of the ornaments of the brilliant court of the tyrant. After the fall of the Peisistratidai he lived with the Skopadai at Krannon and the Aleuadai at Larissa, the lordly Thessalian magnates whose lives were not free from reproach, and whose ignorance of the fine art of living was ill concealed by the veneer of fictitious appreciation of the arts. When these princes took sides with the Persians, the poet returned to Athens, now the home of democracy. Here his successful competition with Aischylos in an elegy celebrating the battle of Marathon may have inspired him to become the eulogist of the war of freedom ; and SITMONIDES. 303 for years he commemorated the individual heroes and the states which had borne a conspicuous part at Artemision, Salamis, and Plataia. When over eighty years of age he visited Hieron at Syracuse, whose court was rendered illustrious by the presence of Epicharmos, Aischylos, Pindar, and his own nephew, Bacchylides ; and here he seems to have died at the age of eighty-nine. Like Sophokles, who died a nonagenarian, Simonides preserved his intellectual vitality to the end. He seems to have been famous as early as 523, and much of his finest work—the elegies in honour of the victories over the Persians— was done when he was over seventy. When he was eighty (in 477) he could record his fifty- sixth victory won with a chorus in the public festivals (epigr. 145). He was distinguished for his versatility and practical wisdom. Better than Stesichoros or Anakreon, Simonides illustrates the transference to the lyric poet of the participation in affairs which often signalized the career of the minstrels of the heroic age and their suc- cessors the rhapsodes. Another testimony to the versa- tility of Simonides is the tradition that he invented a system of mnemonics and added to the alphabet the letters ἡ, ὦ, ξ and y—a tradition that may point to the first acquaintance on the part of the Athenians, at least in literary writing, with the Ionic characters H, Q, EZ, Ψ which were foreign to their epichoric alphabet. Apart from the epigrams and elegies, which fall outside the province of this volume—though he was the first choral poet who attempted these forms of composition—, Simonides wrote hymns (to Zeus Olympios, Poseidon), which took the form of prayers rather than the long epic- lyrics of Stesichoros, paians (to Pythian Apollo), dithy- rambs (Huropa, Memnon, subjects that are remote from the cult of Dionysos), partheneia, hyporchemes, in which the words were so aptly chosen as to reproduce the move- ment of the dance, prosodia, enkomia, epinikia, and dirges. His strength lay less on the religious than on the human side. Though the gods are regarded by him as the sole possessors of perfect excellence and the source of all virtue, he brings to their service neither fervid devotion nor genuine enthusiasm. His faith has a touch of scepti- cism. He is above all an artist and remains untouched 904 S/MONIDES. by that wave of theological speculation by which Pindar was deeply influenced. Most of the secular melic fragments that admit of classification deal with the praise of contemporaries. We have already seen that Stesichoros had made the heroes, not the gods, the subject of his hymns. Simonides advances a step further, and, aided by the precedent of Ibykos, secularizes the choral lyric by his commemoration of contemporaries. The enkomion is professedly human and eulogistic whether it has for its subject men made famous by Olympian victories or illustrious for their princely station. In life their fame is celebrated by the epinikion, and the threnos offers consolation at their death. Both are virtually species of the enkomion, which name also remains as a general term for eulogy. In either case it is an individual and a contemporary whose fame is sung—a fact of profound significance in the history of lyric poetry—and the patron of the poet is no.longer of necessity either a state or a city. It is by his epinikia and threnoi that Simonides achieved his greatest distinction as a choral poet ; and it is mainly from these two classes that we have our chief fragments. Simonides set the type for the triumphal ode of Pindar. For nearly two centuries Archilochos’ “ Hail to the Chief” had sufficed to celebrate the athlete’s suc- cess ; but in the latter part of the sixth century there was need of ampler praise. Simonides made the myth the central theme of the epinikion and thus linked the heroic past with the glory of the present. In the absence of any complete ode we cannot indeed contrast his art with that of Pindar, but indications point both to a disinclina- tion on the part of the poet to disturb the accredited myths and to a tendency to emphasize the details of the contest, upon which Pindar laid no stress. He even plays upon the name of the defeated contestant: ‘Not unfit- tingly did the ram (ὁ Kpiés) get himself shorn when he came to the glorious precinct of Zeus (Olympia) that is adorned with trees’ (Frag. 13). : In the threnodies, which in their choral form appear for the first time in literature in connection with the name of Simonides, the poet reached the summit of his excellence. Here he showed himself a master of tender- STMONIDES, 305 ness, delicacy, and of a genuineness of feeling whose sympathy brings consolation. Pindar’s sublimity un- folds the glories of the other world, Simonides touches the heart and opens the source of tears. The objective _ myth is here the anodyne ; and the afflicted parent finds his present grief assuaged by the story of the sufferings of some hero or heroine of his faith. The quality of Simonides is womanly in the warmth and immediateness of his sympathy. He loved pathetic scenes. In a poem now lost he depicted the shade of Achilles appearing over his grave before the departure of the Achaians and calling upon them to make sacrifice of Polyxena. Simonides had a rich experience of affairs. If he understood the art of flattery, he did not forget how to speak the truth. His diplomacy reconciled Hieron with Theron. He was the friend of republicans as well as of tyrants, and he had the large indulgence towards varied types of character that marks the man of the world. He shows the suppleness, the mobility of the Ionian, the Tonian’s indifference to questions of deep moral weight. His theory of life—zepi μηδενὸς crovddfew—is Anakreontiec, but it is deepened by contact with great themes. Simo- nides looks at life as a worldly philosopher whose standard is external success. With easy indifference he proclaims the murder of his former patron Hipparchos as a ‘ great light unto the Athenians’ and toys with his theme when he praises Skopas. He is a master of the art of silence when the whole truth stings; he has the adroitness and sinuosity of the sophist. That he lacked absolute moral sincerity cannot be denied, but apart from the enkomion on Skopas, we know of no concrete case of mercenary homage that distorts the truth; and even here the story that the tyrant referred him to the Dioskuroi for the rest of his pay is proof that the poet did not Thessalize hismuse. For his love of gain he was pilloried by Xeno- phanes ; and Pindar scornfully hints at his ‘songs with silver brow,’ though Pindar got his bread after much the same fashion. Simonides may have been fond of money like many artists, such as Rachel; but the condition of his art as a national singer gave him the same right to live as the Aiginetan or Sikyonian who fashioned the statues of the victors at the national games, whose U 806 SITMONIDES. strength and skill formed the theme of the poet. Ibykos and Anakreon (who scorned money) may have depended on the unsought bounty of their patrons, while the evil eminence of Simonides as the first poet to make the muse a hireling (Pind. Jsthm. 2. 6) may have been the result of his demanding a fixed sum for his poetry—surely as honourable a means of preserving his independence as the method adopted by his predecessors. The choral ode which is never hostile to the admission of moral precepts, has, in the case of Simonides, been invaded to a marked degree by the reflective tone native to the elegy and best exemplified in Mimnermos, Solon, and Theognis. The life of the poet was contemporaneous with many contrasts that were the result of destiny, and his verse is full of the instability of human fortune and the sorrows of existence ; death mars the felicity of the demi-gods. His apophthegms on the -philosophy of life classed him with the Seven Sages. He loves the pregnant utterance that compresses into a word the experience of the race. He had the wit of Talleyrand and part of his physical imperfections. When asked how many years he counted, he replied ‘many, but still too few.’ Other bon- mots have been handed down: ‘discord and strife are as necessary to the state as its crest to the tufted lark’ ; ‘speech is the mirror of things’; ‘a thousand years are an indeterminate point’ (between the past and the future). Simonides has the love of the analytic thinker for fine distinctions (Prodikos too was a Keian), and his acuteness makes him combative. With his fellow poets he seems to have waged war and in turn to have provoked the enmity of Pindar, whose intemperate hostility vented itself in the refusal to accord to him the possession of native ability. καὶ πτωχὸς πτωχῷ φθονέει καὶ ἀοιδὸς ἀοιδῷ. He is the first poet who is a critic, for he is conscious of the purpose and effect of his art; he- theorizes about poetry as the Ionic philosopher theorizes about nature : ‘Poetry is speaking painting, painting is silent poetry ’— the dazzling antithesis of the ‘Greek Voltaire’ that forms the text of the Laokoon. STMONIDES. 307 Simonides’ style mirrors the man. Smooth and polished, it never exceeds the bounds of propriety and proportion. He does not strain after effect, but preserves his logical faculty, his persuasiveness, sweetness, and grace. If he usually displays but little nervous force or passion, and his notes are not full of solemn melody, he has no struggle with himself, his clearness is that of crystal, and he has a noble brevity that disdains all meretricious ornament. ‘A master in style is judged by what he leaves unsaid’: with a few simple and natural words Simonides makes us see what he tells us; he illuminates a single great. thought from many sides, and dwells with a deft touch on the details which he does not allow to oppress us, and out- ranks all his clan as the painter of the conflicts of the soul. The greatest ancient critic of style says that he was unsurpassed for the lucidity of his imagery (Longinos de subl. 15. 7). For form he has a marvellous talent— the very words dance in the hyporchemes—, and the form corresponds everywhere to the thought. It is not surprising that Simonides should have pre- ferred to the stately dactylo-epitrite the more facile logaoedics. These he varies as his subject varies, but he works out new forms that are different from those em- ployed by the Aiolians and Anakreon. He also employs cretics. With him the kithara and flute are no longer rivals ; he adopts the triad in stropic composition, and of the modes prefers the Dorian, though he uses also the ‘Lydian, Aiolian, and Phrygian. His choral songs are a mixture of Doric and epic, with a slight tincture of Aiolism. Archaic words and forms find no place in a vocabulary that is not wide and holds close to the common speech. Though an Ionian, Simonides was all but an Athenian because of his intellectual keenness, his sense of symmetry, and the elegance and purity of his diction. It is no in- justice therefore that the Athenians regarded him as one of themselves. His songs were in everybody’s mouth. Plato quotes him often and compares him with Homer and Hesiod, Xenophon’s Hieron introduces the poet dis- cussing tyranny with that prince. Bacchylides followed in his path and Horace translated and imitated him. Apart from Sappho, we have lost nothing more worthy of 308 SITMONIDES. Δ preservation in the whole range of Greek song than his lyrics. An unequal chance has given us almost complete the triumphal odes of Pindar, many of which we would gladly exchange for one “tender-hearted scroll of pure Simonides.” I. Diodor. 11. 11 (Arsen. Viol. 342): Σιμωνίδης... ἄξιον τῆς ἀρετῆς αὐτῶν ποιήσας ἔγκώμιον κιτιλ. Bergk, Flach and others refer the fragment to the poem ‘ On the Sea-fight at Arte- mision,’ a view that is correct only if the extant lines formed an episode in a lyric on Artemision. In the fragment itself there is however nothing to show that it is not the heroes of Thermopylai who are alone celebrated here as in the famous epigrams (91 and 92) : Mupidow ποτὲ τῇδε τριακοσίαις ἐμάχοντο ἐκ IleNomovvdcou χιλιάδες τέτορες. Q ξεῖν᾽, ἀγγέλλειν Λακεδαιμονίοις ὅτι τῇδε κείμεθα, τοῖς κείνων ῥήμασι πειθόμενοι. Diodor. probably used ἐγκώμιον in an untechnical sense, and in like manner it is used of an epinikion in Athen. 13. 573 F; otherwise we must suppose that enkomia, though generally of a private nature and more akin to the skolia, were also sung at public festivals. Bernhardy in fact regarded the poem as a skolion.—2. ‘Glorious their fortune, fair their fate.’ τύχα (fors) is the opportunity for winning κλέος offered them at Thermopylai. Cf. Lykurg. Leokr. 108 Λακεδαιμόνιοι δ᾽ ἐν Θερμοπ. παραταξάμενοι ταῖς μὲν τύχαις . . . EXPNTAVTOK.T.D., Thuk. 2. 44. 1 τὸ δ᾽ εὐτυχές, οἱ ἂν τῆς εὐπρεπεστάτης λάχωσιν, ὥσπερ οἵδε μὲν νῦν, τελευτῆς κιτ.ιλ. πότμος (sors): cf. θάνατον καὶ πότμον ἐπίσπῃ T 337.—8. βωμός might be the altar of their cult as Heroes, with whom Leonidas was associated in the Spartan ritual. But it is better taken in a general sense (sacred and worthy of reverence). 433. Athen. 9. 396 κε cites ὦ TEKOS—KVWOCELS. 5. dwrets: only here and in Homer, where it is always followed by ὕπνον. The repetition of the same idea in κνώσσεις (κνώσσων Sitzler) is objectionable to many. But a lullaby is not logic. Strictly dFwréw (Eng. weary) is the sweet sleep that follows weariness, κνώσσῳω the sleep of SIMONIDES. XIU. 303 pleasant dreams (5 809, Pind. O/. 13. 71; the deep sleep of Zeus’ eagle Pyth. 1.8). Of the conjectures, αὖ τέως and αὔτως are the best. 6. γαλαθηνῷ : the figurative use is very rare, and perhaps occurs only here; γαλαθηνὸν τέκος xx., cf. Anakr. xxi. Hesych. however glosses the word not only with ὑποτίτθιον, but also with νέον. δ᾽ ἤθεϊ is nearer the mss. of Dion. than λάθεϊ (Bergk). ἤτορι in Athen. is post-classical (in a Christian epigram Kaibel 725). Eust. 71. 133. 31 says ἦτορ is indeclin- able. 7. Those who object to χαλκ. as an epithet of δούρατι (synecdoche as in trabs) forget γομφοδέτῳ δόρει Aisch. Suppl. 846 (cf. νηῶν πολυγόμφων Hes. W. D. 660). In Soph. Antig. 945 the χαλκόδετοι αὐλαί are the θάλαμος in which Danae was immured in Argos. Danae exchanged one brass-bound dungeon for another. For δόρυ, cf. also εἰνάλιον δόρυ Pind. Pyth. 4. [27, ποντοπόρῳ δούρατι Soph. Phil. 721. Wilamowitz follows Nietzsche in taking χαλκ. with νυκτί and in reading λάμπεις. 8. νυκτιλαμπεῖ: Bergk and others νυκτὶ ἀλαμπεῖ, cf. Bacch. vi. 52; some read v. λάμπεις. If the form νυκτιλαμπεῖ is per- missible, the word denotes gloom in which only night shines: tenebrae quales nocte lucent, ἴ.6. σκότος (Schneid.). Greek is as fond of oxymoron as French is averse to its use. Cf. Soph. O. T. 419 βλέποντα viv μὲν ὄρθ᾽, ἔπειτα δὲ σκότον (cf. 1273), Eur. Hel. 518 μελαμφαὲς ἔρεβος, Soph. Aias 394, Eur. Bacch. 510, Hek. 1067, Phoin. 377, 548, Aristoph. Ranae 1331 (κελαι- vopans ὄρφνα). Sandys quotes Pliny Hp. 57 of the tunnel between Naples and Puteoli: non ut per tenebras videamus, sed ut ipsas. The eye of dark night Aisch. Pers. 428, Eur. 1. 7. 110. ‘No light, but rather darkness visible | served only to discover sights of woe” (Par. L. 1. 63). κυανέῳ : cf. νὺξ κυαναυγής Orphic Hymn 3. 3. δνόφῳ : ὃν fails to make position in the melic poets only here, Anakr. 78, Pind. Pyth. 10. 72. ταθείς : ‘ outstretched.’ 9. The ms. αὐλέαν ‘dry’ is a prosaic touch, and we expect ξηράν. We may read either (1) βαθεῖαν as in βαθεῖα ποντιὰς ἅλμα Pind. Nem. 4. 36, βαθεῖαν πόντου πλάκα Pyth. 1. 24, ἁλὸς βαθεῖαν κέλευθον (hypallage) Pyth. 5. 88; or (2) βαθειᾶν ; at least the schol. on Apoll. Rhod. 4. 1091 thinks he knows that the child was three or four years old ; βαθύς of hair Sem. 7. 66, Lucian Dial. mort. 10. 3, Pisce. 41. 10. περιόντος (one Μ8.) -- περιιόντος, is defended by Mucke, who thinks ὕπερθεν reinforces περί here=imép, ἀλέγεις with the rare accus. (Alkm. iv. 2, Π 388, Hes. W. D. 251). Cf, 324 SITMONIDES. XIII. ἐνθυμέομαι with gen. ‘have regard for’; with acc. ‘consider? (both in Thuk. 5. 32. 1). 11. Cf. φθόγγος θαλάσσης Eur. I. A. 9.—12. For πρόσωπον καλὸν πρόσωπον, Ahrens conj. mp. x. προφαίνων, Volekmar mp. k. προσάπτων, Nietzsche προσέχων x. mp., Bergk mp. κλιθὲν προσώπῳ, Tyrrell rp. x. διαίνων. Some omit one rp.—-18. του: epic ; above Sim. has the epic and Dorie τεός. 14. The gen., instead of the dat., follows ὑπεῖχες ofas, as if ὑπήκουες had been used (constr. ad sensum). The con- struction of a simple verb is transferred to a periphrastic expression. Cf. Proklos’ Hymn to Athena μείλιχον οὗας ὑπόσχες. ovas: Hom. has οὔατος, οὔατα, οὔασι. οὗας occurs only here but gas is reported. ὧς <*&(uc)os is attested as Doric and Ionic. Attic οὖς is ef. Pind. Ol. 10. 58. XXII. Athen. 4. 172 ©; quoted as evidence that the*A@\a ἐπὶ Ile\la was by Stesichoros (cf. Frag. 1-3) and not by Ibykos. Sim. is here referring, doubtless in an episode, to a contest in throwing the spear in which Meleager was the victor. Cf. Hygin. 273. Stes. refers to this victory in the above men- tioned Games in honour of Pelias, Frag. 3: θρῴσκων μὲν ἄρ᾽ ᾿Αμφιάραος, ἄκοντι δὲ νίκασεν Μελέαγρος.---8. The Anauros flows into the Pagasaian gulf. ‘Iolkos’ includes the territory adjacent to the town. Since this victory of Meleager is not mentioned in the I/iad or Odyssey, Welcker and Schneidewin thought Ὅμηρος meant the author of the Cyclic Thebaad. Hiller R. 17. 42. 328 suggested that, if in the words preceding ὃς. . . πάντας, the poet referred to Meleager as the slayer of the Kalydonian boar (I 548 ff.), we may suppose that Sim. had the Πα in mind. In elegy 85 Sim., quoting Z 146, speaks of Homer as the Χῖος ἀνήρ; though some think the elegy is by Semonides of Amorgos.—Metre : logaoedic. Some make it dact.-epitrite, Wilamowitz ionic. XXII. Diog. Laert. 1. 89. The poet takes issue with Kleobulos, who was reported to be the author of the epigram that was inscribed on a sphinx on the tomb of Midas: χαλκέη παρθένος εἰμί, Midew δ᾽ ἐπὶ σήματι κεῖμαι, | ἔστ᾽ ἂν ὕδωρ τε νάῃ καὶ δένδρεα μακρὰ τεθήλῃ, | Ἤέλιος δ᾽ ἀνιὼν λάμπῃ λαμπρά τε σελήνη, καὶ ποταμοί γε ῥέωσιν, ἀνακλύζῃ δὲ θάλασσα, | αὐτοῦ τῇδε μένουσα πολυκλαύτῳ ἐπὶ τύμβῳ | ἀγγελέω παριοῦσι, Μίδας ὅτι τῇδε τέθαπται. See Crusius Philol. 55, p. 4. Kleobulos, tyrant of Lindos in Rhodes about 600 B.c., was regarded by 928 SIMONIDES. XXII, XXIII, some as one of the Seven Sages, though Plutarch (de ἢ Delphico 3) expressly says that he, together with Periander, obtained a place in that illustrious number only by reason of his position as a prince and through favouritism. Because of the sententious character of his verse, Simonides was often associated with the Sages (Plato Rep. 1. 3358). In Protag. 343.0 Sokrates says that the poet thought to win a great name for himself by his criticism of Pittakos. Here the detraction of Kleobulos subserves rather the interest of truth than of vain-gloriousness. Cf. i. 4 and Shelley’s ‘Ozymandias of Egypt’: ‘‘ And on the pedestal these words appear: | ‘My name is Ozymandias, king of kings: | Look on my works, ye Mighty, and despair!’ | Nothing beside remains. Round the decay | Of that colossal wreck, bound- less and bare, | The lone and level sands stretch far away.” 1. Since Kleobulos was a Karian, ναέταν may have its sting. Line 6 is contemptuous enough.—s. A reference to 1, 3 of the epigram.—4. θαλασσαῖος (Pind. Pyth. 2. 50)= θαλάσσιος, as ἠθαῖος (Isthm. 2. 48)=70etos. Cf. Zacher de nominibus gr. in -avos pp. 30, 145. θέντα: we need the aorist, and ἀντιθέντα (Mss.) would not be permissible, since, in dact.- epitritic strophes, a logaoedic colon may occur only at the beginning or end of a period or strophe.—5. θεῶν ἥσσω : dis minorem Hor. 3. 6. 5. λίθον cannot be a general name for ‘monument.’ The figure of the χαλκέη παρθένος doubtless stood on a marble column.—6. βρότεοι : absence of motion in adj. in -eos occurs here, Pind. Jsthm. 7. 7, Frag. 223, Bacch. ii. 53, Solon 4, 28.—Simonides is the earliest Greek poet who often refers directly to the words or authority of his predecessors: he refers to Pittakos in ii., to Homer in xxi, and 85 (Χῖος ἀνήρ), to Hesiod in xxiii., to Stesichoros in xxi. Cf. on xxi. and see note on Alk. xxv.—Metre: dact.- epitrite. In vv. 1, 4 the epitrites begin, as in Pindar. In v. 6 note the ithyphallic ending, here prolonged to form a tetrapody. So the tragic poets, e.g. Aisch. Prom. 535, Soph. O. T. 1095, end their periods with an ithyphallic. Pindar’s method is different. XXIII. Clem. Alex. Strom. 4. 585. The poet has in mind Hes. W. D. 289 ff.: τῆς δ᾽ ἀρετῆς ἱδρῶτα θεοὶ προπάροιθεν ἔθηκαν | ἀθάνατοι" μακρὸς δὲ καὶ ὄρθιος οἶμος ἐς αὐτὴν | καὶ τρηχὺς τὸ πρῶτον᾽ ἐπὴν δ᾽ εἰς ἄκρον ἵκηται, | ῥηϊδίη δὴ ἔπειτα πέλει, χαλεπή περ ἐοῦσα. Cf. Anth. Pal. 9. 653. So Quint. Smyrn. 5. 49 says αἰπύτατον δ᾽ ἐτέτυκτο. . . | καὶ τρηχὺ ζαθέης ᾿Αρετῆς dpos* ἐν δὲ καὶ αὐτὴ | εἱστήκει φοίνικος éreuBeBavia κατ᾽ ἄκρης, | ὑψηλή, ψαύουσα πρὸς οὐρανόν κ.τ.λ., 14. 195 κεῖνος δ᾽ οὔποτ᾽ ἀνὴρ SIMONIDES. XXIII. XXIV. 329 | *Aperjs ἐπὶ τέρμαθ᾽ ἵκανεν, | ᾧτινι μὴ νόος ἐστὶν ἐναίσιμος" οὕνεκ᾽ ἄρ᾽ αὐτῆς | πρέμνον δύσβατόν ἐστι κιτ.λ. Also Pind. Frag. 227 νέων δὲ μέριμναι σὺν πόνοις εἱλισσόμεναι [ δόξαν εὑρίσκοντι, Epicharm. 120 Α τῶν πόνων πωλοῦντι πάντα τἀγάθ᾽ ἁμὶν τοὶ θεοί, Aisch. Frag. 315 τῷ πονοῦντι δ᾽ ἐκ θεῶν | ὀφείλεται τέκνωμα τοῦ πόνου κλέος, Xen. Memorab. 2. 1. 23 ff., Aristotle on Areta πολύμοχθε γένει Bporelw, Verg. Georg. 1. 121 pater ipse colendi | haut facilem esse viam voluit, Schiller Zu der T'ugend steilem Hiigel leitet sie des Dulders Bahn. 1. Adyos ‘story’ may be true or false. It often has a sug- gestion of the mythical and includes μῦθος. Only when μῦθος, which in Homer means a true or a false tale, assumed the connotation of fiction, could λόγος be used to denote prosaic truth. See Pind. O/. 1. 29; the Attic use is set forth by Plato Phaidon 6] Β ἐννοήσας ὅτι τὸν ποιητὴν δέοι. . . ποιεῖν μύθους, ἀλλ᾽ οὐ λόγους. Cf. Pind. Nem. 9. 6 ἔστι δέ τις λόγος ἀνθρώπων. αἷνος ἃ fable, Archil. 86.—8. The reading is doubt- ful. I have followed Schneidewin. It is difficult to see how Bergk’s θεῶν could have been corrupted into θυάν. Michel- angeli suggests θοόν ‘sharp,’ ‘steep.’ Cf. é@dwoa . . . ἄκρον t 327, νήσοισι θοῇσι o 299 (cf. ᾽Εχενῆαι, Tpwaxpia, Needles). But if we keep viv δέ, θοὸν χῶρον, even if qualified by ἁγνόν, is not sufficiently distinguished from the inaccessible rocks of v. 2.—5. ‘Save to him from whose body issueth the sweat that grieves his spirit.’ after πάντων as ἀσπάζεται πάντας ᾧ ἂν περιτυγχάνῃ Plato Rep. 566 D.—6. μόλῃ : without ἄν, Good- win 77. 7’. 540. The subject of ἵκηται is ὅς, which is not inserted after a preceding relative in an oblique case; cf. β 54 δοίη δ᾽, ᾧ κ᾽ ἐθέλοι καί οἱ κεχαρισμένος ἔλθοι, B1llSetc. ἵκηται és ἄκρον : so Tyrt. 12. 48 ἀρετῆς εἰς ἄκρον ἱκέσθαι, Pind. Nem. 6. 23 πρὸς ἄκρον ἀρετᾶς | ἦλθον, οἷ. Pyth. 11. 553 ἄκρον ἱκέσθαι Ψ 339, t 540. Some read ἵκῃ, but the aorist after μόλῃ is preferable. —Metre: logaoedic. v.1 is a prodde. With the hiatus licitus in v. 6, cf. Pind. Ol. 3. 30 Ὀρθωσίᾳ ἔγραψεν, and Sim. 268 χρυσεοκόμᾶ “Exare (though this may be a relic of the F). XXIV. Aristeid. 2. 513: ‘it is time for you to mock those as loquacious dead, who do not know how to keep quiet,’ from which introduction Schneidewin’s explanation can scarcely be derived (verba sunt pugilis, qui inflatus caede eorum, quos prostratos morti dederat, alloquitur ewm, quocum tam est congressurus). Farnell well compares οὐ τίθημ᾽ ἐγὼ | ζῆν τοῦτον, ἀλλ᾽ ἔμψυχον ἡγοῦμαι νεκρόν Soph. Antig. 1166 and refers the words to a man, who though living, was no better than dead. Cf. Phil. 1018 ἐν ζῶσιν νεκρόν, Aristoph. Ranae 420 ἐν τοῖς ἄνω νεκροῖσι, Seneca epist. 60 hos itaque . . . ventre 990 STMONIDES. XXV.-XXVI/I, obedientes animalium loco numeremus, non hominum: quosdam vero ne animalium quidem, sed mortuorum, 122. 10 iste vero mihi defunctorum loco sunt, Matth. 8. 22, Dante Inf. 3. 64 questi sciawrati, che mai non fur vivi, ‘these wretches, who ne’er lived.’ κεῖσαι: cf. Sa. xxiv.—Metre: dact.-epitrite. Also taken as logaoedics. XXV. Theophil. ad Autolyc. 2. 8 (1-2 Stob. Eel. Phys. 1. 28).—2. Cf. Theogn. 171 θεοῖς εὔχου, τοῖς ἐστιν ἔπι κράτος" οὔ τοι ἄτερ θεῶν | γίνεται ἀνθρώποις οὔτ᾽ ἀγάθ᾽ οὔτε κακά, Pind. Ol. 9. 28 ἀγαθοὶ δὲ καὶ σοφοὶ κατὰ δαίμον᾽ ἄνδρες ἐγένοντ᾽, Eur. Herakl. 608 οὔ τινά φημι θεῶν ἄτερ ὄλβιον, οὐ βαρύποτμον | ἄνδρα γενέσθαι.- -2. For the differentiation, cf. Aisch. Hum, 521 τίς δὲ. . . ἢ πόλις βροτός θ᾽ ὁμοίως ἔτ᾽ ἂν σέβοι δίκαν 5 (i.e. εἴτε πόλις εἴτε ἰδιώτης). In Frag. 67 Sim. says πόλις ἄνδρα διδάσκει. —Metre: logaoedic. XXXVI, Ibid. 2. 37. Possibly not by Sim., cf. Diels R. M. 30. 180. Cf. Archil. 74 χρημάτων ἄελπτον οὐδέν ἐστιν x.T.\.—Metre : logaoedic. XXVIL Stob. Flor. 118. 6. Cf. Kallinos 1. 14 πολλάκι δηϊοτῆτα φυγὼν καὶ δοῦπον ἀκόντων | ἔργεται, ἐν δ᾽ οἴκῳ μοῖρα κίχεν θανάτου, Hor. 8. 2. 14 mors et fugacem persequitur virum, | nec parcit imbellis iuventae | poplitibus timidoque tergo, the first line being a translation of the verse of Sim. ; Curt. Ruf. 4, 14 effugit mortem, quisquis contempserit ; timidissimum quem- que consequitur. If the final — ~~ = is a catal. epitrite we may compare Pind. Ol. 7. 17, Pyth. 1. 17 ~~~ - --ὶ if it is to be taken as a troch. dip. catal. we have a logaoedic pentapody. XXVIIL Aristeid. 2. 192 (and schol.), Stob. Mor. 33. 5. Quoted by Augustus (Plut. Apophth. Imper. 207 ©) and often cited in later literature; translated by Horace 3. 2. 25 est οἱ fideli tuta silentio | merces, in the same ode in which Frag. xxvii. reappears. Hence xxvii. and xxviii. are from the same poem. ἔστι: at the beginning, here as often = ὄντως ἔστι. For the sentiment οἵ, Pind. Frag. 180 ἔσθ᾽ ὅτε πιστοτάτα σιγᾶς ὁδός, Nem. 5. 18 καὶ τὸ σιγᾶν πολλάκις ἐστὶ σοφώτατον ἀνθρώπῳ νοῆσαι (cf. Ol. 9. 103, Frag. 81), Mel. Adesp. 86 a μηδὲ πᾶν ὅ ττι κ᾽ ἐπ᾽ ἀκαιρίμαν | γλῶσσαν ἔπος ἔλθῃ κελαδεῖν, Aisch. Frag. 188 (cf. 208) πολλοῖς γάρ ἐστι κέρδος ἣ σιγὴ βροτῶν, Amphis 44 οὐκ ἔστι κρεῖττον τοῦ σιωπᾶν οὐδὲ ἕν, Hur. Frag. 219, 977. Simonides said to a silent man at a drinking party: ὦνθρωπε, εἰ μὲν ἠλίθιος el, σοφὸν πρᾶγμα ποιεῖς, εἰ δὲ σοφός, ἠλίθιον Plut. Quaest. Symp. 644 r.—Metre: dact.-epitrite or eatal. troch. hexap. SiMONIDES. ΧΧΊΧ.-ΧΧΧΙΙΣ 331 XXIX. Schol. Soph. Atas 375. Cf. Pind. Ol. 2. 15 τῶν δὲ πεπραγμένων |. . . ἀποίητον οὐδ᾽ ἂν | χρόνος ὁ πάντων πατὴρ δύναιτο θέμεν ἔργων τέλος, Agathon ὅ μόνου γὰρ αὐτοῦ καὶ θεὸς στερίσκεται, | ἀγένητα ποιεῖν doo’? ἂν ἢ πεπραγμένα quoted by Arist. Hth. 6. 2 (τὸ δὲ γεγονὸς οὐκ ἐνδέχεται μὴ γενέσθαι), Theogn. 583, Soph. Trach. 742, Aias 378, Hor. 3. 29. 45 non tamen irritum | quodcumque retro est, efficiet neque | diffinget enfectumque reddet | quod fugiens semel hora vewit, Pliny H. N. 2.7 deus nullum habet in praeterita ius praeterquam oblivionis. —Metre: logaoedic. XXX. Sextus Empir. adv. Math. τι. 556 (in paraphrase). Cf. skolion vi., which is attributed to Sim., and Ariphron’s paian to Hygieia ; mens sana in corpore sano.—Metre: Ross- bach thinks we have part of a dact.-epitritic poem; apart from xxii. most of the examples of this measure are found in the fragments of one or two lines. Logaoedics are also possible. ἌΧ ΧΙ. Athen. 12. 512 c. Cf. Mimn. 1. 1 τίς δὲ βίος, τί δὲ τερπνὸν ἄτερ χρυσῆῖς ᾿Αφροδίτης ; and Pind. Frag. 126 μηδ᾽ ἀμαύρου τέρψιν ἐν βίῳ᾽ πολύ τοι | φέρτιστον ἀνδρὶ τερπνὸς αἰών, a line addressed to Hieron. Schneidewin thought this fragment had a similar destination.—Metre: logaoedic rather than dact. -epitrite. XXXIL. Athen. 13. 6048: quoted by Sophokles to shame the schoolmaster who objected to the poet’s approval of the expression ‘purple’ in the line of Phrynichos: λάμπει δ᾽ ἐπὶ πορφυρέαις παρῇσι φῶς ἔρωτος (cf. Gray’s “purple light of Love”’).—Metre: v. 2 isan iambic dimeter. If v. 1 consisted only of ~~~ + -Y~ —~ZX we should have a proddic group (cf. Archil. 85). As this is uncertain, we may take the fragment as logaoedic. XMXXMIT. Ht. Mag. 813. 8. χλωραύχενες : ‘with pale- green neck’ (L. and S.); M. Arnold has ‘Hark to the nightingale, the tawny-throated.” Since χλωραύχην is applied to a girl in Bacch, ii. 172 the idea of colour is not inevitable here, and Marindin C. R. 12. 37 is probably correct in trans- lating either ‘supple-necked’ or better ‘liquid-voiced’ (Sim. elsewhere accentuates the vocal quality: κωτίλη χελιδών Frag. 243 as Anakr. 154; cf. Sa. xv.). If xAwpyis ἀηδών τ 518 refers to colour, the scholiast’s explanation (ἐν χλωροῖς φαινο- μένη) may be near the truth, the reddish brown losing some- thing of its distinctness when the bird is seen in ‘‘ her shady wood”; cf. Verg. Georg. 4. 510 populea maerens philomela sub umbra, and see Warde Fowler C. R. 4. 49, Verrall on Eur. Med. 906.—Metre : logaoedic. 332 SIMONIDES. XXXIV.-XXXVI, XXXIV. Schol. Aristoph. Aves 1410. Perhaps, like Frag. xxxiii., from a dithyramb sung at the coming of the swallow (cf. FoLK-SonGs xxii.) ; so εὔοδμον ἔαρ Pind. iv. 17. κλυτά : perhaps ‘clear-voiced,’ ‘loud.’ Fennell takes κλυτός to mean ‘loud’ in kX. ἀγγελίαν Pind. Ol. 14. 21, κλυταῖς ἐπέων ῥοαῖσιν Isth. 7. 19 (cf. paevvas ὁπός Pyth. 4. 28 of loud calumny). If so, κλυτός (=Old-Eng. hiéid) is used as in the folk-song to the spring lhude sing cuccu. Anakr. 67 has ἡδυμελές, χαρίεσσα xe\Ldot.—Metre: logaoedic. XXXV. Schol. Pind. Ol. 9. 48=74 (αἴνει δὲ παλαιὸν μὲν οἷνον, ἄνθεα δ᾽ ὕμνων | νεωτέρων) The schol. says that the lines of Sim. are an attack on a judge (thought by Bergk to be Agathokles, Pindar’s teacher), who had awarded the palm of excellence to Pindar. Bergk suggested that, in conferring the prize on the younger poet, the judge made the invidious remark that old wine was often inferior to new; a comparison which prompted the reply of Sim. ‘the saying is foolish.’ Taking μῦθος here as ‘myth,’ Boeckh thought Sim. was criticizing Pindar’s transformation of the old mythology ; to which criticism Pindar replied that between age in wine and in poetry there is an essential difference. In Frag. 193 Sim. attacks those who πολεμεῖν τῷ πολλῷ χρόνῳ. On the preference for new songs, see on Alkm. i., Timoth. vii.—Metre: logaoedie. XXXVI. Schol. Eur. Or. 236 (κρεῖσσον δὲ τὸ δοκεῖν, κἂν ἀληθείας ἀπῇ, cf. 782), Plato Rep. 2. 3650. Cf. Aisch. Agam. 788 πολλοὶ δὲ βροτῶν τὸ δοκεῖν εἶναι προτίουσι δίκην παραβάντες, Sept. 592 οὐ γὰρ δοκεῖν ἄριστος, ἀλλ᾽ εἶναι θέλει (Aristeides), Xen. Memorab. 1. 7. 1 ἀεὶ γὰρ ἔλεγεν (Sokr.) ὡς οὐκ εἴη καλλίων ὁδὸς ἐπ᾽ εὐδοξίαν ἢ δι᾽ fis ἄν τις ἀγαθὸς τοῦτο γένοιτο, ὃ καὶ δοκεῖν βούλοιτο, Plato Apol. 36D ὃ μὲν (the Olympian victor) yap ὑμᾶς ποιεῖ εὐδαίμονας δοκεῖν εἶναι, ἐγὼ δὲ εἶναι, Gorg. 527 B, Eur. H. F. 184, “So that they Seem, but covet not to Be,” Gascoigne The Steel Glass; so in German Das was man scheint hat jedermann zum Richter, | Das was man ist, hat keinen. The articular infinitive may be scornful. See on™ Alkm. xii.—Metre: part of a dact.-epitritic line. TIMOKREON. TimoKrEoN of Talysos in Rhodes is chiefly known as the antagonist of Themistokles and his friend Simonides. D5 TIMOKREON. 1 333 Like Archilochos he was a good hater. With Simonides he seems to have waged a war of epigrams. In Frag. 10 Κηΐα we προσῆλθε φλυαρία οὐκ ἐθέλοντα. οὐκ ἐθέλοντά με προσῆλθε Kyia φλυαρία he answers the Keian poet’s attack (Frag. 170) on his redundant and dislocated style : Μοῦσά μοι ᾿Αλκμήνης καλλισφύρου υἱὸν ἄειδε" υἱὸν ᾿Αλκμήνης ἄειδε Μοῦσά μοι καλλισφύρου. The inversion recalls the line that damned Thomson’s play : “QO Sophonisba, Sophonisba 0.” A sportive sepulchral epigram was written during the life-time of Timokreon, if it correctly bears the name of Simonides (169) Πολλὰ φαγὼν καὶ πολλὰ πιὼν Kal πολλὰ κάκ᾽ εἰπὼν ἀνθρώπους κεῖμαι Τιμοκρέων Ῥόδιος. Timokreon is reported to have distinguished himself as an athlete and as a glutton at the court of the king of Persia, where he took refuge after his expulsion from Rhodes. His originality as a poet lies in his adoption of the triadic grouping in monodic skolia to express satire and polemic. Before Timokreon the triad had been re- stricted to hymns, epinikia and other species of choral composition that were eulogistic in character. With him it is made to subserve the purpose of the iambics of Archilochos. Like Stesichoros, [bykos, and Simonides, Timokreon gave a lyric setting to the fable, which was a favourite subject of the skolion. Though he used the dactylo-epitritic measure of choral lyric, he seems to have composed skolia rather than choral songs. He also used the catalectic dimeter ionic a minore in stichic form. His dialect is mainly Doric from which specific Rhodian forms are absent. I. Plut. vita Themist. 21. The grouping in short strophes and the use of ἀλλὰ τύγε point to a skolion. Each of the other singers had in turn praised his favourite. There is no reason for supposing with Sintenis that the reference to Pausanias, Xanthippos, and Leutychidas represents a covert attack because the career of each was not free from reproach. Pausanias is the victor at Plataia, not the would-be despot ; Xanthippos is not the enemy of Miltiades, but the distinguished citizen who was honoured by a statue on the Akropolis ; and 334 TIMOKREON. J. Leutychidas is the victor at Mykale, not the venal general who died in disgrace. Kirchhoff Hermes 11. 38 ff. connects the circumstances mentioned in ll. 5 ff. with the events re- corded by Hdt. 8. 108-112, 121-123 (480 B.c.) and concludes that, in one of the revolutions that followed the disaster of the Persians, Timokreon was expelled from Rhodes because he had been an adherent of their policy. Kirchhoff argues that Themistokles was then at Andros with the Greek fleet and that his refusal of the poet’s request for restoration to his native city prompted this attack. There is nothing to show that the fleet of Eurybiades and Themistokles was in Rhodian waters, and I prefer to place the poem between 476 and 471, probably the year when Themistokles was ostracized. 2. Λευτυχίδαν : with ev asin Hdt. The native Doric form would be Λᾶ-. We often find ev for eo, ew in Ionic monu- ments. Pausanias calls him Λεωτυχίδης. ἐγὼ δέ: with δέ of the apodosis. ἐπαινέω: cf. Sim. 1]. 14. The mention of Aristeides only serves to lead up to the attack upon his rival.—8,. This order (adj., prep., noun) is especially common in Pindar, e.g. Ol. 2. 71 (cf. Gildersleeve on 5. 22), Sim. ii. 4. —4. ἕνα: with the superlative as in fortissimus unus. Cf. Soph. Phil. 1344 Ἑλλήνων ἕνα | κριθέντ᾽ ἄριστον, Aias 1340 ἕν᾽ ἄνδρ᾽ ἰδεῖν ἄριστον ᾿Αργείων. On the less strict use, see Jebb on O. T. 1380, Trach. 460. Θεμιστοκλῆα is a suspicious form. -κλῆ (3rd century Doric) produces hiatus, which some defend. Λατώ: why Lato should detest Them. is not clear. Some think that the mother, like her son Apollo, was ἀψευδής. (In Lykia she protects the sanctity of groves.) Others regard her as κουροτρόφος and think that Them. was a rascal from his earliest youth. —5. The vigour of the assault suits the beginning of the antistrophe. προδόταν : the personal enemy, not the Medizing commander who was involvedin Pausanias’ treachery. —6. κυβαλικός = κόβαλος᾽ πανοῦργος, κακοῦργος. Hesych. has also κυβηλιστάς" Kal κοβάλους [καὶ] κακούργους ; κυβηλικὸν τρόπον; and κυμβαλικὸς τρόπος (with parasitic nasal; cf. K. Ζ. 33. 366 ff.). Τὶ, and S. accept Hermann’s σκυβαλικτός ‘dirty,’ though the « form is doubtful. Ahrens read σκυβαλισκίοισι a contemptuous diminutive. Grote (5. 135) thought that, while Timokreon’s attack may be exaggerated through personal hate, the charges of venality against Them. are too well supported by other evidence to be discredited. Recent German scholars hold that these charges are due in large measure to the gossip set afloat by Themistokles’ enemies (e.g. the story in Hat. 8. 4-5). Calumnuare fortiter, aliquid adhaerebit. The tale that Them. was worth 100 talents when he was condemned to death rests on the authority of the oligarch Kritias, whose TIMOKREON. I. 335 sources of information would not have been friendly to the democratic statesman. No doubt the poems of Tim. helped to spread the belief in the corruptibility of Them. Cf. Bauer Themistokles 13, 23, Busolt Griech. Gesch. 2. 386. We need not believe that the three talents of 1. 8 were the price paid in 1. 6.—7. Ἰάλυσον is scanned ——_—~=;; cf. Anth. Pal. 7. 716, 1 Ἰαλύσοιο --- --- -- ——=. Homer has ~—— = B 656, Pindar ~—~ > Ol. 7. 74. In v. 3 we have a dactyl in the second place, here a spondee—a substitution that is the more excusable because it occurs in a proper name.—8. ἀργυρίου = ἀργύρου as in Boiotian (Cauer 298. 51) and Lakonian (11 B, 12). Themistokles’ booty amounted to the sum he possessed before he began his political career.—10. After the unsuccess- ful attack on Andros, the fleet proceeded to the Isthmos to distribute the prize of excellence to the most worthy of the commanders. The narration in 10-12 may refer to this event, when Them. failed to get the first place. γελοίως: Bergk read γλοιῶς ‘stingily’; cf. γλοιός᾽ ῥυπαρός. But cf. γλοιῶς" νυστατικῶς Hesych. émav8dkeve may contain a sting ; cf. Plato Laws 918 p, Theophr. Char. 6. For the form, cf. the variation between ἡνιοχεύω and -ew and see on Alkm. x. 8.—11. No greater offence to the poet of an ‘‘unbounded stomach.” Cf. Athen. 10. 416 4. Bergk conj. ψυδρά ‘counterfeit,’ Ahrens ψηχρά ‘shabby,’ ‘mean.’ Some think the meaning is that Them. took the lion’s share.—12. ot: sci/. ‘at the Isthmos’ (Ἰσθμοῖ). ὥραν curam Ahrens and Kirchhoff. Cf. Hdt. 9. 8 ὥρην ἐποιήσαντο οὐδεμίαν, Tyrt. 10. 11 ἀνδρὸς ἀλωμένου οὐδεμί᾽ ὥρη | γίγνεται. μὴ ὥραν with synizesis ; not ξώραν ; Fopdw lost its F very early. ὥραν (Mss.) has been variously translated : ‘that his harvest-time might never come’; ‘ that he might not live to next year’; ‘that his day might be no more’ (against this is the position of μή and the meaning of γενέσθαι ; cf. Headlam C. R. 6. 438). Were μὴ ὥραν γεν. a form of the colloquial μὴ ὥρασιν ἵκοιτο (cf. Aristoph. Lysistr. 1037) = pereat it might be defended; but the singular is unsupported. Cobet read μὴ ὥρας or μὴ ᾿ς ὥρας. Bergk suggested χώραν =curam ; see his note on Theogn. 152. The poem falls, according to Ahrens’ arrangement (cf. R. Ἢ. 2. 457) which is here adopted, into three groups which, because of their slight extent, are well suited to a convivial song. Boeckh thought we have only part of the strophe, the antistr. beginning with 5; Hermann made 1-4 the epode, 5-12 the strophe. Rossbach thinks the poem is a fragment and that it is monostrophic.—Metre: dact.-epitrite. The use of this rhythm, generally solemn and stately, as a vehicle of satire and invective is surprising. Perhaps the poet de- 336 TIMOKREON. T1.-IV. signed a contrast between form and contents. Aristophanes uses the same measure for caricature and parody. The dialect avoids certain Doricisms (al, riya 1. 1, τοί 1. 12). ξεῖνον, the form adopted by the choral poets, is properly Ionic. For Τιμοκρέοντα, -εῦντα has been proposed unnecessarily, though in fact Rhodian shows this contraction, which is probably due to the influence of Ionic. Τιμοκρηῦν (nom.) appears in Telos, Cauer 169 c, 3. Synizesis is very frequent. 11. Plut. 1.1.: after the flight and sentence of Them. (468 ?) he was reviled even more immoderately by Timo- kreon.—Metre : dact.-epitrite. 111. Plut. 1.1. (cf. Apostol. 7. 28): when the question was under discussion whether Tim. should be banished for Medizing, Them. voted against him, and when Them. was accused of the same crime, Tim. wrote this poem. This statement cannot well be correct since the charge of Medizing brought against Them. was later than his ostracism, while the like charge against Tim. was much earlier. There is nothing to show that Them. voted to exile his former friend as a Persian sympathizer. Kirchhoff thinks iii. is later than il., referring the latter poem to Timokreon’s exultation over the ostracism (471 B.c.) of his enemy.—2. ὁρκιατόμει with dpa, see p. 280. The Ionic form is ὁρκιοτομέω.---4. An allusion to the fox of the fable that lost his tail. The skolia, e.g. xiv., often referred to fables. —Metre: dact.-epitrite. Inl.5 Bergk suggested κἄλλαι (glyconic) or ἀλώπηκες (65=1). The verse may be incomplete: dact. trip.+the first syllable of an epitrite. Ahrens divided after ὁρκιατομεῖ (sic) and κόλουρις, making the first two lines iambic. He read μόνος in 1. 1. IV. Schol. Aristoph. Acharn. 532 (cf. 530 ff. ἐντεῦθεν ὀργῇ Περικλέης οὑλύμπιος | ἤστραπτ᾽, ἐβρόντα, ξυνεκύκα τὴν ᾿Ἑλλάδα, | ἐτίθει νόμους ὥσπερ σκόλια γεγραμμένους, | ὡς χρὴ Μεγαρέας μήτε γῇ μήτ᾽ ἐν ἀγορᾷ | μήτ᾽ ἐν θαλάττῃ μήτ᾽ ἐν ἠπείῳρ μένειν). Cf. Thuk. 1. 139. The poem is ἃ skolion. Isodor. Pelus. Hp. 2. 146 says it was an ancient custom after the banquet to sing to the lyre ἀπόλοιο, ὦ Πλοῦτε, καὶ μήτε ἐν γῇ φανείης, μήτ᾽ ἐν θαλάσσῃ. Aristoph. Vespae 1063 is also a parody of Timokreon.—1. ὥφελεν : impersonal as Pind. Nem. 2. 6 ὀφείλει. .. νικᾶν Τιμονόου παῖδα, Lucian Dea Syr. 25 οἷα pyre... ἐμὲ ἰδέσθαι ὥφελε. τυφλέ: Plutos is first called ‘blind’ in Hipponax 20; cf. Theokr. 10. 19. To avoid the (inoffensive) tautology of γῇ and ἠπείρῳ, Farnell conj. μήτ᾽ ᾽πὶ γῆς ‘above the earth,’ Schneidewin οὐρανῷ, which was defended by Haupt Opusc. 3. 352, Teuffel Jahrb. 1859, p. 760. Cf. Aristoph. Vespae 22 (the riddle at the banquet) ri ταὐτὸν KORINNA. 337 ἐν γῇ τ᾽ ἀπέβαλεν κἀν οὐρανῷ | κἀν τῇ θαλάττῃ ; Hes. Theogon. 972 of Plutos: ὃς εἶσ᾽ ἐπὶ γῆν τε καὶ εὐρέα νῶτα θαλάσσης. On the power of wealth οἵ. trag. adesp. 129 σοὶ δὲ (εἵπετο) καὶ χθὼν πᾶσα καὶ mévros.—Metre: Rossbach, Christ, and Zam- baldi regard the metre as trochaics with frequent irrational longs. Each verse falls into three dimeters. Some would divide into six (Engelbrecht into four) verses. Cf. Aristoph. Pax 651 ff. Trochaics are found in the writers of choral poetry only when the tone is subjective. Others find epitrites ll. hexam., 2. hexam. catal.). Note the absence of Doric forms. Perhaps the fragment has been Atticized like Praxilla’s skolia, The Rhodian form would have been φανήμειν. KORINNA. Korinna, the most famous Greek poetess after Sappho aud by some included in the Alexandrian canon of the Lyric Poets, was a native of Tanagra in Boiotia. She seems also to have resided in Thebes. Myrtis is said to have been her teacher as well as Pindar’s, but it is also reported that the great Theban was her disciple. When the youthful Pindar, criticized for his neglect of the mythological element, packed his next hymn full of myths, Korinna gave him the famous advice : ‘Sow with the hand, not with the sack’ (τῇ χειρὶ δεῖ σπείρειν, ἀλλὰ μὴ ὅλῳ τῷ OvAdKw). Tradition reports that she was victorious over Pindar no less than five times, and that in the gymnasium at Tanagra there was a statue which repre- sented the poetess binding on her brow the emblem of victory. Pausanias (9. 22. 3) adds that her success was due to her beauty and to her use of the native Boiotian speech. It is difficult to reconcile the story of her contest with Pindar and her advice to Myrtis (v.), unless we sup- pose she failed to follow her own counsel, or offered her advice after she herself had entered the lists. It should be remembered that, though poetical contests may have occurred in Boiotia (Reisch de musicis certamin. 56), they were especially an Attic, a democratic institution at the beginning of the fifth century. Still, the Theban eagle may have tried his wings at home, though his later genius would have scorned such a confession of fellowship with local bards. If Pindar after his defeat called Korinna a ve 998 KORINNA. ἢ ‘Boiotian sow’ (the ἀρχαῖον ὄνειδος), we must remember the Boiotian Ὕαντες, the Greek attitude, which is not that of the Semites, and the fact that ‘cow’ is sometimes used of a woman; not to speak of ‘ox-eyed. Cf. on Alkm, iv. 47. Korinna wrote epigrams and nomes. Reference is made to five books. The subject-matter of her poetry was local legends such as would appear in the Bozotos, the Kataplus, or story of Orion, whose daughters died to save their country from pestilence and were transformed into comets, the Seven against Thebes, the Jolaos, and the Minyades. Her melic poems were sung by choruses of girls. In her choice of metres she shows, apart from the hexameter, the influence of the Lesbians in her fondness for short logaoedic cola (tripodies, tetrapodies). When her poems were studied by the grammarians, they were accessible only in a modernized edition a hundred and fifty years later than her time. This edition contained such spellings as ov for ὕ, 0; v for v; ἡ for aw. To restore the contemporary dialect with certainty is impossible, but it is probable that in Tanagra about the year 500 B.c. the above mentioned uses of ov, v and ἡ were unknown. Possibly Korinna used εἰ for Panhellenic y, τ for εἰ, ¢ for e before vowels, and ae, oe for a, ο. At least this εἰ for ἡ came in with the introduction of the Ionic alphabet, and the other spellings are attested in the epichoric alphabet. Paus. /./. says of her dialect: ἦδεν οὐ τῇ φωνῇ τῇ Δωρίδι, ὥσπερ ὁ Πίνδαρος, ἀλλὰ ὁποῖα συνήσειν ἔμελλον Αἰολεῖς, the Boiotians being regarded as Aiolians. I. Apollon. de pron. 98 B. From the Κατάπλους, which probably derived its name from Orion’s journey to the East to regain his sight.—1, νίκασ᾽ : the omission of the augment is an epic reminiscence.—2. "Qaptov:=’Qpiwy. Nauck re- stored the open form in Homer, and Pindar has ’Qaptwva Nem. 2. 12. χώραν : the land mentioned cannot well be ‘Nota (καλλιχόρω χθονὸς Οὐρίας, 1.6. ‘Yplas, Frag. 8, so called from Ὑριεύς, the father of Orion), unless Kor. accepted the fanciful etymology derived from the miraculous birth of the hero. Cf. Ovid Fasti 5. 535 hune Hyrieus, quia sic genitus, vocat Uriona : | perdidit antiquum littera prima sonum. The older form ’Qapiwy would seem to render impossible any con- KORINNA. 7.-- 399 nection with Ὑριεύς or οὐρεῖν. The city of Ὑρία belonged to the territory of Tanagra, and Tanagra was the home of Orion, who purged the land of wild beasts—a foretype of Tennyson’s Arthur. Cf. Miiller Orchomenus p. 100. és direct reflexive:=o6, with -s of the gen. Cf. Dor., Boiot. teods = Hom. reoto. The dat. is ἐΐν Kor. 36, Fo?, Εὖ Boiot. inscr,—8, ὠνύμανεν : aor. ὠνούμηνεν (MSs.) would be the form of the imperfect in the fourth century.—Metre: logaoedic. Inv. 1 6is lengthened under the ictus before μ; or «is doubled as in ἐνιμμέγαροισι in Hom. Cf. on Alk. iv. 1. Inv. 20 is shortened before a; cf. Orion in Vergil. II. Hephaist. 11. διᾶνεκῶς refuses to lengthen the initial vowel in the compound. Hom. has διηνεκής, whence Empe- dokles derived ἠνεκέως, κεντρηνεκής ete. Cf. ἀνερίθευτος ἀνηρί- θευτος, ἀνόλεθρος ἀνώλεθρος, εὐἄνεμος εὐήνεμος, ἀνάἄριθμος ἀνήριθμος. Attic διᾶνεκῶς (Philox. 2. 24) shows that we must derive the word from διά + -ανεκής (from av(ev)exns accord. to Prellwitz). εὕδεις : εὕδις is possible. Hartung thought the poetess was addressed by a goddess. Hermann filled out the hexaim. by ὑπναλέα. III. Apollon. de pron. 65 a. ἱώνη: most editors read idver or ἰώνει (= ἔγώνη). ἡρωϊάς -- ἡρωΐνη, ἡρωΐς. For the thought ef. Hymn 1. 160 μνησάμεναι (the κοῦραι Δηλιάδες) ἀνδρῶν τε παλαιῶν ἠδὲ γυναικῶν ὕμνον ἀείδουσιν, Hes. Theogon. 100.— Metre: logaoedic. : IV. Hephaist. 58. γεροί᾽ : γεροιά (or γέροια 3) from γεροιός (cf. Boiot. πατροῖος <-@os) is an unexplained by-form of γεραιός. Perhaps we should read yepal’ here. Tepod (‘Tales of a Grand- father ’) was the title given to a collection of Korinna’s poems (Hercher Hermes 12. 315). λυγυροκ. cf. on Sim. xxxiii.— Metre: logaoedic with a tribrach as basis. In v. 2 note the ‘ Attic’ correption in the thesis and cf. FoLK-Sones xxvii. 24. Less striking is correption in the arsis ¢.g. Sim. xx. V. Apollon. de pron. 65 a.—2. idvya is used by the Boiotian in Aristoph. Acharn. 898.—3. Bava -- γυνή, CE. Aisch, Sept. 1038 γυνή rep οὖσα, Soph. Antig. 61 γυναῖχ᾽ ὅτι ἔφυμεν.---4. ΤΠινδάροι (Wilam.): the short dative form (=-w), as in the allied Thessalian dialect, is required by the syntax (τινὶ πρὸς ἔριν βαίνειν). ἹἸΤινδάροιο, if correct, would be the only epic gen. in -oo in Boiotian and the only non-Boiotian form in Korinna. ποτ᾽ ἔριν : Theokr. 15. 10. Hartung, and L, Schmidt (Pindar’s Leben 19) thought that the ἔρις was emula- tion of Pindar’s style, not an ἀγών. Reisch ο. c. 56 suspects the tradition of the contests of Myrtis and Korinna with 940 LAMPROKLES. Pindar, which is accepted by Welcker K/. Schr. 2. 154.— Metre: logaoedic. Most editors write in two lines regarding the first as a log. hexapody, the second as cretie (ef. Bacch. 52 = 23). VI. Schol. B 498. Note the parallel form to Θέσπεια. Thespia was a daughter of Asopos (cf. Bacch. iv. 39).— Metre: dact.-hexameter. LAMPROKLES. LAMPROKLES, an Athenian dithyrambic poet of the older style, was a scholar of Agathokles (the teacher of Pindar in musical technique) and the master of Damon, who in turn was the instructor of Perikles and Sokrates. Damon may have derived from his master the doctrine that simplicity is essential to the best music. It is possible that Lamprokles is identical with Lampros, Sophokles’ instructor in music. _ Lamprokles’ anthem to Athena began in the same way as the poem on that goddess by the tragic poet Phrynichos ; and some ancient authorities mention Stesichoros as the composer of a song with a like exordium. Bergk thought the similarity was due to the fact that these poets adopted the words of an ancient poem. That Athena should be the subject of a dithyramb is singular ; perhaps the poem is simply a hymn. Aristoph. Nubes 967 and schol.; schol. Aristeid. 3. 537. This famous song, like the ‘Loud Strain’ by Kydides or Kekeides, was taught Athenian lads by their schoolmasters in the good old times, and was sung in a high pitch. With its heaping of epithets after the style of old hymns the frag- ment shows a panorama of the divine attributes. The use of the hexameter also recalls the ancient hymns.—1. Also cited without dewvay ... éyp. Some read περσέπτολιν κλήζω πολ. ayy. ἐγρεκύδοιμον here and Hes. J'heogon. 925 (with δεινήν) recalls ἐγρεμάχη of Pallas Hymn 5, 424. --2. ποτικλήζω = προσκαλῶ advoco. Cf. ἐπικαλῶ Aristoph. Lysistr. 1280, θεὸν παρακαλεῖν δεῦρο Ran. 395, and Sa. i. 5. κλείζω Ξε κλείω ‘celebrate’ has been confused with κλήζω ‘name’ (Soph. O. T. 733). πολεμαδόκον : as Alk. ii.; for the formation, cf. ἑκαταβόλος Terp. ii., Πυλαμάχος Stes. 48.—Metre: dact,- epitrite (?). PRATINAS. 1 341 PRATINAS. Pratinas of Phlius was the first writer of satyr dramas, which he introduced into Athens. He is known to have written thirty-two such plays and eighteen tragedies, and to have won only a single victory. He was a rival of Aischylos and competed with that poet on his first appear- ance in 499, when the wooden seats used by the spectators in the theatre are said to have broken down. He died before 467. We have no proof that he was a lyric poet, for the first fragment may, like the rest, be taken from an hyporchematic song in one of his satyr plays. Pratinas’ fragments are interesting because he is the first poet to protest against the encroachment of the musical accom- paniment upon the words, an encroachment that marks the decline of the lyric in the fifth century. His invective is probably directed against the musical and metrical innovations of the dithyrambic poet Lasos, who had attached greater importance to the réle of the musician than to that of the poet. I, Athen. 14. 6178: ‘when some hired flute-players and choreutae were occupying the orchestra, Pratinas says that some people were angered because the flute-players did not play in tune with the choruses, as was the ancient fashion, but the choral singers kept time with the flute-players. His own opinion Pratinas sets forth in the following hyporcheme.’ This poem, as well as the Dysmainat or Karyatides, is generally regarded as a_ separate lyric. Against this may be urged the fact that the references in ll. 3, 16, 17 are to a band of satyrs, the attendants of the god in whose honour the satyr play was composed, and not toa chorus that is connected with the cult of Apollo, the divinity proper to the hyporcheme. Cf. K. O. Miller Al. Schr. 1. 519, Blass Jahrb. 1888, p. 663. On the other hand it may be urged that in the hyporchemes of Simonides (viii.-x.) and of Pindar (Frag. 112, 116) we find a similar tendency to touch upon the theory of music; and in de mus. 31 Plutarch expressly refers to Pratinas as a lyric poet. The poem probably dates between 479 and 467. Aristotle (Pol. 1341 A 30) says that, after the conclusion of the Persian wars, the flute was much in vogue ; and other evidence (cf. Arch. Zeit. 342 PRATINAS. J. 1881, p. 303) shows that it had a place in the Panathenaic festivals at an earlier date. 1. θόρυβος ὅδε may refer to the turbulence of the previous performance, possibly a dithyramb. In Pratinas’ time it is not certain that the satyr play regularly followed upon a trilogy. If it refers to the din raised by the present chorus, the poet is pointing his satire by an imitation of the art he castigates. ἔμολεν is indecisive, as the aorist may be the shorthand of the perfect. Note the heaping of dental sounds, and cf. Soph. Aias 528, O. 7. 371. Soph. Phil. 202 has τί τόδε in excited discourse with resolved long syllables as here. Cf. Eur. 1. A. 317 τίς ποτ᾽ ἐν πύλαισι θόρυβος καὶ λόγων ἀκοσμία; ὅδε is often contemptuous like οὗτος. Note the variation between τίς (attracted to the gender of Oop.) and τί. —2. θυμέλαν : here the space about the altar, the orchestra (Haigh Attic Theatre 138 is in error). Aisch. Suppl. 668 uses the word in the unextended signification.—8. Bromios belongs to me, the poet. The αὐλητής is not the chief worshipper of the god.—4. σύμενον : the better attested θύμενον is defended by Curtius Verbum 1. 191 as an aorist like otro, σύμενος, κλύμενος. Hesych. has ἐκθύμενος" ταχύς. Though θύω θυίω are voces propriae of the @uddes, the v in θύμενον cannot be explained. There is no trace of a θεύω parallel to cedw. Ναϊάδων : like the Nymphs (Anakr. ii.) and Mainads (Alkm. xi.), the Naiads are often represented as attendants of Dionysos. Cf. Roscher 2. 2245 ff. av’ ὄρεα recalls Alkm. xi. 1.—5. οἷά τε: so I’ 73, Alkm. xi. 4. κύκνον : the swans that sing in Greek poetry (Hymn 21, Eur. J. 7. 1103, Aristoph. Aves 769) are ‘whistling’ not ‘common’ swans. Nor is their song the mark of approaching death. ἄγοντα : cf. ἄγω" μέλπω, dow Hesych., dvayvéw in Lasos; κύκνοι κινήσωσι μέλος Apoll. Rhod. 4. 1301. ποικιλόπτερον goes with μέλος not with κύκνον ; cf. πτεροποίκιλος Aristoph. Aves 248. Songs have wings: πτερόεντα ὕμνον Pind. Isthm. 5. 63.— 6. Song is the lord, the flute is the servant. Cf. ἀναξιφόρμιγγες Pind. Ol. 2. 1 and the note on Bacch. iii. 10. βασίλειαν : cf. le chant du roi, Plut. de mus. 30 says τὸ γὰρ παλαιὸν συμβεβήκει τοὺς αὐλητὰς παρὰ τῶν ποιητῶν λαμβάνειν τοὺς μισθοὺς πρωταγωνιστούσης δηλονότι τῆς ποιήσεως, τῶν δ᾽ αὐλητῶν ὑπηρε- τούντων (cf. 1. 7) τοῖς διδασκάλοις.---7. With this verse the measure passes over to the Huripideum, a dance rhythm, as is indicated by xopevérw; cf. Aristoph. T'hesmoph. 968.— 8. Cf. Bacch. xiii. 5 and see on Anakr. x. Galen Hipp. et Plat. dogm. 9. 5 says δάμων ὁ μουσικὸς αὐλητρίδι παρα- γενόμενος αὐλούσῃ τὸ Φρύγιον νεανίαις τισὶν οἰνωμένοις καὶ μανικὰ ἄττα διαπραττομένοις ἐκέλευσε αὐλῆσαι τὸ Δώριον, PRATINAS. J. 343 Cicero de consiliis suis vol. 11 p. 75 (B.-K.) ut cum vinolenti adolescentes, tibiarum etiam cantu, ut fit, instincti, mulieris pudicae fores frangerent, admonuisse tibicinam, ut spondeum caneret, Pythagoras dicitur. Wilam. reads κώμοις and θέλοι. —10-11 are obscure. I follow Emperius’ emendation. παῖε: ef. Aristoph. Vespae 456 παῖε (i.e. παίων ἀπέλαυνε) τοὺς σφῆκας ἀπὸ τῆς οἰκίας, Paus. 1. 24. 1 ᾿Αθηνᾶᾷ πεποίηται τὸν Σιληνὸν Μαρσύαν παίουσα. φρυνίου : comparatur tibiae sonitus cum voce rubetae, quibus sane aliqua similitudo intercedit. Intelle- gendum vero ilud rubetae genus, cujus dorsum taenia diversi coloris variatum est, quam nunc Calamitam dicunt. Hoc enim genus et vocem mittit tibiis simillimam et in Graecia reperitur etiam nunc (Emperius). Bergk read τὸν Φρύγα τὸν ἀοιδοῦ ποικίλου mpoaxéovra ‘drive off the Phrygian, whose notes sound above those of the skilled singer of the chorus.’ He thought ‘the Phrygian’ represents his native musical mode, which may have become popular with the writers of the dithyramb. Jacobs read παῦε τὸν Φρύγα τὸν ποικίλου θροῦν προχέοντα. Schweighauser suggested there might be a reference to the musician Phrynis.—12. ὀλεσισιαλοκάλαμον : ‘constructed of spittle-wasting reed.’ The Ms. ὁλοσιαλοκ. ‘the reed which is all spittle’ may be correct. With this vituperation, cf. the epigram cited on Melanippides.—13. θ᾽ [ὑπαί: Wilam. θῶπα. 15. ἰδού : contemptuous or indignant ; cf. Aristoph. Thesmoph. 206. Note the hiatus with the interjection. ‘Look you, here we see their right hands and feet flung about.’ By δεξιά is indicated the rapid chasing of the fingers on the stops of the detested flute, while the feet of the dancers are flung out in wild excitement as they keep time to the notes. Michel- angeli maintains that with v. 15 the chorus proceeds to set forth the mimetic gestures and the dance that are appropriate to Dionysos. But σοι may well be ironical. Bamberger’s δεξιᾶς gives an easier constr. than defid.—16. θριαμβοδιθ. : for the formation cf. βακχέβακχος, i68axxos.—17. Asyndeton in prayers Sim. xi. 15; prayer at the end Pind. Οἱ. 1. 116, 6. 105. Gove... χορείαν : properly metonymy as in κτύπον dédopxa Aisch. Sept. 103, προὐφάνη κτύπος Soph. Phil. 202, σάλπιγξ φαινέτω Aisch. Hum. 568, χεὶρ ὁρᾷ τὸ δράσιμον Sept. 554, canent quod visere par est Catull. 62. 9; ἰδού of sound Soph. Azas 870, O. K. 1477, Hl. 1410. See on Bacch. xiii. note at end. Apiov: with two endings as Σκαμάνδριος Soph. Aias 418, Παρνάσιος Eur. 17. 7. 1244, Δήλιος Lroad. 89. In melic poetry common, uncomp. adj. in -ἰος lack adjectival motion very rarely (in Pind. five times, and in Arist. on ᾿Αρετά 1. 13). In the elegiac fragments this phenomenon is found four times. Pratinas is the only purely Dorian poet of 944 PRATINAS. TI. the time, and even he took up his residence at Athens, the new centre of culture; and here his son remained. The musicians of the time were often Argives. Those who read Φρύγα in 10 refer Δώριον to the serenity of the Dorian mode. χορείαν : Pr. was famous as a ‘dancer’ (Athen. 1.22.4). Not only did dancing form a great feature of his dramas but he also gave ‘private lessons’ in the art. χορεία has acquired the meaning ‘choric song accompanying the dance’; cf. Aristoph. Ran. 247 (with ἐφθεγξάμεσθα). Metre: the movement is extraordinarily agitated and ex- presses with great vividness the lively character of the hyporcheme. Mar. Vict, 2. 11 says that proceleusmatics (cf. 1-4) were used in satyric plays (whereas they are alien to sober compositions in anapaests) ; hence it is not certain that the adoption of the freer metrical forms is entirely due to the poet’s opposition to the metrical licences of the time. Ross- bach finds three eurhythmic periods ending with 1]. 5, 9, 17, while Christ discovers six divisions that result from the metrical variations. The metre is hyporchematic dactylo- trochaic with frequent resolutions and syncope. ᾿ Irrational longs are avoided. The syncopated trochaic dipodies (= cretics) are appropriate to the hyporchemes. I have adopted dipodic measurement as far as possible. Rossbach makes 1-2 trochaic, and so 13 may be scanned. vy. 5 is perhaps a dact. trip. (though elsewhere absent)+2 troch. dip.; or dact. dip.+3 troch. dip. Christ’s division makes A and - ἐπ τ Se IL SS eS See ἢ. eee II. Athen. 14. 624 ¥. The earliest reference to the ‘har- monies’ or musical modes. ‘ Follow neither a highly-strung music nor the relaxed (low-pitched) Jonian, but, drawing a middle furrow through your ground, be an Aiolian in your melody. . . . ’Tis the Aiolian mode that befits all your swash-bucklers in song.’—2. The σύντονοι ἁρμονίαι are set off against the ἀνειμέναι καὶ μαλακαί in Arist. Pol. 1290 a 27, 1342 B 21, as the Μοῦσαι συντονώτεραι are contrasted with the μαλακώτεραι in Plato Sophist. 242 5. Westphal (Harmonik 186) explains σύντονος as a form of the Ionian mode (in ὃ), and Flach equates it with the Mixo-Lydian. Bergk and Hartung regarded it as identical with the Syntono- (High) Lydian. Monro (Greek Music p. 6) takes σύντονος generally, and thinks that the poet follows the Greek principle of adopting the mean between extremes. Pratinas demands a return to the Aiolian (Hypodorian) mode (in a) of Terpander, Alkaios, and Sappho, which had been driven out by the σύντονος and the relaxed Ionian (in g).—8. ἀοιδολαβρ. : so ΟΣ δ. tLe ΧΙ, 945 Bergk for ἀοιδὰ λαβρ. Others read ἀοιδάν, ἀοιδᾶν, ἀοιδοῖς. Cf. λαβρογόρης T 479. The Aiolians were a self-asserting, swag- gering race of fighters. Herakl. Pont. in Athenaios says of their musical mode that it was ‘elevated and fearless, pompous, inflated, and full of pride.’-—Metre: v. 3 points to a dactylo- trochaic strophe. Most editors make five troch. dip. of 1. 1, and a hypercatalectic troch. verse of 1. 2. Bergk thought ἀεί had dropped out before νεῶν. Kaibel arranges in short verses with word-breaking. PHRYNICHOS. Purynicuos, the Athenian tragic poet, an older con- temporary of Aischylos, was the author of the Capture of Miletos (496), Photnissat (476), and Alkestis, and seems to have written hymns, paians, and dithyrambs. His tragedies were more like oratorios with dancing than dramas. I, Schol. Aristoph. Nubes 967, schol. Aristeid. 3.537. See on Lamprokles.—Metre : dact.-epitrite. 11. Athen. 13. 564 r, 604 a: from the 7’voilos, which was either a dithyramb or a tragedy (so Nauck Frag. 13). Quoted by the poet Sophokles, who reproved the carping school- master for his matter-of-fact theory of poetry (see on Sim. Xxxil.); cf. πορφυρῆ ᾿Αφροδίτη Anakr. ii. 3 and purpureus Amor. Val. Flacc. has orbes purpurei, Ovid purpureae genae after Apoll. Rhod. 3. 121 Ἔρως... . . of ἀμφὶ παρειὰς [χροιῇ θάλλεν épev@os.—Metre: dact. trip. with anacr.+ithyphallic. Cf. Archil. 79 “Epacuovién Χαρίλαε, χρῆμά τοι γελοῖον, where the caesura divides the two cola. DIAGORAS. Diacoras of Melos, ‘the Atheist, flourished in the second quarter of the fifth century and was a younger contem- porary of Pindar and Bacchylides. He is said to have composed songs, enkomia and paians. The tradition that he wrote dithyrambs is doubtful unless the word is taken in the later and wider sense (see the Introduction). 346 DIAGORAS. J. ΤΕ His poetry was perhaps the product of his earlier years and is reported to have been free from the impiety which made him notorious (Aristoph. Aves 1072). Literary gossip said that this was occasioned by the failure of the gods to punish a poet who had robbed him of a paian ; soberer tradition ascribed it to his study of the Atomistic philosophy. His ᾿Αποπυργίζοντες λόγοι (in prose) contained an indirect attack upon the traditional faith, and his Φρύγιοι λόγοι, if a separate work, profaned the Mysteries (cf. Andok. 1. 29). These works would stamp him as guilty not only of ἀσέβεια but also of déedrns. Blomfield thought that Diagoras is referred to in Aisch. Agam. 369 οὐκ ἔφα τις | θεοὺς βροτῶν ἀξιοῦσθαι μέλειν | ὅσοις ἀθίκτων χάρις | πατοῖθ᾽. ὁ δ᾽ οὐκ εὐσεβής. Diagoras was con- demned to death at Athens on a charge of impiety, cer- tainly before the beginning of the Peloponnesian War, and fled to Pellene in Achaia. He may have also lived at Mantineia and Korinth. In Aristoph. Vubes 830 Sokrates is covertly identified with Diagoras (=. ὁ Μήλιος). As regards his atheism, Phaidros On Nature 23 says that the Stoics were more sceptical than he. The extant fragments are quoted by the ancients to show the pious character of his poetry (εὔφημος, ὡς ποιητής, εἰς τὸ δαιμόνιον). I. Philodem. περὶ εὐσεβείας p. 85 (vv. 1-2), Didym. Alex. de Trinit. 3. 2.—1. The formula θεὸς θεός was often used at the beginning of sacred and profane functions (Eust. 71. 258. 26). Cf. Pind. xi. θεός is repeated in Pind. Pyth. 2. 49, /sthm. 5. 52, Bacch. i. 21.—2. Cf. ν 255 αἱὲν ἐνὶ στήθεσσι νόον πολυ- κερδέα νωμῶν.---8. Cf. Sim. xxv.; Theogn. 169 ὃν δὲ θεοὶ τιμῶσιν, ὁ Kal μωμεύμενος aivet | avdpds δὲ σπουδὴ γίνεται οὐδεμία. ἕρπει : φωνᾶεν ἕρπει Pind. 75ἐλγη. 4. 40, ἐξόδους ἕρπειν Soph. Azas 287.—Metre : dact.-epitrite. 11. Philodem. 1. 7. Nikodoros had invited the assistance of Diagoras (doubtless before he turned atheist) in forming a code of laws for Mantineia, and the poet is said to have written an Hnkomion on the Mantineians. Line 1 may be imitated in Aristoph. Aves 544: κατὰ δαίμονα καὶ κατὰ συν- τυχίαν, οἵ. Kur. #1. 1358. δαίμων is joined with τύχη in Lysias and Aischines. Diagoras may have been influenced by Demo- kritos che il mondo a caso pone (Dante Inf. 4. 136). This fragment may have stood at the beginning of Diagoras’ poems. —Metre: logaoedic. KYDIAS, 347 KYDIAS. Kyotas of Hermione, a choral poet, wrote love songs that were highly esteemed by Plato. He lived in the first half of the fifth century. He is possibly the same as Kydides, a dithyrambic poet, the author of the Τηλέπορον βόαμα (Aristoph. Vubes 967). - Plato Charm. 155 Ὁ, in paraphrase. The fawn trembles before the lion as the boy before his lover. Cf. Hor. 3. 20. Proverbs are νεβρὸς τὸν λέοντα and μὴ πρὸς λέοντα δορκὰς ἅψωμαι μάχης. μοῖραν αἱρεῖσθαι : tangquam portionem carnium capi ideoque lacerari (Stallb.), but μοῖραν may be “ fate.’—Metre : dact. -epitrite. PRAXILLA. PRAXILLA, the chief poetess*of the Dorians, and a writer of dithyrambs, was a native of Sikyon, a city that had long been the home of this class of melic composition. Hat. 5. 67 reports that about 590 8.0. Kleisthenes, tyrant of Sikyon, checked an attempt to install Adrastos, the local hero, in the place of Dionysos, to whom the ‘tragic choruses’ were sacred. Praxilla’s dithyrambs seem to have dealt with subjects foreign to the cult of Dionysos, but in view of the fact that the themes of the dithyrambic choruses has already been secularized by Simonides, it may be doubted whether the Sikyonian poetess revived the ancient antagonism of her townsmen. ‘The dithy- rambic poets of the fifth and fourth centuries chose stories unconnected with the worship of Dionysos, eng. Melanippides’ Marsyas, Persephone, Danaids, 'Timotheos and Philoxenos’ Polyphemos, Telestes’ Argo, Asklepios, Hymenaios. Because of Praxilla’s local reputation a Sikyonian collection of skolia, which was modelled on the ‘Attic’ banquet songs, was ascribed to her. We hear only of skolia ‘attributed’ to Praxilla (see the intro- duction to the Skolia). Lysippos set up a bronze statue to commemorate her fame. 348 PRAXILLA. 121-177. I, Hephaist. 11. Froma dithyramh entitled Achilles. The oldest form of the dithyramb was in dactylic hexameters, which were revived in the fifth century. Other verse-forms may however have been used in connection with the hexa- meter. The verse recalls y 337 ἀλλὰ τοῦ οὔ ποτε θυμὸν ἐνὶ στήθεσσιν ἔπειθεν (cf. ἡ 258,133). Neue thought that Achilles is here addressed by a member of the πρεσβεία in I/. I; cf. 1. 315. τεόν makes a short monosyllable as θεός Pind. Pyth. 1. 56 (cf. βρότεον 10. 28). Cases of a semi-vocalic e before a short syllable are very rare. 11. Zenob. 4. 21. From the dithyramb called Adouis. Adonis is questioned by the inhabitants of the lower world as to the sweetest thing he had left behind in life. The passage occasioned the proverb ‘more foolish than the Adonis of Praxilla.’ But the poetess probably intended to depict only the naiveté of the boy. Cf. Menand. 481 τοῦτον εὐτυ- χέστατον λέγω, | ὅστις θεωρήσας ἀλύπως, ἸΠαρμένων, | τὰ σεμνὰ ταῦτ᾽ ἀπῆλθεν, ὅθεν ἦλθεν, ταχύ, | τὸν ἥλιον τὸν κοινόν, ἄστρ᾽, ὕδωρ, νέφη, | πῦρ' ταῦτα, κἂν ἑκατὸν ἔτη Bugs, ἀεὶ | ὄψει παρόντα, κἂν ἐνιαυτοὺς σφόδρ᾽ ὀλίγους, [ σεμνότερα τούτων ἕτερα δ᾽ οὐκ ὄψει ποτέ, Kur. Frag. 316. From a different point of view we are informed in Aristoph. Hanae 155 that the blessed in Hades enjoy a sunlight that is like that of the upper world (ὄψει τε φῶς κάλλιστον ὥσπερ ἐνθαδί). Farnell quotes the ‘‘ Essays of Elia” (‘New Year's Eve’): ‘“‘Sun and sky, and breeze and solitary walks, and summer holidays, and the greenness of fields, and the delicious juices of meats and fishes—do these things go out with life?”—12. Cf. \ 93 τίπτ᾽ air’, ὦ δύστηνε, λιπὼν φάος ἠελίοιο | ἤλυθες (Teiresias to Odysseus in Hades). Sappho 79 has τὸ λάμπρον ἔρως ἀελίω καὶ TO κάλον λέλογχε. ---2. σεληναίη -- σελήνη, cf. παρθενική = παρθένος Alkm. vii.; so γαληναία --, γαλήνη, ᾿Αθηναία -- ᾿Αθήνη.---Μοῦγο: dact.-hexam. κατὰ στίχον. III. Hephaist. 25.—1. Cf. Theokr. 8. 18 τὸ καλὸν ποθορεῦσα. —2. παρθένος is a virgin, νύμφη a newly wedded wife in Theokr. 2. 1386; cf. νεογάμου νύμφης Aisch. Agam. 1179. Sometimes νύμφη is used for γυνή (Diodor. 3. 136). There is no specific Greek word for a ‘betrothed’ girl. A married woman retained the title νύμφη until she became a matron, and sometimes even after she had reached matronhood.— Metre: an exquisite example of the effect of light logaoedic dactyls running over into trochees. The combination of three dactyls and a trochaic dipody was called IIpaéiAXecov and the citation of this fragment under that name is our sole warrant for ascribing it to Praxilla. It is Aiolic in rhythmic effect, PINDAR. 349 containing one more dactyl than the concluding verse of the Alkaic stanza. The ancients called the verse a brachycata- lectic trimeter (—~ ~ —~~ | —~~ —~ | — —), but it is probably a pentapody. Anakr. 70, 72 are not in this metre, as has been said by some, but rather form elegiambi. Two Πραξίλλεια probably constituted a strophe. PINDAR. Prypar, the greatest of the lyrists of Greece, if not of all time, was born at Kynoskephalai, a suburb of Thebes, in 522, and, as he himself informs us in Frag. 193, at the time of the celebration of the Pythian games : πενταετηρὶς ἑορτὰ βουπομπός, ἐν ἃ πρῶτον εὐνάσθην ἀγαπατὸς ὑπὸ σπαργάνοις. His poetical career lasted for at least half a century. Ol. 4 dates from 452 and Pyth. 8 may be two years later. One account states that he lived to the age of eighty ; others place his death in 452 or 436. Though he travelled much, he preferred to live at home in Thebes—ovAopat ἐμαυτῷ ζῆν, οὐκ ἄλλῳ he says, alluding to Simonides’ delight in his residence at the court of Hieron. Near his house, which was situated by the Dirke, he founded a shrine of the Mother of the gods and of Pan, whose priest he was : Ὦ Πάν, ᾿Αρκαδίας μεδέων, καὶ σεμνῶν ἀδύτων φύλαξ, Ματρὸς μεγάλας ὀπαδέ, σεμνᾶν Χαρίτων μέλημα τερπνόν (Frag. 95). He was of ancient and honourable lineage. The Aigeidai, who had also settled in Sparta, Thera, and Kyrene, stood as aristocrats in close relation to the cult of the gods ; and Pindar preserved the traditions of his house by his fervent piety, especially towards Apollo, of whom he is the poet par excellence. He obtained the right to participate in the θεοξένια as the guest of the god of Delphi (Πίνδαρος ἴτω ἐπὶ τὸ δεῖπνον τοῦ θεοῦ). Pindayr’s genius ripened rapidly. He inherited musical ability as his birthright, and his Boiotian home was favourable to the cultivation of the flute, in which he was trained by Skopelinos : οὔτοι με ξένον οὐδ᾽ ἀδαήμονα Μοισᾶν ἐπαίδευσαν κλυταὶ Θῆβαι (Frag. 198). 350 PINDAR. But Athens was the school of the day, and at Athens he was instructed in the technique of lyric composition by Agathokles and Apollodoros, and perhaps by Lasos. What the masters at Athens left undone, a Boiotian and a woman perfected ; for there is no reason to discredit the tale that the finishing touch to his education was given by Korinna, who criticized not only the disposition of his materials, but also his Atticizing dialect. The sojourn in Athens may have laid the foundation of his Panhellenic sympathies. In 502 the youthful poet was already sufficiently known to receive a commission (Pyth. 10) from one of the Aleudai. No doubt too the Thessalian magnates were predisposed in favour of the precocious Boiotian noble. As his fame increased he became the bard of all the great national festivals, which he visited from year to year, and won for himself the friendship of the great. He became the guest of Hieron of Syracuse, Theron of Akragas, Akusilaos of Kyrene, and Alexander of Makedon; and the renown of their victories at the games he proudly exclaimed would fade into forgetfulness were it not for his song. He was an especial favourite with the aristocratic Aiginetans, who made him their proxenos, and for whom he composed no less than one fourth of all his extant triumphal odes. Aischylos he doubtless knew, and with the Athenian dramatist he shares the preeminence of attaining to the loftiest conception of the poet as a religious, ethical, and political teacher ever reached in Greece. None of the great movements in literature and art witnessed by the momentous period spanned by his life can have failed to leave its impress upon a poet of his rare susceptibilities. It is somewhat different with his attitude towards affairs. Unlike Archilochos and Alkaios Pindar was no friend of strife. In Frag. 154 he says, as few Greek poets could say : *Eyol δ᾽ ὀλίγον μὲν γᾶς δέδοται, ὅθεν ἄδρυς" πενθέων δ᾽ οὐκ ἔλαχον οὐδὲ στασίων. In Frag. xii. he alludes to that grave moment in the history of the contending factions of his native city when the oligarchs, in dread of the upstart democracy across their borders, cast their lot to side with the Persians. But the disasters of his ‘mother Thebes’ at Plataia PINDAR. 351 worked no estrangement in his affection. If in the earlier period the poet remained true to his state—a united Greece there scarcely was—and had no word for Marathon, where Aischylos fought, later on, when ‘some god had put away the stone of Tantalos,’ he gained the larger vision that the freedom of Greece was more than the glory of Thebes. The Panhellenism of Pindar was learned in part through adversity. Simonides was not forced to encounter the cruel dilemma of his rival, and his note rings true throughout. But Pindar, though he too wrote for pay, must be absolved of all hypocrisy when he expresses his gratitude for the work done for freedom by those who had stood against his countrymen at Plataia. Akenside is, however, not entirely just when he says that the poet Amid corrupted Thebes was proud to tell The deeds of Athens and the Persian shame. Possibly too the fact that he did not take part in the conflict may, as in the case of the exiled Thukydides, have helped to foster an inborn sense of impartiality. The fame of Pindar rests mainly upon his triumphal odes, which do not fall within the scope of this edition. That only the epinikia have been preserved practically com- plete, argues that in them we have Pindar’s best ; nor are we in a position to dispute the correctness of this con- clusion, though it is difficult to follow Eustathios, who accounts for the popularity of the epinikia on the ground that they were more human, contained fewer myths, and offered less difficulties than his other lyrics. Many of the poems that have perished may, it is true, have dealt with cults that became recondite to later generations as the significance of the special forms of Greek religion gradu- ally faded away. Pindar was, however, famous not only as the poet of the national contests which became for him the arena of moral as well as physical effort : he traversed almost the entire scale of choral song, and though the fragments appear insignificant in comparison with the architectonic splendour of the epinikia, they alone dis- close the versatility of his genius. In them we find the poet yet unrebuked by his fair countrywoman (Frag. i.); we learn more of his personality, of his love of sportive- ness and festivity (Frag. 124). Here too we find Greek faith in its quieter moods, the joys and sorrows of men 352 PINDAR. whose lives are not irradiated by the sun of Olympia, something less of that tension of diction by which the poet seems to vie with his athlete as he strains to reach the goal; and here he discloses his profoundest concep- tions of the origin and destiny of the soul. Apart from Bacehylides, Pindar is the only melic poet of whose art we have abundant remains. Yet the epinikia formed less than one fourth of his entire works. The collection of his poems made in Alexandria, probably by Aristophanes, consisted, according to the Breslau Life (Vrat. A), of 17 books :—i. To the gods: hymns, paians, dithyrambs (2 books), prosodia (2 books) ; ii. To gods and men: partheneia (3 books, one of which included odd pieces, κεχωρισμένα), hyporchemes (2 books) ; iii. To men: enkomia, threnoi, epinikia (4 books). To these titles Suidas adds enthronismoi, bacchika, daphnephorika, skolia, δράματα τραγικά, epigrams, and ‘exhortations, the last two being certainly spurious. Boeckh thought that the additional titles were derived from the recension of Aristarchos who, he claimed, distinguished the various sub-divisions with greater nicety than Aristophanes. Bergk, on the other hand, argued that the additional titles in Suidas were drawn from an early Attic recension and that the poems in question were variously disposed in the edition of Aristophanes. It is, however, singular that the division into 17 books should have been retained. Christ concludes that there was only one recension and that the titles in Suidas are, with the exception of the skolia, nothing more than designations used in place of the older species by some scholar of the fourth or third century. The daphnephorika may e.g. be placed with the partheneia, and the skolia with the enkomia, Perhaps the enthronismoi (‘installation odes’ 1) are to be regarded as prosodia, though some take them to be hymns. Sittl classes them as hymns to the Mother of the gods. The same scholar thinks the daphnephorika are processional songs for the Theban festival of Apollo. Since the famous treatise de tragoedia comoediaque lyrica by G. Hermann (1836) few scholars have had the temerity to revive the belief in the existence of lyric tragedies (τραγικὰ δράματα), which was first upheld by Boeckh, and defended by Welcker, and O. Miiller. Liibbert, indeed, in his Com- PINDAR. 353 mentatio de Pindari carminibus dramaticis tragicis (Bonn 1884) sought to distinguish them from the dithyrambs sung in the spring in that they were sung in the winter and contained a recital of the deeds of the heroes and not of Dionysos. But truth seems to lie on the side of Immisch (2. Jf, 44. 553), who reinforces the arguments of Hiller (Hermes 21. 357) and shows that the words were inserted as a complexive title in the list of Pindar’s works by some late writer who regarded ‘drama’ as any poem with an heroic subject. In somewhat similar fashion the Aeneid was called a ‘tragedy’ by the author of the Divina Commedia, The subject of these curious additions in Suidas’ list is too technical for further notice here: for our present purpose it is sufficient to establish the fact that Pindar’s activity as a choral poet embraced all the various forms of melic except the hymenaios. The nome he did not attempt, nor any other species of monodic song except the skolion, though that also appeared in the choral form. All his poetry was ‘ occasional.’ For an adequate study of the style of Pindar as it is seen in his epinikia, the student will have recourse to the editions of Fennell, Seymour, and Gildersleeve, and to Croiset’s La Poésie de Pindare. We may mention here only the chief traits of his character and diction. All Greek choral poetry is religious, but Pindayr’s is supremely so. Pindar is permeated by a solemn sense of the goodness of the divine power and of the close bond between God and man. He holds to the traditional faith purified of all that is degrading to the moral sense; he has intense moral earnestness and is never weary of enforcing his teaching by wise utterances. His mythical heroes embody ideal principles of thought and action, yet they do not lose their personal outlines in vague moralizing. Pindar is distinguished by serenity, by an independence of spirit that never condescends to the flattery of kings, and by a touch of austerity ; he has a lofty consciousness of the grandeur of his themes, of his own pre-eminence, and of the immortality of his song. His political ideal is the Dorian ideal: the rule of the noble is of God, but it entails obligation and surrenders itself to the moral law. As a craftsman Pindar is the poet of splendour and Ζ 354 PINDAR. magnificence. He loves the pomp and pride of words, the stately and sonorous compound epithets that form, as it were, the colour over the majestic marble. His resources are unbounded, yet he always holds himself in reserve. He is lofty, audacious, and even obscure, but not because he is struggling with profound ideas. He is often abrupt and disdains to mark the movement of his thought. At times he seems to hammer out his phrases, as if the Dorie, Aiolic, and epic dialects, because they are fused with his native speech, proved a stubborn material; while the Ionian Simonides with facile ease and delicacy pours his thought intoa graceful mould. Nor does Pindar touch the heart as his rival does. Pathos he has, but his energy is primarily directed to an ethical end. Though he can be at his ease, impetuosity is the prevailing law of his move- ment. He often shifts from stateliness to plainness, and effects the transitions of his theme with great ingenuity. He is studious of variation and never monotonous. His metaphors and (less frequent) similes are often bold, and he is fond of personification. He loves majestic rhythms, and prefers the grave epitrite to the lively logaoedic or the excited paeonic. The fragments are too brief to warrant an attempt at distinguishing the diction of all the various classes ; as indeed the distinction between the species of melic com- position is itself elusive. The different styles of the hymn, _ the dithyramb and the hyporcheme (Frag. 1. iv., x.) are however well marked. Asa rule the diction of the frag- ments resembles that of the epinikia. Of the hymns, that in honour of Ammon was so famous that it was inscribed by Ptolemaios Soter on a stele which was placed near the altar of the god. Pindar may have been the first to introduce into Thebes a knowledge of the Egyptian god whom the Greeks identified with Zeus. In the hymn to Tyche, whom he makes one of the Fates and superior in power to her sisters, he says, ‘’tis chance, not strength, that wins the day’ (Frag. 38). We hear also of hymns to Apollo and Persephone. In the continuation of Frag. i. the poet ascribes the birth of Apollo and the Muses to a request of the Olympians that Zeus create other gods to sing his beneficence to man- kind and the majesty of his works. In one fragment he 7 PINDAR. 355 compares the onslaught of Herakles to the lightning—a simile much admired by the ancients. Patans to Apollo Pythios and the Zeus of Dodona are reported; in one he makes mention of Niobe; and in another calls rumour the voice of the halcyon. In several passages Pindar shows his interest in the literary history of his art. Of the dithyramb the poet says that it was invented either in Naxos or at Thebes, which city was one of the chief seats of the cult of the son of Semele. The frag- ment that was produced at Athens (iv.) is probably the oldest genuine specimen of this form of melic. In the dithyramb, as elsewhere except in the hymn, Pindar unites the present with the past, and it is to this trait that we owe the famous lines on Athens (v.). In one fragment (79) the poet deals with the archaeology of the dithyramb ; in another he mentions the cult of the Great Mother ; and the myths of Orion and Geryon are referred to. There are prosodia to the Delian Apollo and Artemis Aphaia; one records a πομπή to Delphi; another deals with the story of Typhoeus. One partheneion is addressed to Apollo; in another he sings of Pan, whom, according to one authority, he is said to have called the child of Aither. Men in love, he said, pray to be the sun, women would fain be the moon. With Pindar the hyporcheme attained its greatest splendour. In that on the eclipse (x.) he reaches a sublimity that is Aischylean in its quality and excelled by the Prometheus alone. In the dramatist the final note is defiance, in Pindar it is resigna-: tion. The lyric poet loved the reconciliation of the human and the divine, not the conflict of will and fate. Frag. ix. points to the secularization of the hyporcheme, which Proklos confined to the divine sphere. The en- komion is a more private and less solemn song than the epinikion, though it may be devoted to the praise of the victor at the games. Thus Theron, the subject of OJ. 2 and 3, is the recipient of an enkomion from Pindar which may have been sung upon the conclusion of O/. 2. So too Frag. xiv. probably followed a song in honour of some victory of Alexander of Makedon. The skolion is thought to have become choral under Pindar’s hands—a result of the influence of the sympotic enkomia. Frag. xv. has the tripartite arrangement, but Frag. 122 is monostrophic, 306 PINDAR. J. though the rhythm is Dorian. The latter fragment was accompanied by the dance of the ἱερόδουλοι in the temple of Aphrodite at Korinth in celebration of the victory of Xenophon at Olympia (Οἱ. 13). Though the argument in defence of such a theme is the same as that urged by Simonides, Pindar is more naif and less dexterous than the eulogist of Skopas. The skolion to Thrasybulos (124) is sportive, that to Hieron (125 ff.) warns man to modera- tion in pleasure in order that life may not lose its freshness. In the threnot Pindar does not relax his tone to tenderness. In place of consolation he unfolds the glories of the world beyond the grave ; and cheers the bereaved by the Orphic doctrine that the souls of the pious, freed at last from all taint of guilt, re-appear on earth where they assume the forms of the great. It is all but certain that the poet was an Orphic. I. vv. 1-6 Lucian Demosth. encom. 19, Plut. de glor. Athen. 4 (in part); vv. 6-12 Clem. Alex. Strom. 5. 731. The poem stood first in the collection of Pindar’s hymns, and was sung at a Theban festival. Plutarch relates that the youthful poet was rebuked by Korinna for his failure to make use of myths, which are the embellishment of poetry (cf. Plato Phaidon 618); whereupon Pindar composed this hymn, which occasioned. Korinna’s remark ‘One must sow with the hand, not with the whole sack’ (τῇ χειρὶ δεῖ σπείρειν, ἀλλὰ μὴ ὅλῳ τῷ OvAdKw). Yet this very hymn, which called forth Korinna’s censure, Lucian Ikaromenip. 27 pictures as sung by the Muses, together with the Fheogony of Hesiod, at the banquet of the gods; and the poet in his old age (Jsthm. 7) did not abandon the style of his youth. Cf. Hor. 1. 12.— 1. The catalogue of names that are associated with the Boiotian cult begins with those whose fame was most ancient. Ismenos was son of Asopos or of Amphion, father of Dirke and brother of Melia. ἤ occurs seven times. The figure of thought (σχῆμα διανοίας) entitled ἀπορία or διαπόρησις (dubitatio) is particularly suited to the beginning of a poem, where the poet can best feign embarrassment in the presence of over- abundant material. Cf. Isthm. 7. 1 ff. and Mel. Adesp. 84 (probably by Pind.). ἀπορία occurs as early as Hymn 1. 19 ff., 2. 29 ff.; cf. Bacch. x. 5ff. So the ἢ οἵη of Hesiod. Medlav: daughter of Okeanos, nymph of the spring Melia near the Ismenion at Thebes. To Apollo she bore Ismenios and Tenaros. Cf. Pyth. 11. 4. Since she is a divine personage, PINDAR. J. 357 her attribute (ἠλακάτη) as a woman must be of precious metal ; see Fennell on χρυσαλακ. ᾿Αμφιτρίτας Ol. 6. 104, where the reference to Jebb on Soph. O. 7. 846 is inapposite. Jebb is there dealing with those compound adjectives in which the second part is equivalent to a separate epithet of the subst. χρυσαλ. is not=‘ golden and plying the distaff.’ In classical poetry only the Olympians Aphrodite, Athena (xpucéa θύγατερ Διός O. T. 187), and the personifications Hope \(Soph.), the Muse, and Victory (both in Pind.) are called ‘golden.’— 2. σπαρτῶν: cf. Lsthm. 1. 30: Iolaos ὁμόδαμος ἐὼν σπαρτῶν γένει.---4. σθένος ‘Hp.: ‘mighty Herakles’ as σθένος ἡμιόνων Ol. 6. 22, ἐντέων σθένος Pyth. 5. 34; for the periphrasis con- taiming an adj. cf. κρατησίμαχον σθένος υἱῶν Pyth. 9. 86, Crispi iucunda senectus Juv. 4. 81.—5. πολυγαθέα: Hes. Theogon. 941 Διώνυσον πολυγηθέα, Pind. Frag. 153 Διόνυσος πολυγαθής. The poets usually use the form Διώνυσος only when it is called for by the metre. τιμάν : πατρὸς ᾿Ολυμπίοιο τιμάν Ol. 14. 12.—6. The marriage of Kadmos and Harmonia, which Dissen thought was the subject of the hymn, was a favourite theme of the poets. All the gods assembled to do honour to the pair, and Apollo, the Muses, and the Graces played and sang. Cf. Pyth. 3. 90, Theogn. 15, Eur. Phoin. 822. ὑμνήσομεν : either the dubitative future (Goodwin M. T. 68), or, more probably, subjunctive (287) with short modal vowel.—7. The caesura between the arsis of the second epitrite and the initial dactyl is not observed; cf. Soph. Yrach. 821, 831, which are also iambelegi. εὔβουλον Θέμιν : Ol. 13. 8, Isthm. 8. 34, ὀρθόβουλος Aisch. Prom. 18. οὐρανίαν : also in Soph. H/. 1064. Delphic tradition placed her in Delphi. ‘Fennell (on Pyth. 9. 106) notes that Pindar sometimes uses two adjectives without a conjunction when one is a distinctive epithet.—8. χρυσέαισιν ἵπποις (‘car’): Ol. 1. 41, 8. 51. Note the gender. παγᾶν: the springs of Okeanos (Hes. Theogon. 282, Eur. Frag. 773. 33, Kallim. 5. 10) are the sources of the life of things. Okeanos and Tethys had reared Hera (= 301).—9. Pindar’s treatment of the myths is elastic. Hes. Theogon. 904 makes the Moirai the children of Zeus and Themis; “and this was the Theban version (Paus. 9.25. 4). Pind. calls Themis the first (ἀρχαίαν) wife of Zeus, Hes. calls her the second (after Metis).—10. The ‘shining road’ is the milky way that extends from Okeanos to the zenith. Olympos is here the sky (cf. ¢ 42), not the localized mountain as in the Jliad. On the Διὸς ὁδός Οἱ. 2. 70, which Boeckh thought was also the milky way ; see Rohde Psyche 505. Ovid Metam. 1. 168 says est wa sublimis, caelo manifesta sereno... hac iter est superis ad magni tecta 958 PINDAR. }Έ- 12. Tonantis. The κλῖμαξ of v. 9 (cf. πίτναντες θοὰν κλίμακ᾽ ἐς οὐρανὸν αἰπύν Frag. 162) recalls Jacob’s ladder. κατά : here of ascent.—11. σωτῆρος : perhaps a reference to the contest with the Titans in which Themis assisted Zeus. Themis Σώτειρα is the πάρεδρος of Zeus in Ol. 8. [29]. Her temple at Thebes adjoined that of Zeus.—12. Cf. Hes. Theogon. 901 δεύτερον ἠγάγετο (Ζεύς) λιπαρὴν Θέμιν, ἣ τέκεν “Ὥρας, | Edvouinv τε Δίκην τε καὶ Εἰρήνην τεθαλυῖαν, | alr’ ἔργ᾽ ὠρεύουσι καταθνητοῖσι βροτοῖσι, Ol. 13.6. ἀλαθέας : ‘true,’ because they follow each other in inevitable sequence.—Metre : dact.-epitrite. 11. Stob. Flor. 109. 1. Classed by Bergk as a hymn and referred by Boeckh to the advice given to his son by Amphi- araos on his departure for Thebes. Boeckh thought the fragment might be a skolion and added at the beginning Frag. 180: μὴ πρὸς ἅπαντας ἀναρρῆξαι τὸν ἀχρεῖον (ἀρχαῖον MSS. ) λόγον" | ἔσθ᾽ ὅτε πιστοτάτα σιγᾶς ὁδός" κέντρον δὲ μάχας | ὁ κρατι- στεύων λόγος.--1Δ. φέρεται κ.τ.λ. = τίνα μόχθον φέρομεν ----2, ἐρέω may = ἔχω εἰπεῖν, but the present is in place as in Pyth. 4. 142, 5. 108, where, as here, the reference is to what follows. —s. Cf. Pyth. 3. 82 τὰ (πήματα) μὲν ὧν οὐ δύνανται νήπιοι κόσμῳ φέρειν, | ἀλλ᾽ ἀγαθοί, τὰ καλὰ τρέψαντες ἔξω. μὲν OV: profecto ; each word has its distinctive force ; not the composite use (‘nay rather’). See Jebb on Soph. H/. 459. μοῖραν : placed with the second member as usual: cf. Pyth. 11. 64.—5. προστύχῃ: the generic subjunctive without ἄν (κέ). Pind. does not use ἐάν, ἤν, εἴ κε (Gildersleeve on Οἱ. 6. 11). The pres. subj. is rare in Pind. in general conditions, the aor. subj. or pres. indic. being preferred. σκότει: σκότος is both mase. and neut. in Pind. Sim. has ὁ θάμβος. The meaning is either that men may not know that the gods are unfavour- able or that we may not become χάρματα éxOpois.—Metre : dact.-epitrite. 111. Stob. Hel. phys. 2. 1. 8 (ef. Clem. Alex. Strom. 5. 726, Euseb. Praep. Ev. 13. 688).—1. ἔλπεαι : ‘believe,’ ef. ¢ 297, Nem. 7. 20. σοφίαν : Frag. 209 ἀτελῆ σοφίας καρπόν, Eur. Bacch. 395 τὸ σοφὸν δ᾽ οὐ σοφία. Pindar may have prompted Sophokles 0.7’. 502 σοφίᾳ δ᾽ ἂν σοφίαν παραμείψειεν ἀνήρ (E. Bruhn ad loc.). dre: instrum. dat.; ἰσχ. θράσει Eur. Or. 903, ἰσχ. τοῖς σώμασι Xen. Memorab. 2. 7. 7.—2. ὑπέρ : cf. ὑπέραλλος ‘matchless’ Nem. 3. 33; Thuk. 3. 46. 3 ἰσχύομεν πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους τῷδε.---3ϑ. οὐ yap ἔσθ᾽ ὅπως = οὐδαμῶς γάρ. Cf. Hdt. 7. 102, Aristoph. Pax 102. Cf. y 81] χαλεπόν ce Oedv...| δήνεα εἴρυσθαι, μάλα περ πολύϊδριν ἐοῦσαν, (a passage which shows the close connection between ἐρέξ-ῳ and épev-vdw), Solon 17 ἀθανάτων ἀφανὴς νόος ἀνθρώποισιν, Pyth. 3. 59 χρὴ τὰ ἐοικότα παρ δαιμόνων μαστευέμεν Ovarais φρασίν,] PINDAR. IV. 359 γνόντα τὸ παρ ποδός, οἵας εἰμὲν αἴσας, Kur. Alk. 799 ὄντας δὲ θνητοὺς θνητὰ καὶ φρονεῖν χρεών, Soph. Frag. 531 θνητὰ φρονεῖν χρὴ θνητὴν φύσιν, | τοῦτο κατειδότας ὡς οὐκ ἔστιν | πλὴν Διὸς οὐδεὶς τῶν μελλόντων | ταμίας ὅτι χρὴ τετελέσθαι, Trach. 472, Eur. Frag. 795, ‘‘ But they know not the thoughts of the Lord” Micah 4. 12. In Frag. 140 Pind. has τί θεός ; 6 τι τὸ πᾶν. In iii. he foreshadows the doctrine of Sokrates in his contest with the naturalistic school (Xen. Memorab. 1. 1. 12-15) and the antagonism between the poets and the philo- sophers.—Contrast Arist. Eth. 10. 7. 8 ot χρὴ δὲ κατὰ τοὺς παραινοῦντας ἀνθρώπινα φρονεῖν ἄνθρωπον ὄντα οὐδὲ θνητὰ τὸν θνητόν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐφ᾽ ὅσον ἐνδέχεται ἀθανατίζειν. ---Μούτο : logaoedic. IV. Dion. Hal. de comp. verb. 22: cited as an example of the austere style. Dion. says of the poem that it is nervous, robust, and full of dignity ; that the ear perceives, though without pain, a certain roughness; and that there is no theatrical ornament or polished beauty. He finds proofs of the asperity of the style in the collocation of final ν with τ, ¢, x, Δ. The poem was probably composed for the Great or City Dionysia at Athens, which were celebrated at the begin- ning of spring, in Elaphebolion, perhaps on the 10th and llth of the month. . At this festival, besides the dramatic performances, there took place dithyrambic contests beween ten cyclic choruses of fifty members each. See Haigh Attic Theatre 14. This dithyramb was sung in the agora and not in the sanctuary of Dionysos Eleuthereus to the S8.E. of the Akropolis. 1. ἴδετ᾽ év: ‘look with favour upon.’ The preposition is added only here and xv. 9. Cf. Ol. 14. 15 (Θαλία) ἰδοῖσα τόνδε κῶμον. So ἐφοράω of the gods, as Aisch. Suppl. 531, and ἐπιβλέπω. ἐν cum accus. (8 times in Pind. chiefly in the Aiolic odes) is a relic of the original stage of the language when this preposition had the functions of Lat. in. It is preserved in Boiotian, Thessalian, North-West Greek, Eleian, Arkadian, Kyprian, and perhaps even in Attic ἔμβραχυ (Wackernagel). The accus. use was abandoned on the rise of év-s (cf. ab-s), which, before a vowel, became εἰς, before a consonant, ἐς. χορόν : cf. Aristoph. Nubes 564 Ζῆνα ἐς χορόν . κικλήσκω. 2. ἐπί: tmesis with πέμπετε. The ἔπι of most editors is an over-refinement; see Chandler Greek Accentuation 923. κλυτάν : of the grace that gives victory to song. The analogy of κλεινός (kX. χαρίτεσσιν ‘ gracious victories’ Isthm. 2. 19, κλ. ἀοιδαῖς Pyth. 3. 114) points to the meaning ‘renowned’ rather than ‘loud’ (if ydpu=‘song’). See on Sim. xxxiv. κλυτός, 900 PINDAR. IV. of poetry, is used as an epithet of ἐπέων poal, ὕμνων πτυχαί, dodd. The charm of the poet’s song is from the gods: Frag. xx., cf. Ol. 14. 8 οὐδὲ. . . θεοὶ Χαρίτων ἄτερ κοιρανέοντι χορούς. --4. ὀμφαλόν: the altar of the Twelve Gods, erected in the market-place by Hippias’ son Peisistratos (Thuk. 6, 54. 7), served as the centre for calculating distances to the Attic demes (C.I.A. 1. 522, 2. 1078, Hdt. 2. 7). So Augustus’ miliarium aureum was placed in the forum. πολύβατον, be- cause the processions in honour of Dionysos surrounded the altar (O. Miiller Index lect. Gétting. 1840 p. 3, Xen. Hipp. 3. 2). Cf. the oracle in Demosth. Meid. 531 αὐδῶ Epexdelinow .« μεμνῆσθαι Βάκχοιο, καὶ εὐρυχόρους κατ᾽ ἀγυιὰς | ἱστάναι ὡραίων Βρομίῳ χάριν ἄμμιγα πάντας, | καὶ κνισᾶν βωμοῖσι κάρη στεφάνοις πυκάσαντας. Boeckh, followed by Christ, thought that the ὀμφαλός was the Rotunda (Θόλος). Wachsmuth agrees with Wordsworth Athens 102 that the Akropolis is meant. 5. ἱεραῖς : all cities are ‘sacred’ because they are devoted to some one of the gods. ἱεραί of Athens \ 323, Soph. Azas 1221, Timokr. i. 3, Bacch. x. 1, Aristoph. 4g. 1319. 6. oixveite: with accus. of the limit of motion, which is very common in Homer, frequent in P., and not rare in tragedy. πανδϑαίϑαλον : a variation on the Hom. πολυδαιδ. Pind. is fond of adj. with way—. The agora was adorned with the statues of Harmodios and Aristogeiton, of the Heroes who gave their names to the Attic demes (the Eponymoi), etc. After the departure of the Persians it was ornamented with many splendid buildings ; and Kinon in- creased his popularity by embellishing it with trees (Plut. Azim. 13). Cf. Wachsmuth Stadé Athen 1. 170, 532, Harrison Myth. and Mon.77. εὐκλέ᾽ : asSoph. O. 7. 161 (ἀγορᾶς θρόνον εὐκλέα) ; for -eéa by hyphaeresis ; cf. ὑπερδέά P 330. ἀκλέζ ἐκ ὃ 728 is from dk\éa. In Nem. 6. 29 εὐκλεῖα is generally read ; in Pyth. 12. 24 εὐκλεᾶ. To have one’s statue set up in the agora was regarded as the greatest of honours (Demosth. Lept. 485, Lucian Anach. 17). Pindar’s statue was placed not far from those of the Tyrannicides. ἀγοράν: Christ holds that the poem was written before 472 because it was sung in the market-place and not in the Dionysiac theatre, which was not constructed until after this date. There were however in the fifth century two orchestras: one, 8.E. of the Akropolis, in the precinct of Dionysos Eleuthereus, and constructed probably in the sixth century ; the other, of ancient date, in the agora, not far from the sanctuary of the older Dionysos (Lenaios), S. of the Areiopagos. See Dérpfeld-Reisch Gr, Theater 10, 366. The latter, which is here referred to, re- tained its name after public performances had ceased to be PINDAR. IV. 361 given there. At the Spartan festival of the Gymnopaidia the ephebi danced in the market-place (Paus. 3. 11. 9). 7-8. λάχετε asyndeton in prayer; cf. Sim. xiii. 15. The passage is difficult. Boeckh read ἰοδετᾶν Δ, στ. τἂν τ᾽ ἐαρι- δρέπτων λοιβᾶν, Christ! ἰοδετᾶν Ἃ. στ. τὰν ἐαριδρέπταν λοιβάν, Christ? ἰοδετῶν Δ. στ. τᾶν ἐαριδρόπων τε λοιβᾶν, Bergk ἰοδέτων λ. (indicative) στ. τῶν ἐαριδρόπων᾽ ἀμοιβάν, 1.6. ‘in requital thereof,’ accus. in apposition to the preceding sentence. Were it not for ἀοιδᾶν (Sauppe) in 10, I should prefer Usener’s ἐαριδρόπων ἀοιδᾶν (ἀοιδάν HF). Perhaps 7 of the mss. (re dptdp.) stands for F, examples of which substitution may be found in Christ Beitrdége zum Dial. Pind. 37. If this is correct, we must read ἐπάγῃσι in 1. 17. Dissen took λοιβᾶν to refer to honey. Evidence for λοιβή used of flowers is lacking. 9. Διόθεν = οὐρανόθεν (Bergk) ; who am come from Zeus of Nemea, where the poet had been sojourning (Boeckh) ; ovis auspiciis (Christ). None of these explanations is satisfactory. 11. δεῦτε (Sauppe): the poet addresses the members of the chorus. Cf. Frag. 122. 15. δεύτερον (mss.) is generally re- ferred to a previous appearance of the poet at Athens (perhaps Frag. v.). Boeckh: post Iovem patrem secundo loco ad Bacchium filium. κισσοδέταν : Dionysos has the epithets κισσοκόμης Hymn 26. 1, κισσοχαίτης Prat. 1. 17, κισσοφόρος Ol. 2. 27; Sim. 148, 2 ἀνωλόλυξαν κισσοφόροις ἐπὶ διθυράμβοις (of the choreutai). Cf. Eur. Phoin. 651, Ovid Faste 3. 767 hedera est gratissima Baccho. Paus. 1. 31. 6 reports the name Κισσός. 12. Βρόμιον : cf. Ol. 2. 25 ἀποθανοῖσα βρόμῳ]. . . Σεμέλα. Ἔϊριβόαν : so Dionysos is called ἐρίβρομος Hymn 20. 1, Anakr. 11; Aisch. Frag. 355 μειξοβόαν πρέπει | διθύραμβον ὁμαρτεῖν | σύγκωμον Διονύσῳ. Pind. avoids the name Βάκχος. 13. πατέρων = Zeus, as yuvackdv=Semele, the plural of amplification (pluralis maiestatis); cf. Isthm. 8. 38 Διὸς ἀδελφεοῖσιν = Poseidon, 5. 43 τοῖσιν = Achilles, Ol. 7. 10 νικών- τεσσιν = Diagoras. The ‘allusive’ plural is very frequent in tragedy: Soph. O. 7. 1176 τοὺς τεκόντας -- πατέρα, 1007 τοῖς φυτεύσασιν = μητρί as 366 τοῖς φιλτάτοις = μητρί (see Wunder ad loc.), γυναικῶν = Eriphyle H7. 838. μελπέμεν : the inf. of pur- pose after a verb of motion where the fut. part. might have been used ; the pres. part. in ἀείδων ἔμολον Ol. 14. 18. 14. τε after μέν is frequent in Pind. The avoidance of the adversative δέ emphasizes the paternal descent, while the mother is added by way of parallel, not by way of contrast. ἔμολον : so Isthm. 5. 21; ἦλθον Ol. 9. 83, ἔβαν Nem. 4. 74, κατέβαν Ol. 7. 13 (all aorists). None of these verbs proves the actual presence of the poet. 362 PINDAR. IV. 15. ‘The visible tokens of his rites do not escape his tice.’ The return of spring indicates to the god that his festival is at hand. The text is Usener’s; Heyne and Boeckh have ἐν ’Apyela Νεμέᾳ μάντιν, the ‘priest’ being the custodian of the sacred tree at Nemea, whence came the palm (φοίνικος épvos so Boeckh in 16), a branch of which the victor carried in his hand. Unger has shown that the distinction between the winter and the summer Nemea does not hold before Hadrian. Since in Pindar’s time they occurred in June, Boeckh’s interpretation falls to the ground. Bergk’s évapyé ἀνέμων μαντήϊ᾽ is without point. 16. φοινικοεάνων : Pyth. 4. 64 φοινικανθέμου ἦρος. θαλάμου : Cf. Aristeid. 1. 39 of Korinth: θάλαμον Ὡρῶν, ᾧ πάντα τὸν χρόνον ἐγκάθηνται καὶ ὅθεν προέρχονται ἀνοιγνῦσαι τὰς πύλας, εἴτε Διὸς σύ γε βούλει καλεῖν εἴτε ἸΠοσειδῶνος, Lucr. 1. 10 simul ac species patefacta est verna diei | et reserata viget genitabilis aura Favoni; Aristoph. Nubes 311 ἢρί τ᾽ ἐπερχομένῳ Βρομία χάρις, | εὐκελάδων τε χορῶν ἐρεθίσματα, | καὶ Μοῦσα βαρύβρομος αὐλῶν. 17. ἐπάγῃσιν Usener. The reading ἐπαΐωσιν is not well supported by Alk. xxviii. ὁπότε with the generic subjunctive elsewhere in Pindar takes ἄν. 18. βάλλεται: the schema Pindaricum or Boeotium, in which a sing. verb is used with a plur. subject not neuter in gender. In his discussion of this syntactical figure Haydon, A.J. P. 11. 186, suggests that ἴων φόβαι ῥόδα τε is an ampli- fication of ἴα, ῥόδα μίγνυται easing the construction. The same scholar rejects dye? in 1. 20 for ἀχεῖτε, which he declares is not an unnatural shift. Hermann’s ἀχεῖται finds a defender in Jebb (on Soph. O. K. 1500), The other actual or possible cases of the figure in Pindar are Ol. 11. 6, Pyth. 4. 57, 10. 71, Frag. 78, 239, 246. Gildersleeve remarks that the singular is the general, the plural the particular. See also Wilpert de schemate Pindarico et Alemanico, Starkie on Aristoph. Vespae 1301. βάλλεται suggests the φυλλοβολία. See on Stes. vi. The dithyrambic festival was a species of carnival. τότε: the repetition (cf. 20, 21) suits the ethos of the dithy- ramb. Eur. did repetition to death. 19. φόβαι : this use of φόβη, κόμη of the leafage of trees, is so frequent that the personification is almost ‘extinct ; ie ξ 328, y 195, Soph. Antig. 419, Eur. Ion 120. The use in connection with plants and flowers is however infrequent and, asa rule, late; ἀνθρύσκου φόβῃ Kratinos 98, οἵ. Theokr. 4. 57, 6.16. ῥόδα : at the Dionysia the Athenians generally crowned their hair with the rose, which was sacred to Dionysos. PIN DAR. ΖΡ Υ. 363 A victorious dithyrambic chorus was crowned with roses : Sim. 148. 3. 20. ὀμφαί: usually of the voice of a god or an oracle. , Eur. Med. 174 μύθων τ᾽ αὐδαθέντων ὀμῴφάν of the chorus. σύν is used of musical accompaniment when the notes of the instrument are regarded as an addition to the words of the song. Cf. σὺν καλάμοιο Bog Nem. 5. 38; Sim. xvi. note. ὑπό of instrumental accompaniment in general; see on Anakr. x.; ἐν is in place when the melody is the frame- work of the poem: Sim. 148. 8 ἐν αὐλοῖς. αὐλοῖς : the mythical Arion, as a member of the kitharoedic school of Terpander, is supposed to have used the kithara in accom- panying his dithyrambs. That the flute was used follows from Sim. 148. 8, Aristoph. Nubes 313. The movements of a large chorus could be better controlled by the flute than by the kithara. In and after Pindar’s time both the kithara and the flute were used. Cf. Graf de Graecorum veterum re musica, chap. 2. 21. This mention of Semele does not fulfil the promise of 13; hence the poem continued with the praise of Dionysos, the story of his birth, ete.—Metre: paeonic-logaoedic as Οἱ. 10, Pyth. 5. Schmidt Hurhythmie 428 regards the metre as logaoedic throughout. The fragment belongs to the ἀπολελυμένα μέλη, that is, it is not divided into strophes. V. Scholl. Aristoph. Acharn. 637, Nubes 299, Aristeid. 3. 341; [Aischin.] epist. 4. 474, etc., and referred to by numerous later writers. In Aristoph. Hq. 1329 Aristophanes imitates v. 1: ὦ ταὶ Num. Kal ἰοστ. καὶ ἀριζήλωτοι ᾿Αθῆναι. In return for the single expression ‘E)\ddos ἔρεισμα the Athenians, according to Isokr. de antid. 166 made Pind. proxenos and gave him 10,000 drachmas. Later writers however report that Pindar’s fellow-citizens, who had stood on the side of the Persians, were not disposed to brook this laudation of Athens, and mulcted the poet 1000 drachmas; whereupon the Athenians gave the poet a douceur of ten times this amount. [Aischin.]J/./. reports that the amount of the fine was repaid to the poet twice over, and that the Athenians honoured him with a bronze statue. Laudation of Athens in Pyth. 1. 76, 7. 1 κάλλιστον ai μεγαλοπόλιες ᾿Αθᾶναι. . . ἐπεὶ τίνα πάτραν, τίνα Fotkoy αἰνέων ὀνυμάξομαι ἐπιφανέστερον ᾿Ελλάδι πυθέσθαι; Frag. 77 ὅθι παῖδες ᾿Αθαναίων ἐβάλοντο φαεννὰν | κρηπῖδ᾽ ἐλευθερίας. Dissen thought this fragment was from the same poem as iv. The lines form the exordium. λιπαραί: of Athens, Nem. 4. 18, Isthm. 2. 20, Solon 43, Eur. Adk. 452, Troad. 801, I. T. 1130, Aristoph. Nubes 300. Cf. Acharn. 636 364 χάους ΤΕ πρότερον δ᾽ ὑμᾶς ἀπὸ τῶν πόλεων οἱ πρέσβεις ἐξαπατῶντες | πρῶτον μὲν ἰοστεφάνους ἐκάλουν". .. εἰ δέ τις ὑμᾶς ὑποθωπεύσας λιπαρὰς καλέσειεν ᾿Αθήνας, | ηὕρετο πᾶν ἂν διὰ τὰς λιπαράς, ἀφύων τιμὴν περιάψας. λιπαρός was a favourite epithet of places with Pind. (Thebes, Orchomenos, Marathon, Naxos, Smyrna, Kgypt). As applied to Athens, the reference is not to the olives of Attica, but to the external splendour of the city, its temples and monuments. Cf. Schmidt Synonymik. 4. 679. For the separation of the adj. from the substantive cf. Ol. 7. 13, 14. 22, Nem. 9. 48. Such adj. are often proleptic. Here the distance is bridged by κλειναί, which shows the normal position. ἰοστέφανοι: cf. iv. 19. Temples and private houses were decked with violets at the Great Dionysia. ἀοίδιμοι: elsewhere in Pindar applied to one other place (Delphi): γᾶς ὀμφαλὸν παρ᾽ ἀοίδιμον Pyth. 8. 59.— 2. κλειναί : of Athens Soph. Aias 861. The tragic poets call Athens εὐδαίμονες, θεόδμητοι, τιμιωτάτη πόλις etc. —Metre: logaoedic (dact.-epitrite : Rossbach). VI. vv. 1-4 Philo de corr. mundi 23, vv. 5-10 Strabo 10. 485. The schol. on Isthm. 1 reports that the poem is a prosodiac paian composed for the Keians and infers that it was partially completed when the poet was engaged to write Isthm. 1 for his townsman Herodotos; ef. v. 3 μή μοι κραναὰ νεμεσάσαι | Δᾶλος, ἐν ἃ κέχυμαι ‘may rocky Delos, in whose service my soul has been poured forth, not be wroth with me.’ Because of Isthm. 1. 7 (Φοῖβον χορεύων ἐν Kéw) Dissen has argued with much probability that the poem on Apollo and Delos, which was set aside for the Isthmian ode, referred to a Delos or to a temple of Apollo in Keos; and Boeckh main- tained that if this fragment was designed for the island of Delos it is not the poem referred to in Isthm. 1. 3. Perhaps four verses have disappeared at the end of the strophe, and two at the beginning of the antistrophe. 1. θεοδμάτα: so Δάλου θεοδμάτας Ol. 6. 59. The feminine is more poetical than the masculine. θεόδματος, ἀθάνατος (except in Frag. 10) and ἱπποσόος have the fem. form in Pindar only with proper names. Of the 9 other compound adj. of three endings, 4 occur where there is no metrical compulsion.—2. ἔρνος : of an island, cf. βλάστε νᾶσος Ol. 7. 69.—S. ἀκίνητον: either (1) ‘unmoved,’ in contrast to the tradition (found first in Pindar) that it floated about previous to the visit of Leto. τέρας may support this view. The island of Aiolos and the Strophades, were πλωταὶ νῆσοι. Or (2) ‘unshaken by earthquake’. Cf. Seneca Quaest. Nat. 6. 26 hance (Delum) philosophi quoque credula natio dixerunt non movert auctore Pindaro. (2) is out of the question if the PINDAR. VI. 365 poem was written after the famous earthquake, concerning which we have the apparently contradictory statements of Herodotos and Thukydides. Hdt. 6. 98 says that the earth- quake occurred in 490 after the departure of the Persians, that it was the first that took place in the island, and that a shock did not recur during his lifetime. The oracle κινήσω καὶ Δῆλον ἀκίνητόν περ ἐοῦσαν may not have been inserted by Hdt., but it apparently refers to a former floating condition of the island. Thuk. 2. 8 reports that the earthquake occurred shortly before the Peloponnesian war and that prior to this Delos had never been shaken in the memory of the Greeks. Kirchhoff supposes, not very probably, that there were two earthquakes and Hdt. did not know of the one reported by Thuk. Marchant thinks that Thuk. was ignorant of the passage in Hdt. or ignored it. It is possible that the shock happened some time between the two wars, and in order to connect so startling a phenomenon with the subject of their histories, Hdt. antedated while Thuk. post- dated it. So Stein, and Wecklein Trad. d. Perserkriege 16. Abbott thinks that there were different traditions current among the European and the Asiatic Greeks, each derived from ‘supposed evidence’ from Delos. We conclude that, even if ἀκίνητον means ‘unshaken,’ the tradition is too uncertain to enable us to date this fragment and a fortiori Isthm. 1, which has been referred to a period shortly before the battle of Tanagra (458). Miiller Dorians 1. 332 dated the poem before 490.—4. Δᾶλον : the addition of τηλέφαντ. ἄστρ. (cf. Ol. 2. 55 ἀστὴρ ἀρίζηλος, Aratos Phain. 94) shows that the poet is playing on a supposed connection with δῆλος and is not emphasizing the fact that the island was the place of Apollo’s epiphany (Preller). εὐδείελος (=etdndos Ps. Skylax 258) in Homer is used of islands in general (vy 234) and of Ithake in particular. Cf. Μᾶλος the ‘white’ island, ᾿Αργινοῦσσαι in the same place. In v. 90 we have —~~ l for —~—w. The strophes consist of three eriods: v. 4 belongs with v. 3 with overflow as in the apphic stanza. In the epode we have three periods of two verses each. 1. ἀριστοκάρπου: cf. ἀγλαοκάρπου Σικελίας Pind. ix. 5, ἀριστεύοισαν εὐκάρπου χθονὸς Σικελίαν πίειραν (Zeus* bridal gift to Persephone) Nem. 1. 14, εὐκάρποιο γαίας Pyth. 1. 30, πολυμάλῳ Σικ. Ol. 1. 12. Sicily was famous for the abund- ance of its corn and wheat: Cicero says the yield was eight to ten fold, which is probably under the truth according to Holm. kpéovcav: fem. to the post-epic κρέων. Hom. has κρείων, κρείουσα with the first syllable always in the arsis. From ἄκρεσιων ; cf. Old Norse herser, officer of a district. κρείων has become a title of honour.—2. toorépavov: with hiatus licitus; F is disregarded in ii. 3, vi. 19, but shows its influence in 9. 72, ix. 37. kotpav: though some write Κόρης in Archil. 120, the proper name is not attested in poetry before Kuripides. See on Skol. ii. 8, The absence of the article here is indecisive. Persephone is βασιλὶς Καταναίων Inscr. Sic. 450.—8. Kyretot i.e. KXeyo?. Pind. has Κλεοῦς Nem. 3. 83. Not till Hellenistic times did Kleio become the Muse of heroic poetry; Urania is mentioned in ii. 13. Sods: mares were generally used as race-horses. But in 71. Ψ the horses win two out of three races. Cf. Pind. i. 8. --. ‘Iépwvos: the choral poets use this form though the prince, as a Dorian, called himself ‘Idpwy (Hicks Hist. Inscr. 15). H. is addressed as ζαθέων ἱερῶν ὁμώνυμε πάτερ Pind. Frag. 105. ὕππους : the main theme. The introduction is only formal, though Hieron was priest of Demeter and Persephone (Hadt. 7. 153). 5. cevovto: cf. Pind. O/. 1. 20 παρ᾽ ᾿Αλῴφεῳ σύτο of Phere- nikos. Bacch. rarely uses παρά cum dat. of place. σὺν Nika: BACCHYLIDES. Il. 393 not a Pindaric phrase. The steeds dash on attended by Victory and Glory.—6. ᾿Αγλαΐᾳ : the refulgent splendour of success. —7. ἔθηκαν : followed by inf. as Pind. Pyth. 9. 7, Frag. 177. The factitive constr. is preferred in choral melic. - 8. ὄλβιον : perhaps proleptic, ‘to his prosperity.’ 9. Cf. δῆμος ἀπείρων Ὁ 770.---12. πλείσταρχον : Hieron was the most powerful prince of his time (Pind. Οἱ. 1. 104 says that no one was δύναμιν kupidrepos), When Greece was menaced by Xerxes, Hieron’s brother and predecessor Gelon offered to supply provisions for the entire Greek army and to provide a numerous land and naval force. K. cites Hdt. 7. 157 μοῖρά τοι (Gelon) τῆς Ελλάδος οὐκ ἐλαχίστη μέτα ἄρχοντί ye Σικελίης. mA. Ἑλλάνων γέρας = γέρας τοῦ πλείστων Ἑλλάνων ἄρχει. Not only did Hieron enjoy a kingly station (yépas), the gift of God; he was also an all- powerful prince.—18, Cf. Pind. Nem. 1. 31 οὐκ ἔραμαι πολὺν ἐν μεγάρῳ πλοῦτον κατακρύψας ἔχειν, Pyth. 1. 90 μὴ κάμνε λίαν δαπάναις (addressed to H.), Isthm. 1. 67 πλοῦτον κρυφαῖον. πυργωθέντα suggests abundance and solidity (Solon 13. 9 of πλοῦτος : ἔμπεδος ἐκ νεάτου πυθμένος εἰς κορυφήν). pedapdapel : darkness wears a sable shroud. Cf. μελαγχίτων of the troubled mind, Aisch. Pers. 114. Note the two metaphors. Bacch. is fond of the thought expressed by κρύπτειν σκότῳ ; cf. vi. 54, δνοφερόν τε κάλυμμα τῶν ὕστερον ἐρχομένων 16. 32; Pind. Ol. 2. 97. 15. ff. A description of Delphi introductory to the mention of Kroisos, whose munificence had enriched the shrine of Apollo. The style recalls the paian on Peace (Frag. xiii.).—16. βρύουσι : cum gen. after βρύει cum dat. Like variation between the instr. dat. and the gen. of fullness occurs in the case of πλήθω, πληρόω, πλήρης, βρίθω (see on xili. 12). With rhetorical iteration (epanaphora) we have either μέν---δέ, μέν without δέ as here, Orphic Hymn 8. 4 δεξιὲ μέν... εὐώνυμε, 22. 7 μῆτερ μὲν Κύπριδος, μῆτερ νεφέων (cited by Platt), δέ without μέν Thuk. 7. 1, or neither μέν nor δέ, as Aisch, Sept. 901 (contrast 911). The slight shift from plur. to sing. in the epanaphora here is attended by the shift in the constr. of Bpvw. Richards would read φιλοξενίαις : which is Pindar’s manner (Ol. 4. 17). (Bacch. does not love the antithetical μέν... δέ.) φιλο- tevias: hospitality is enjoined upon priests in Plato Laws 953 A.—17. ὑπὸ pappapvyats: ‘with its flashing radiance.’ Cf. ὑπὸ βαρβίτῳ χορεύειν, ὑπ᾽ αὐλητῆρι ἰέναι, ὑπὸ σκότῳ, ὑπὸ δαᾳδί. The gen. with ὑπό is more common; see on Anakr. x. Cf. Pind. Nem. 4. 82 ὁ χρυσὸς ἑψόμενος αὐγὰς ἔδειξεν ἁπάσας. ὃ: deictic, so 1. 87, Pind. Ol. 1. 1. χρυσός : scarcely solid 394 BACCR WALID ES. et. or pure. The weight of the four tripods dedicated by the sons of Deinomenes was nearly 51, or, according to another account, 55 talents. Kroisos (Hdt. 1. 51, 92) had dedicated a krater, a basin, a shield, and a statue of gold. A silver krater offered by him, was, after the conflagration in 548, placed in the corner of the προνήϊον (ct. πάροιθε ναοῦ 1. 19). A Delphic inscription (B. C. H. 21. 478, 1. 23) shows that this object was in process of being replaced in 338 after its destruction by the Phokians. Since the time of Kroisos gold had not been consecrated at Delphi until the offering made by Hieron.—18. ὑψιδαιδάλτων : the form is correct, though the poet has εὐδαίδαλος elsewhere (Hom. πολυδαίδαλοϑ). τριπό- δων : probably gen. after χρυσός ; otherwise the gen. abs. (see on Pind. xvi. 7). 21. θεόν, θεόν : the same repetition occurs in Diag. 1. ; deus, deus Hor. Epod. 14. 6.—22. Give the glory to God, who is the chiefest of blessings—and he will help in time of sore distress. This truth, which is the key-note of the poem, was verified in the case of Kroisos. The Ms. writing ἀγλαϊζέθω appears to be the result of a strange crasis attended by the aspiration of the dental in -erw. All other readings (e.g. ἀγλαϊζέτω παρ᾽ ἄριστον ὄλβον ‘in the hour of prime pros- perity,’ Housman, Richards) fail to explain the @ of the Ms. except ἀγλαΐζεθ᾽, &(s) or @ (παρ᾽ ἄριστος ὄλβων Tyrrell), which may stand if ts can be construed with the second person. Of this I recall no instance, though in the colloquial idiom we find χώρει πᾶς, ἴσχε πᾶς τις, and ἴτω τις, εἰσάγγελλε Eur. Bacch. 173; in Latin cf. aliquis evocate Plaut. Men. 4. Py ANI aliquis nuntiate, Pseud. 5. 1. 37. Some read θεὸν θέλοντες. ὄλβων : the plural as Soph. Frag. 297. 23. καί: the connective often serves to introduce the myth in epinikian odes. ϑαμασίππου : see on Alkm, iv. 59. - 55. πεπρωμέναν : cf. ix. 26; Hdt. 1. 91 τὴν πεπρωμένην μοῖραν ἀδύνατά ἐστι ἀποφυγεῖν καὶ θεῷ, the answer of the Pythoness to the Lydians sent by Kroisos after the fall of Sardis to expostulate with the god. Apollo delayed the capture of the city for three years in order that it might not occur in the lifetime of his servant. Hieron is of course expected to ignore the ill-omened part of the comparison.— 26. κρίσιν : cf. A 5, Bacch. v. 6. 30. Kroisos’ immolation is, according to Bacch., self- imposed, like that of Sardanapalus and Dido. In Hat. Kyros orders his defeated enemy to be burned alive. The poet’s version is probably correct since the religion of the Persians forbade the pollution of their sacred fire by contact with the dead (Hat. 3. 16, Nikol. Dam. 68). Nikol. reports BACGHY EMD ES.) , 395 that the women of Lydia sent costly raiment to be consumed on the pyre of their king. This looks as if the late historian had preserved a trace of the story that Kroisos’ act was voluntary. Ktesias (Frag. 29) on the other hand makes no mention of the pyre. ἔμελλε denoting purpose is followed by present or aorist. Bacch. has only the (commoner) present. He has also the future after μέλλω as a verb of thinking. 81. ἔτι: the misery of slavery added to the sting of defeat. 34. τ᾽ is doubtful. Its omission may be defended as that of δέ in 1. 16. ἄλαστον Supo.: cf. ὃ 174.---85. θυγατράσι: mentioned in Xen. Ayrop. 7. 2. 26. Ona red-figured vase in the Louvre (Baumeister Fig. 860, J. H. S. 18. 268) Kroisos is represented alone on the pyre in his regal splendour and not as acaptive. His attendant, who bears the significant name Euthymos, is either applying torches or carries whisks for sprinkling the lustral water on the pyre. The vase dates from about the year 500 B.c.—86. σφετέρας : ‘his’; for this use cf. Hes. Shield 90, Mimn. 12. 11 (conj.), [Anakr.] 116. 2, Pind. Ol. 13. 61, Aisch. Agam. 760; never in classic prose. ἀείρας : in Bacch. prayer is regularly accompanied by the raising of the hands: v. 100, vi. 35, viii. 9, ix. 72; in Pind. only Ol. 7. 65, Isthm. 6. 41. 89. ποῦ: is frequently used of indignation, a8 in Aisch. Choeph. 900 ποῦ δὴ τὰ λοιπὰ Λοξίου μαντεύματα; Kur. Troad. 428 ποῦ δ᾽ ᾿Απόλλωνος λόγοι; Aisch. Frag. 184. In Hdt. 1. 90, after Kroisos has been saved from the pyre through his invocation of the name of Solon, he proceeds to reproach the god for his ingratitude. Greek faith is based on the do ut des doctrine. Cf. Theogn. 748 ff. 47. Not ‘their aforetime foes arenow (perforce) dear tothem’ (the γυναῖκες of 1. 45), or ‘hateful is that which I once held dear.’ φίλα is explained by θανεῖν γλύκιστον.---48. ἁβροβάταν : pro- bably =‘ attendant,’ ‘page’; so called from his dainty gait. Cf. ἁβρὰ βαίνων of Ganymede, Eur. Troad. 820 ; Med. 1164. In Clem. Alex. Paed. 3. 294 τὸ ἁβροδίαιτον is used of the gait of the ‘‘ comely and delicate” courtesan. The word ἁβροβάτης occurs also in Aisch. Pers. 1072 (cf. Frag. 57 D., ἀβρατεύς Nauck 60) and is parodied by ὀριβάτης Aristoph. Aves 276. Kroisos himself is Λυδὸς ποδαβρός in the oracle in Hat. 1. 55. —49. δόμον : ‘structure.’ Cf. Pind. Pyth. 3. 38 ἀλλ᾽ ἐπεὶ τείχει θέσαν ἐν ξυλίνῳ | σύγγονοι κούραν (Koronis). 51. προφανής : ἡ. ε.ὅστις φανερός ἐστι πρὸ τοῦ γενέσθαι, a πρόοπτος θάνατος.---52. φόνων : ‘kinds of death’; for θανάτων .---55. The intervention of Zeus (unless he merely represents the physical phenomenon ; cf. /. H. S. 11. pl. 6) is surprising, since Apollo 396 BACCHYLIDES. I. was powerful to save his servant Kroisos (Hdt. 1. 87) as he saved Aisklepios (Pind. Pyth. 3. 44 καιομένα δ᾽ αὐτῷ (Apollo) διέφαινε upd). Or did the early legend narrate simply that a rain extinguished the fire—a fact turned to account by the pious priests of Delphi who were eager to save the credit of their god? The stories in Bacchylides and Herodotos of Kroisos’ rescue look like pure romance. Still the fact remains that tradition reported the fallen king to have survived the capture of Sardis. 57. ἄπιστον: cf. Archil. 74. 5, Bacch. ix. 117, Pind. Pyth. 10. 50. The reference is to Kroisos’ translation. —58. τεύχει : no need of the generic subj., though it appears in ix. 118. Pind. too has the indic. (Goodwin M. 7’. 467).— 59. This legend of the translation of Kroisos to the Apolline paradise occurs only here but is in harmony with Greek faith from Homer on. The oracle of Apollo at Delphi had jurisdiction in canonizing the ‘heroes.’ Apollo himself visits the Hyperboreans on a car drawn by swans (Alk. 3), but the poet is here discreetly silent as to the mode of loco- motion adopted in the translation of his servant.—60. τανυ- σφύροις : here, ii. 59 and v. 55 the papyrus has rav-; and τανίσφυρος, τανίφυλλος occur elsewhere in Mss. The miswriting is due, not to the analogy of καλλίσφυρος etc., but to the desire to avoid v in successive syllables. Cf. τανυτρίχων ΧΙ. 4. 62. ἀγαθέαν : of Pytho, ii. 41, Pind. Pyth. 9. 71.—638. γε pév: without δέ; cf. B 703, Hdt. 7. 152.—64. “Ἱέρων : the hiatus may be permissible though the word has no F, but ἀνθεμόεντι “EBpw 16. 5 is not parallel. Wilam. inserts &.— 76. The god addressed the following advice to his mortal master whom he was forced to serve as a penalty for slaying the Python.—78. διδύμους : two endings as in Pind. ἀέξειν ‘nurse’; the subject is σέ (Admetos). 80. Cf. Hor. Hpist. 1. 4. 13 omnem crede diem tibi diluaisse supremum.—81. πεντήκοντα : not a reference to Hieron’s age in 468, but a round number. The meaning of the passage is: ‘ Live as if thy life ended with to-morrow’s sun, and as if thou hadst a full span of life still before thee.’ Narrower in range are [Isokr.] Demon. 9 ἀπέλαυε μὲν τῶν παρόντων ἀγαθῶν ws θνητός, ἐπεμελεῖτο δὲ τῶν ὑπαρχόντων ὡς ἀθάνατος, Anth. Pal. 10. 26 ὡς τεθνηξόμενος τῶν σῶν ἀγαθῶν ἀπόλανε, | ws δὲ βιωσόμενος φείδεο σῶν κτεάνων, Kaibel 303 καὶ βιότῳ χρῆσαι μήθ᾽ ὡς is αἰῶνας ἔχων ζῆν, | μήθ᾽ ὡς ὠκύμορος. Cf. Herder: Mensch, geniesse dein Leben, als miissest morgen du weggehen; | Schone dein Leben, als ob ewiy du weiletest hier, quoted by Rubensohn Berl. BACCHYLIDES. T. 397 Phil. Woch. 1898, p. 1499.—82. βαθύπλουτον : βαθυ- is super- lative as in Pindar’s βαθύδοξος ‘ very celebrated,’ βαθυπόλεμος ‘most warlike.’ 85. φρονέοντι κ.τ.λ. : the phrase is an imitation of Pindar’s φωνάεντα συνετοῖσιν Ol. 2. 85 (written in 476 B.c.) and emphasizes the teaching of the poet that the eternal elements can suffer no permanent corruption, while mortal man cannot regain lost youth: only the virtue of successful achievement, when aided by the Muse, confers immortality. This con- solation is offered to a dying prince (cf. Pyth. 1. 85). βαθύς: of αἰθήρ ii. 16; αἰπύς above |. 36. Cf. Lat. altwm.—s86. The sea is incorruptible, though it κλύζει πάντα τἀνθρώπων κακά Eur. J. 7. 1193.—87. The effectiveness of the climax, in which the poet imitates Pind. Οὐ. 1. 1 (cf. Ol. 3. 42), is checked by the intrusion of the sentiment ‘gold rejoices the heart of man’ (εὐφροσύνα = εὐφρόσυνον). Bacch. has less in mind the incorruptible lustre of the metal (Pind. xxxii.) than its rivalry with dperd and the fading of its charms with the advent of old age. So Pindar packs his finales with pregnant wit.—88. οὐ θέμις : 0. is here applied to that which contravenes the laws of nature. παρέντα : Jebb cites Soph. O. Κι. 1229, Plato Rep. 460 Ε. Some read προέντα. 90. ἀρετᾶς : ‘achievement,’ especially of athletic success, which demands moral effort. Cf. Pind. Οἱ. 7. 89 ἄνδρα πὺξ ἀρετὰν εὑρόντα. μινὕθει : the metrical responsion is free as in Alkm. iv. (—-~~ —A for —~ —w™). Housman sug- gests μινυνθεῖ, which is reported by Hesych. (cf. μίνυνθα), others μινύνθη. μινύθω is unattested. See on ii. 151. —91. ἅμα: in effect the Hom. usage since μ. Ξ ἃ verb of motion. ἅμα cwm dat. only here in Bacch.—92. ‘“Iépwv: the pause excuses the hiatus here, but in 64 the hiatus and syllaba anceps may be purely musical. So in the case of Ἰσθμός 2. 7, and in Pind., where F is not certain. So with ᾿Ιάλυσος in Pind. 94. πράξαντι cd: cf. 11. 190, Sim. ii. 7.—95. σιωπά: Beattie’s ‘‘silence of neglect.” See on Pind. xiv.; for the expression cf. κόσμον ἡ σιγὴ φέρει Soph. Aias 293.—96. σὺν ἀλαθείᾳ : so 8. 4 and 9. 85 (ἀλαθείας χάριν ii. 187). σύν with words denoting an abstract idea is very common in Bacch. (dyAata, αἷσα, δίκα so Pind., εὐθυμία, εὔκλεια, νίκα, τύχα 80 Pind., χρόνο). This is the tendency of choral lyric as opposed to the epic usage. βαλών : ‘hit the mark’; cf. οὐ ψεύδει βαλών Pind. Nem. 1. 18. Words are missiles (ΟἹ. 9. 5, 13. 95). The ms. x(?)a\wv has been taken as a part. gen.; λακών, καλάν, καλῶς have been conjectured. As Hieron 998 BACCHYLIDES. Tf. represents dperd (90), so Bacch. represents Μοῦσα (92), and his fame will be linked with that of his royal patron. Not only will Hieron be famous: men will attain to truth when they shall celebrate in song also (καί) the charm of the honey- tongued nightingale of Keos. ὑμνεῖν is the final as it is the initial note (v. 3). Desrousseaux takes the passage to mean: ‘he will speak in accordance with truth who shall celebrate among things that are fair (καλῶν) the praise that is meeted out to thee by the bard of Keos.’ II, An Olympian ode in honour of Hieron, whose race- horse Pherenikos (‘ Victor’) had already won two Pythian victories (cf. 1. 41 and Pind. Pyth. 3. 74), which are to be referred to 482 and 478 and not, with Boeckh (who placed the first Pythiad in 586 and not in 582), to 486 and 482. This ode was written in 476, which is possibly the date of Pindar’s Ol. 1. Against Kenyon’s conclusion that Οἱ. 1 also commemorates this victory it may be urged (1) that the schol. on Οἱ. 1 does not (as K. asserts) say that this ode celebrates the same victory as Ol. 1; (2) that Apollodoros and Didymos state that Hieron was Συρακούσιος and not Aitvatos (a title possible only after the founding of Aitna in 472), at the time of the victory of Οἱ. 1; while Aristonikos, on the other hand, maintains that Hieron was Airvatos, but had himself proclaimed as Συρακούσιος. If this difference of opinion refers merely to the date of the founding of Aitna, it may be supposed that the ancient scholars were agreed in referring Ol. 1 to 476; (3) if Ol. 1 was written in 476, the victory of 472 remained unsung, or the ode is lost; (4) Οἱ. 1. 109 points to 472; for the poet himself indicates that Hieron was even then contemplating the more splendid chariot race, in which, four years later, he was successful, a victory commemorated by Bacch. i. Against this argument Pyth. 5. 124 may however be used.—It nay be added that if Pind was, as is claimed by some, a visitor at the court of Hieron in 476, it is not likely that his patron should have bespoken an additional ode from his rival, who was then at home in Keos. Again, the similarity between Οἱ 1. 20 ff. and Bacch ii. 37 ff. is scarcely due to chance. As the epigram in Pausan. 8. 42. 9 (cf. 6. 12. 1) states, Hieron won two Olympian victories with the κέλης. Of these the first was that of 476 (OF’=Ol. 76 for OI’ =Ol. 73), for which Bacch. wrote this ode. The second would then in all pro- bability be that of 472. In 476, thanks no doubt to Simonides’ in- fluence, Bacch. stood on terms of friendship with Hieron, whose court he must have visited (cf. févos v. 11). Christ, and Fraccaroli Le Ode di Pind. 186, Riv. di Filol. 26. 76, maintain that Οἱ. 1. was composed in 472. The age of Pherenikos, who was victorious in 482, 478, 476 and possibly also 472, is difficult to reconcile with the con- servation of great speed by racers in our day. If Ol. 1 dates from 476 and not from 472, a continuous period of even six years is almost without example in modern times for a race- horse to continue to win races. Greek racers may however have been run only at considerable intervals and thus have retained their vigour to a greater age than is common under modern conditions, and Pelagonius art. veterin. Ὁ. 32 in fact BACCHVIELDES. ΧΙ. 999 says equos circo sacrisque certaminibus quinquennes usque ad annum vigesimum plerumque idoneos adseverant (cited by Christ). See on Ibyk. ii. A good deal depends on the age when a racer is put under the saddle. Fennell suggests that the Pherenikos of 472 may have been the descendant of the Pherenikos of 482; if this had been the case, it would not have been beneath the dignity of Pindar to draw from a lower sphere evidence confirmatory of the transmission of hereditary qualities which he so often records in the case of his athletes. The ode consists of five complete systems, with over- lapping between the members of the triads in about half the possible cases. Antis. β΄, the third and fourth triads, and str. e’ contain the myth, which begins with one part of the triad and closes with another (cf. vi.). The first group and str. 6’ deal with the praise of Hieron, the poet’s comparison of himself to an eagle, and Pherenikos; with antis. ε΄ there is an abrupt reversion to Hieron, with a prayer for whose prosperity the poem concludes. (i.=55, ii. =120, iii. =25 verses.) The transition (vv. 50-55) to the central theme, a lyric Nekyia dealing with the story of Meleager, is not well managed. Hieron was at this time afflicted with an incurable disease, and the myth of Meleager may point to the in- evitableness of suffering; Herakles too the founder of the Olympic games had his affliction of toil and met his death through the deed of Meleager’s sister. But the profound melancholy of the myth is inappropriate to the theme. In his treatment of the myth (cf. Robert Hermes 33, 151 ff.) the poet follows in part the Homeric story, J/. I 529 ff., but is eclectic by his right asa lyric artist. Some of the chief points of difference are as follows: Bacch. does not mention the wrath of Meleager, which is an essential part of the Homeric episode; nor does he refer to Kleopatra, Meleager’s wife ; Hom. makes him slay only one of his uncles, and does not speak of the death of Meleager’s brother or brothers. The fatal brand, which is not mentioned in the epic, though Hom. makes M. die by his mother’s curse, appeared in the Plewroniat of Phrynichos. Whether the tragedy preceded the ode is uncertain. It is noteworthy that the three poets ascribed the death of the hero to the wrath of Althaia. The contest of the Kuretes with the Kalydonians, in which, according to one tradition, M. was slain by Apollo, finds a place in Bacch. Possibly Pindar anticipated Bacch. in casting into lyric mould the myth of Meleager. The schol. on Φ 194 reports that the Theban poet (Frag. 249) narrated the meeting of Herakles with M. when he descended to Hades to fetch 400 BACCHYVLIIDES. ΕΖΗ: Kerberos ; that M. asked him to marry Deianeira (contrast v. 165) and that on the hero’s return to the upper world he overcame Achelous, who was a suitor for the hand of Meleager’s sister (cf. Soph. Trach. 9 ff.). Before Pindar, another lyric poet, Archilochos, had treated the story of Herakles and Deianeira, telling how they lived in Kalydon with Oineus. Pherekydes of Leros (about 480), the mythographer, related in prose the story of Deianeira. Folk-legend or a lost epic, based on ) 632, may have been the source of Bacchylides’ description of Herakles drawing his bow (cf. on Stes. i.) against Meleager. Apollod. (2. 5. 12), probably following Peisandros’*A0)a Ηρακλέους, relates the older story that the shades, with the exception of M. and Medusa, fled at the sight of Herakles, and that the hero drew his sword against them, but desisted when Hermes told him they were mere wraiths. An unknown poet was followed by Parrhasios, who repre- sented Meleager, Herakles, and Perseus in Hades. Nothing is known of a dithyramb M/eleager by Kleomenes, whom Bergk would make a contemporary of Bacchylides, though he probably belongs to the fourth century. A characteristic difference in the treatment aE the myth appears in Euripides, who invented the love of Meleager for Atalanta which pervades the later literature, e.g. Ovid Metam. 8. 300 ff. According to the tragic poet, Althaia’s brothers met their death because they would not suffer Atalanta to receive the spoils of the hunt from Meleager. New words: ἀδεισιβύας " intrepid,’ ἀελλοδρόμης, ἀκαμαντορόας ‘of unwearied flood,’ ἀναιδομάχης " insatiate of attack, > ‘merci- less in attack,’ γελανόω ‘calm,’ ‘make serene,’ éyihal (2) ‘weep over,’ elodyray © opposite,’ ἐρειψίπύλης ‘ stormer of gates,’ εὐρύαναξ, εὐρυδίνης, ἱπποδίνητος ‘ chariot-swirled,’ λιγυκλαγγής ‘shrill-twanging,’ μεγιστοπάτωρ ‘of mightiest sire,’ νεόκροτος ‘fresh,’ ‘new,’ ὀλιγοσθενέω, φοινικόνωτος, χαλκεόκρανος ‘ brass- tipped,’ χαλκεόστερνος, χρυσόπαχυς. Tautometric responsion is rare: 3=98, 30=110, 34=74, 98=123, 113=153, 122=137 (the vengeance of the mother echoes the wrath of the goddess), 175=190. Non-tautometric responsion is frequent : 5=54=96, 16=188, 57=1038, 63=87 = 109 = 190=194, 99=104=123, 112=125, 119=165. Much of the repetition in Bacch. is due to the poverty of his vocabulary. Metre: dactylo-epitrite. The strophes consist of seven, the epodes of five periods. There are various noteworthy metrical peculiarities. See on vv. 11, 151. BACCHYLIDES. 1. 401 GENEALOGICAL TABLE. Aitolos | ane | | Kalydon Pleuron Epikaste = Agenor Ϊ Dae? Porthaon (Hom. Portheus) Demonike Thestios (king of the Kuretes) | | | | | Oineus=Althaia Leda Iphiklos Aphares Other sons (king of Kalydon) Hypermnestra | | Idas Lynkeus | | | | | | | Toxeus Meleager Deianeira Gorge Klymenos Thyreus Agelaos 2. ἱπποδινήτων ‘chariot-swirled.’ Cf. ἵππους δινεῖ Aisch. Sept. 462. Though verbals in -ros often retain an active signification (πολύπλαγκτοι ν. 35, βαρύτλατος vii. 4), the analogy of οἰστροδίνητος and ἀδίνητος is against the translation ‘ chario- teers.’ A quadriga is the emblem on the exquisite Syracusan coins of the period (Head Hist. Num. 150). Cf. Pind. Pyth. 2. 1 Συράκοσαι. . . ἀνδρῶν ἵππων τε σιδαροχαρμᾶν δαιμόνιαι τροφοί. στραταγέ: οἵ. Pyth. 2. 58, where Hieron is addressed as πρύτανι κύριε... στρατοῦ. Like his predecessor Gelon, the tyrant may have been formally invested with the title στραταγὸς αὐτοκράτωρ. It is also possible to regard the word as the first example of the freer use of στρατός -- δημός (Pyth. 2. 87, Aisch. Hum. 566). In tragedy the chief ruler of a city © is called στρατηγός. In ix. 121 Bacch. has orpatayéray of Minos. Pind., who uses στράταρχος for orparayés, calls Hieron Συρακόσιον ἱπποχάρμαν βασιλῆα Ol. 1. 23.—4. Μοισᾶν : elsewhere (8 times) Μοῦσα in Bacch. Pind. has Μοῖσα always. γλυκύδωρον : cf. i. 3, of Nike v. 1. Compounds of γλυκυ- are not in favour in choral melic. Bacch. has no other example, Pind. none at all. γλυκύδωρος re- appears Anth. Pal. 5. 22 (of "Epws). Cf. Theogn. 250 ἀγλαὰ Μουσάων δῶρα. ἄγαλμα : of song, Pind. Nem. 3. 13. τῶν ye νῦν : so used in a similar passage Οἱ. 1. 105, where Pind. alsa compliments the tyrant’s taste. Literary gossip reported that Hiero preferred the poems of Bacch. to those of his rival. —5. Cf. x. 12, Q 220 εἴ τις ἄλλος ἐπιχθονίων.---6. εὐθύδικον : ἀστύθεμιν ‘Tépwva, 4. 3. Hiero wielded the sceptre of justice 20 402 - BACCHYLIDES. ὙΠ in Sicily (O/. 1. 12).—7. ἀτρέμ᾽: an allusion to political unrest ? ἀμπαύσας μεριμνᾶν : ‘throw off the cares of state.’— 8. ἄθρησον : ‘cast thy glance upon this song’ ; so Pind. Pyth. 2. 70 τὸ Καστόρειον ἄθρησον. (σὺν νόῳ: cf. Hdt. 8. 86, Plato Krito 48¢. εὐνοῶν, εὐνόως are also possible (cf. Pyth. 8. 18).—9. ἢ: as Ol. 1. 28, Pyth. 6.1. σὺν Xap. βαθ.: as Pyth. 9.2. ὑφάνας : Pind. Frag. 179 ὑφαίνω ποικίλον ἄνδημα, z.e. ποίημα, Anth. Pal. 2. 70 μέλος δ᾽ εὔυμνον tbhatvew.—11. ξένος : the poet speaks of himself in the third person, as in iv. 3. This verse and 26, as 14 and 30, have one syllable more than the corresponding verses of the other strophes. To heal the violation of responsion Tyrrell improbably adds a syllable to vv. 51, 66 etc. Walker emends πέμπει to πλεῖ (the verbs are confused in the mss. of Thuk. 6. 1. 1, 8. 23. 4), brackets δέ in 14, though the asyndeton is not easily pardoned in a: passage free from all agitation, reads νω] μᾷ in 26, and omits μετ᾽ in 30. Platt reads πλέων in 1] and deletes the ms. period after θεράπων. Richards suggests ἐθέλων for ἐθέλει δέ. The solution of the question depends upon -the possibility of the protraction of the final long in 51, 66 etc.—18. χρυσάμπυκος: χρυσαμπύκων Μοισᾶν Pind. Pyth. 3.89. κλεινός : after κλεεννάν. The best ancient writers do not hesitate to repeat single words; cf. v. 57, 60, Soph. O. Κ᾿. 554, —14. θεράπων : Μουσάων 6. Hes. Theogon. 100, Hymn 32. 20, Theogn. 769, Aristoph. Aves 909, Kaibel 101. 3. Cf. Plato Jon 5848 οἱ ποιηταὶ οὐδὲν ἄλλ᾽ ἢ Epunvets εἰσι τῶν θεῶν. ἐθέλει : here, 1. 24, ii. 169, elsewhere θέλω. Bacch. does not use βούλομαι, which was not in favour with the choral poets (once in Pind. ).—15. xéov: Alk. xix. 4. 16. αἰνεῖν ᾿Τέρωνα : emphatic position (with enjambement) as the melody begins afresh; cf. 1. 41, i. 29, 61, iv. 36. If Pyth. 1 was composed in 470, Pindar’s celebrated picture of the sleeping eagle is later than Bacchylides’ splendid descrip- tion of the soaring flight of the king of birds. Pind. recalls Bacch. in his use of Διὸς ἀετός, ὠκεῖαν πτέρυγα, ἀρχὸς οἰωνῶν. Such parallelisms are almost inevitable; otherwise the different situation demands different treatment. In Nem. 5. 20, an ode composed several years before this poem, Pind. says ἔχω γονάτων ἐλαφρὸν ὁρμάν" | καὶ πέραν πόντοιο πάλλοντ᾽ αἰετοί (cf. 1. 19). Cf. Theogn. 237ff., Soph. Frag. 435. Can this passage of Bacch. be a reply to Pind. ΟἹ. 2. 86? That both poems commemorate victories won in 476 does not make this impossible.—17. αἰθέρα: masc. also in i. 36, 86, fem. iv. 35, ix. 73, without distinction of metre. See on δα. 1. ll. Cf. Anth. Pal. 9. 223 jepodivns aierds, οἰωνῶν μοῦνος ἐνουράνιοςς. τάμνων : ἠέρα τέμνον Hymn 5. 383, ‘Orph. Argon BACCHVLIDES. tf, 403 305 ἀπείριτον αἰθέρα τέμνων. ἕξουθαῖσι : the γνήσιος αἰετός is ξανθός accord. to Arist. (H. A. 9. 32), who speaks of its fearlessness and nobility. The golden eagle is the largest and commonest of the Greek eagles.—18. πτερύγεσσι : the Aiolic form (Anakr. xii.) ταχείαις : Sa. 1. 10.—19. In Ol. 2. 88 (476 B.c.) Pind. compares himself to the eagle of Zeus. See also Pyth. 5. 112. Dante /nf. 4. 94 says cost vidi adunar la bella scuola| di quel signor dell’ altissimo canto, | che sovra gli altri, com’ aquila, vola. ἄγγελος : δώσει ἑὸν ἄγγελον εὐρύοπα Zevs Q 290, πέμψεν θεὸς | ἀρχὸν οἰωνῶν μέγαν αἰετόν Pind. Isthm. 6. 50.—21. θαρσεῖ ἰσχύϊ : ἰσχύος θράσος Soph. Phil. 104. —22. πτάσσοντι : see on Alkm. viii. and cf. Pind. Ol. 2. 87, Nem. 3. 80 ἔστι δ᾽ αἰετὸς ὠκὺς ἐν ποτανοῖς |... κραγέται δὲ κολοιοὶ ταπεινὰ νέμονται, Shakespeare Jit. Andr. 4. 4. 88, Milton Par. Lost 11. 185.—25. οὐδ᾽ : see Jebb on Soph. Aias 428.—26. δυσπαίπαλα : ‘rough,’ ‘stormy’; connected with δυσπαλής, and formed from the redupl. denominative παιπάλλω (=celw Hesych.) like δαιδάλλω. Cf. κοικύλλω, μοι- μύλλω, FarFicow (whence dicow). Properly δ. is used of that which is difficult to traverse; in Archil. 115 of mountain glens (‘rugged and steep’), as παιπαλόεις of a mountain in N 17, of a road in P 743, and of islands. The emendation to δυσπέμφελα (Nairn) or δυσπέμπελα is unnecessary. Pind. has ἀμαιμάκετον πόντον Pyth. 1. 14. νωμᾶται : the schol. on Hes. Theogon. 116 quotes from Bacch. νωμᾶται δ᾽ ἐν ἀτρυγέτῳ χάει, where ἀτρυγέτῳ is certainly an error, and possibly νωμᾶται also. The papyrus has a trace of the reading νωμᾷ, and the middle is elsewhere reported only in Quint. Smyr. 3. 439. With νωμᾶν ἔθειραν cf. Anth. Pal. 9. 339 πτερὸν αἰθέρι νωμῶν, possibly a recollection of this passage. If we keep νωμᾶται, it is better to govern ἔθειραν by the verb than to make it depend on dplyvwros.—27. ἀτρύτῳ χάει: Milton’s ‘void and formless Infinite,” Thomson’s ‘‘illimitable void.” χάος first appears in Hesiod as the void, strictly the yawning abyss (Arist. Phys. 208829). Cf. the connected Skt. word vihdyas (the yawning space) ‘air.’ Later χάος is either the space under the earth that is filled with darkness or the region over the earth that is filled with air and clouds. Genealogically Aither is the descendent, in the second degree, of Chaos. The schol. on Aristoph. Aves 192 cites Ibyk. (28) ποτᾶται δ᾽ ἐν ἀλλοτρίῳ χάει for the use of χάος ‘air.’ Whether Bacch. derived his use of χάος from the Rhegine poet, or whether the quotation from Ibykos is due to confusion with this passage, cannot be decided. For χάος ‘air’ cf. Aristoph. Nubes 627 μὰ τὸ Χάος, μὰ τὸν ᾿Αέρα, 424, Aves 192, 1218, Eur. Frag. 448.—28. λεπτό- τριχα : ‘delicate’; in prose (Aristotle) of animals, but never 404 BA CCHYETIDES. Ti of birds. Here θρίξ is used of the plumage of the wings. Compounds with λεπτυ- are infrequent in poetry (ix. 119; ef. λευκοπτέρυγα Jon ii.). σύν : ‘keeping pace with.’ Ζεφύρου: ef. 1415 ἅμα πνοιῇ ΖΔεφύροιο, and good mss. Pind. Nem. 7. 29 have ζεφύροιο πνοαί.---80. pér’: only here cwm dat. in Bacch. and unnecessary in this passage. ἰδεῖν : the aorist of the moment when the bird comes within the range of vision. For ἀνθρώποις Weil conj. οἰωνοῖς. 81. Cf. Pind. Isthm. 4. 1 (composed in 478) ἔστι μοι θεῶν ἕκατι μυρία παντᾷ κέλευθος" |... . ὑμετέρας ἀρετὰς ὕμνῳ διώκειν, Nem. 6. 45, Bacch. iv. 48, 19. 1 πάρεστι μυρία κέλευθος. .. μελέων ; Frag. 63 (37) εἰ δὲ λέγει τις ἄλλως, πλατεῖα κέλευθος. This use of x. is probably stereotyped, but Bacch. fails to give it the lustre of Pind. (cf. Jsthm. 6. 22). otuos (Hom., Pind.) is not used by Bacch. The point of the passage is that with Hieron as a subject the poet has at his command material as unlimited as the air through which the eagle soars. —34. χαλκεοστέρνου: Bacch. forms compounds in χαλκο- and χαλκεο-, χρυσο- and xpuceo-, while Pindar has only χαλκο- and χρυσο-. “Apynos: this reference to the battle of Himera is an exception to the poet’s reticence as regards Hieron’s military glory. To Bacch. his patron is the victor at the games and a critic of poetry, not the conqueror of the Carthaginians and KEKtruscans. Contrast the attitude of Pindar.—85. Cf. Sim. 141 φημὶ Téd\wv’, Ἱέρωνα. ἸΤολύζηλον, Θρασύβουλον, παῖδας Δεινομένευς, τοὺς τρίποδας Oéuevar|.. . βάρβαρα νικήσαντας ἔθνη. So Pind. praises Gelon in con- junction with Hieron (Pyth. 1. 48). ayépwxor: Τρώων ay. T' 36.—36. εὖ ἔρδων : cf. vil. 18, εὖ ἔρδων θεούς 1. 25, Theogn. 368, Pind. Ol. 8. 29; τὸ δὲ καλὸν ποιοῦντες μὴ ἐγκακῶμεν Galat. 6. 9.—37. Cf. Pind. Ol. 1. 20 ff. ὅτε παρ᾽ ᾿Αλφεῷ σύτο (Pherenikos) δέμας | ἀκέντητον ἐν δρόμοισι παρέχων, | κράτει δὲ προσέμειξε δεσπόταν. With ἀκέντητον cf. 42-45, with κράτει ff. cf. 48-50. Pind. is simpler but more vigorous, Bacch. loves colour. ξανθότριχα : ‘chestnut,’ used by Solon (22) of men; ξανθαὶ ἵπποι A 680.—88. παρ᾽: the accus. with no verb of motion as i. 6, v. 26. edpvdivav as i. 6. Bacch. is as fond as Pind. is chary, of epithets of the Alpheios: ἀκαμαντορόαν ii. 180, καλλιρόαν v. 26. Pind. has one such epithet: εὐρὺ ῥέοντα Ol. 5. 18 (possibly not Pindaric). Bacch. paraphrases in iii. 3, vi. 70; so Pind. has πόρος, ῥέεθρον. Eur. H. Κ΄. 368 has καλλιδίνας of the Peneios.—389. πῶλον : since Pherenikos had been on the track for at least six years, πῶλος is equivalent to ἵππος as in Pind. Pyth. 2. 8. Not until 384 B.c. were special races for πῶλοι established in contradistinction to those for ἵπποι τέλειοι. ἀελλοδρόμαν : ἀελλοπόδων ἵππων Sim. BACCHYLIDES. Σ 405 iii., Pind. Nem. 1. 6.—40. The racing with κέλητες, like that with quadrigae, began early in the morning. At Olympia, at least in 364 B.c., the pentathlon followed the chariot race. Cf. Soph. H/. 699 ἡλίου τέλλοντος ὠκύπους ἀγών. 41. Cf. ἐν Πυθῶνι ἀγαθέᾳ Pind. Pyth. 9. 71.—42. A fuller form of this interesting expression, which is more picturesque than αὐδάσομαι ἐνόρκιον λόγον ἀλαθεῖ vow Pind. Οἱ. 2. 92, appears in Bacch. 8. 3: ya δ᾽ ἐπισκήπτων χέρα κομπάσομαι. Touching the earth as a sacred object was regarded as equivalent to laying hold of an altar (cf. τῶν τύμβων ἁπτόμενοι Hdt. 4. 172) in order to confirm an oath. Cf. the legal use of ἐπισκήπτομαι ‘denounce’ in cases of prosecution for false evidence. To summon the spirits of the dead it was customary to strike upon the earth. In //. 1 568 Althaia γαῖαν χερσὶν ἀλοία, in Hymn 2. 162 Hera appeals to Earth and the Titans (tuace χθόνα χειρί). See Nigelsbach Nachhom. Theologie 102. 214. Note the Ionic ἡ in ἐπισκήπτων.---48. προτέρων : the rare (Hom.) local use.—44. katéxpavev: the active is else- where unattested.—45. πρός : with the accus. always of place after a verb of motion in Bacch.—46. The verse paraphrases ἀελλοδρόμαν in 39. Cf. K 437 θείειν δ᾽ ἀνέμοισιν ὁμοῖοι, Verg. Aen. 4. 241; ῥιπῆς Βορέαο Ο 171. ἴσος: but ἴσος in xii, 1. 34, ἰσοθέων 18. 123.—47. Not overturning his driver as in the race described in Soph. H/. 728.—48. ἵεται: if correct, a strange use of the historical present; cf. 13. 18. In Pind. the historical present is rare, if indeed it occurs at all. vedkpotov: ‘new-forged,’7.e. ‘fresh.’ Cf. Pind. xxvi.1 κεκρότηται ‘wrought,’ ‘fashioned.’ The last part of the compound is practically quiescent as in vedxoros. Ken. takes it to mean ‘celebrated by new clamours of applause.’ Compounds of κρότος are not rare; cf. δίκροτος ἁμαξιτός ‘road for two carriages’ Eur. H/. 775, χαλκόκροτοι ἵπποι ‘ brazen hoofed’ Aristoph. Hq. 552. Pind. has ἱππόκροτον ὁδόν Pyth. 5. 92. xKporéw, κροτητός are used of the rattling of chariots (O 453, A 160, Soph. H/. 714) but this is a race with κέλητες. Housman conj. ter(o) ἀφνεόκροτον ‘abounding in noise,’ Richards λαόκροτον.---49. φιλοξείνῳ : Pind. Pyth. 3. 71 ξείνοις τε θαυμαστὸς πατήρ of Hieron. τιτύσκων : Hom. has τιτύσκομαι. Bacch. precedes the Alexandrians in the use of the active.— 50 ff. A moral precept serves as the transition to the myth. For the sentiment cf. Mimn. 2. 15, Theogn. 167, Aisch. Agam. 553, Soph. O. K. 1722, Eur. 1. A. 29, 161; cf. also Pind. Isthm. 5. 12. θεός : with synizesis; cf. v. 60, ix. 132, Pind. Pyth. 1. 56. 56. ἐρειψιπύλαν : an allusion to his capture of Troy, Oichalia, ete., though Herakles also stormed the portals of 400 BACCHVLIDES. 7. Hades.—60. Cf. © 368 ἐξ ἐρέβευς ἄξοντα κύνα στυγεροῦ ᾿Δίδαο, A 623 καί ποτέ μ᾽ ἐνθάδ᾽ ἔπεμψε κύν᾽ ἄξοντ᾽.---62. ἀπλάτοι᾽: Bacch. has a dozen other cases οὗ -οιο. Elision as in v. 120. —64. ἐδάη of physical, not intellectual, cognition ; cf. Pind. Frag. 166.—65. οἷά te: cf. y 73, Hdt. 2. 175; Ξ τοιαύτας οἷα φύλλα ἐστίν, ἃ ἄνεμος. The comparison refers to the unsub- stantial character of the shades (νεκύων ἀμενηνὰ κάρηνα κ 521). This is the finest of the three true similes in Bacch. (iv. 27, vi. 21). For the comparison Ken. cp. B 468 μυρίοι, ὅσσα τε φύλλα, Apoll. Rhod, 4. 216 (ὅσα), Verg. Aen. 6. 309 (of the dead), Par. Lost 1. 301-304, where the simile is localized in Milton’s manner (‘‘leaves in Vallombrosa”). Cf. also B 800, t 51, Z 146, Mimn. 2. 1, Sim. 85.—67. ἀργηστάς : ‘gleaming’ Ξ ἀργής, ἀργήεις, both used of elevation. Jebb proposes apyeoras (of ἀνεμός ; cf. A 806 ἀργεστᾶο Νότοιο, carm. pop. 40). Pindar, at least, avoids epithets with ἄνεμος, and the position is prob. against such a use here. The form ἀργηστής varies with ἀργεστής as ἀργῆτι with dpyért.—69. Opac. and ἐγχεσπ.: both Homeric expressions.—70. Ilop@avita: from ΙΠορθάν, contracted from -dwy, as ᾿Αλκμάν from -dwy, with the accent of Τιτάν. Cf. ᾿Αλκμανιδᾶν Pind. Pyth. 7. 2. Iop@dovida was preferred by the second hand. re 71. ᾿Αλκμήνιος : cf. on iii, 12, Such metronymics are rare.—78. Cf. @ 138, 410, Theokr. 25. 212. At each end of the bow a species of hook (κορώνη) was attached which kept the taut string in place. Ordinarily the bow was carried unstrung.—75. ἰόν : illegitimate hiatus and due to confusion between ἰός ‘arrow’ (which had no F) and Fids virus. Cf. A116 αὐτὰρ ὁ σύλα πῶμα φαρέτρης, ἐκ δ᾽ Eder’ ἰόν.-- 78. εἰδώς : for the gender, οἵ. ἐλθὼν. . . βίη Ἡρακληείη A 690.—80. yeAaveoas: ‘having cheered thy heart,’ shows the strong form of the root as does γελᾶνής ‘cheerful’ (of θυμός in Pind. Pyth, 4.181). The weak form is seen in γαληνός, γαληνής. 81. ταὔσιον: as Alkm. 92 where we may read ταὔσια πολλὰ kiw.—85. Cf. οὔ τοι ἔπι δέος A 515.—86. For the question cf. Pind. Pyth. 9. 33 and see on x. 31.—87. ἔρνος : used directly and not in comparison (see on Sa. xxxix.).—90O. κεῖνον : the hero who laid low so redoubtable an adversary 1s Meleager. ἐφ᾽ : πέμπειν ἐπί τινι in a hostile sense Aisch. Agam. 61. Cf. 1. 83 above, 1. 133 below.—91. kepada: used for the pronoun > 82, Pind. Οἱ. 6. 60, 7. 67.—92. Athena aided Herakles against the Styx on the occasion of his descent to fetch Kerberos from Hades (© 367). On vases she is often repre- sented as assisting him.—94. χαλεπόν x.7.A. The key note of the story of M. By his own end Herakles was to prove its truth. Cf. y 147, Aisch. Prom. 34. BACCHVLIDES. 11. 407 97. πλάξιππος : ἱππηλάτα Οἰνεύς 1581. Πέλοπι πλ. Β 104. —99. σεμνᾶς : the epithet ‘august’ (of Artemis in Eur. Hippol. 713) loses its strength when conjoined with the beautiful καλυκ. and λευκωλένου (only hereof Artemis). Cf. vi. 72, ix. 110. Bacch. rarely connects his epithets by conjunctions. χόλον : I 534 χωσαμένη, ὅ of οὔ τι θαλύσια γουνῷ ἀλφῆς | Olveds ἔρξ᾽" ἄλλοι δὲ θεοὶ δαίνυνθ᾽ ἑκατόμβας, [οἴῃ δ᾽ οὐκ ἔρρεξε Διὸς κούρῃ μεγάλοιο.---1ΤΟΟ. πολέων : not in actual contrast with φοινικ. Note the use as fem. and cf, πουλὺν ὑγρήν ὃ 709.—101. πατήρ : with Oive’s in 97. Words at the end of different verses often belong together especially in dactylo-epitrites. -1 02. βοῶν : used as in xiii. 3. The poet is scarcely thinking of Oineus’ neglect of the goddess at the agricultural festival of the Θαλύσια.---104. κούρα : in Hom. only cum. gen.—105. Soph. Meleager, Frag. 369 συὸς μέγιστον χρῆμ᾽ ἐπ᾽ Οἰνέως γύαις | ἀνῆκε Λητοῦς παῖς ἑκηβόλος θεά. ἀναιδο- μάχαν - ἀναιδέα μάχης ; cf. ἀναιδέα δηϊοτῆτος EH 593.—107. πλημύρων : the best Mss. οἱ Hippokrates have the form with one μ. ἐπλήμυρον (?) Archil. 97; πλημμυρίν Bacch. Frag. 69 (B. 45).—109. μῆλα: in I 541 ff. the boar uproots δένδρεα | αὐτῇσιν ῥίζησι καὶ αὐτοῖς ἄνθεσι μήλων. Is μῆλα here due to the Hom. μήλων Ὁ Do boars attack sheep? Apollod. says the Kalydonian boar διέφθειρεν τὰ βοσκήματα.-- 110. εἰσάντᾶν stands midway between Hom. écayra and ἄντην (ἄντᾶν). Perhaps we should write εἰς ἄνταν. 111. Cf. ἀνδράσι δῆριν ἔθεντο P 158, στησάμενοι δ᾽ ἐμάχοντο μάχην Σ 533.—112. ἐνδυκέως : not of friendly action as in Hom.; cf. 1. 125. Perhaps = κρατερῶς ‘stubbornly.’—118. cwivexéws (as Hes. Theogon. 636) from cvv-+cex-. The third hand has here συνν-. See on Alk. iv. 1.-- 114. κάρτος = νίκην. Cf. κῦδος ὀρέξῃ E 33.—115. θάπτομεν : by incineration.— 117. ᾿Αγκαῖον : the name occurs in B 609 as that of an Arkadian prince, son of Lykurgos. He participated in the Boar-hunt (Apollod. 1. 8. 2, Ovid Metam. 8. 401). Skopas represented him as slain by the boar on the pediment of the temple of Athena Alea in Tegea. There is no warrant for making him a brother of Meleager. ᾿Αγέλαον : ᾿Αγέλεως in Anton. Liber. Metam. 2. This may be the Hyleus of Apollod. 121. ὥλεσε. . . ὀλοά: for the repetition cf. above 12 kNeevvay . . . κλεινός, and see Bekker Hom. Bi. 185 ff. Less relevant, because proper names (cf. on iii. 1), are Ipé@oos Bods B 758, ἀίδηλον “Αἰδαν Soph. Aas 608 (Jebb). Cf. μοῖρ᾽ ὀλοὴ ἔκτανεν IL 849,—122. δαΐφρων (as 137) from δάϊς, = πολεμικὸν φρόνημα ἔχουσα Ht. Gud. 133. 8 (Ξ δαϊόῴφρων). This is the meaning in the J/iad, not in the Odyssey. δαΐῴρων of Penelope is ‘prudent’; so of Alkmena, Pind. Pyth. 9. 84. Phrynichos 408 BA CCHYEIDES.«. “LE, Plewron. has ματρὸς aivds κακομηχάνου ot Althaia.—124. δορᾶς : cf. 1547 ἣ δ᾽ ἀμφ᾽ αὐτῷ θῆκε πολὺν κέλαδον καὶ ἀυτήν, | ἀμφὶ συὸς κεφαλῇ καὶ δέρματι λαχνήεντι. Apollod. says that, accord, to one version of the story, the Thestiadai claimed the spoils because it was Iphiklos who first hit the quarry. The lyric poet introduces only effective incidents and hence passes over the death of the boar.—126. μενεπτολέμοις : in Homer only of individuals. Cf. Αἰτωλοὶ μενεχάρμαι 1 529.— 128. ᾿Ιφΐκλον: κὶ with ‘Attic’ correption in a medial syllable also ix. 127, 7. 9; τὰ ii. 153 (initial). —129. ᾿Αφάρητα: from ᾿Αφάρης, inflected like Φέρης. Cf. ᾿Αφάρητος Plut. Parall. 40. The usual form of the name is Aphareus. Pind. Nem. 10. 65 has ᾿Αφαρητίδαι (-cddac Apoll. Rhod. 1. 151) of Lynkeus and Idas, who are called by Ovid Metam. 8. 304 duo Thestiadae proles Aphareia. Accord, to another account Aphares’ father was Periores. μάτρωας : in 1 567 for κασιγνήτοιο φόνοιο some read κασιγνητοῖο >. ‘slaughter of her brothers’ in order to square Homer’s account with later tradition. 139. βούλευσεν ὄλεθρον : cf. Ξ 404. ἀτάρβακτος : imper- territa as Pind. Pyth. 4. 84; formed from *rapBdfw. Cf. ἀτάρβητος. ---140. δαιδαλέας λάρνακος: as Sim. xiii. 1.— 142. ἐγκλαύσασα is the reading of the ms. It may be re- tained, though ἐγκλαίω ‘weep over’ is unattested (ἐνδακρύω Aisch. Agam. 541), and the pregnant constr. of ἐκ with καῖε is harsh. Althaia shed tears over the fatal brand as she drew it from the chest. Althaia’s tears in Homer (I 570) are not tears of repentance for her deed; see, however, Ovid Metam. 8. 470 inveniebantur lacrimae tamen. Tyrrell conj. ἐγκλάσασα t.e. καῖε φιτρὸν dv ἐνέκλῃσε (‘ from the chest in which she had shut it up’), Jebb ἀγκλαύσασα, Housman ἑλκύσασα (but the ὕ is objectionable), Wilam. ἐκκλάσασα (this, however, means ‘having shut out’) and ἐγλύσασα -- ἐκλὰ- (it is difficult to see how ἑλκύσασα or ἐκλύσασα could have been corrupted into ἐγκλαύσασα), Desrousseaux εἷλε (for καῖε) ἐγκαύσασα.--- 143. ἐπέκλωσεν : boldly used with φιτρόν. τότε : the seventh day after the birth of M. (Apollod. 1. 8. 2. 1),—145. Klymenos was one of the Kuretes. Meleager had a brother of this name. —146. ἐξεναρίζων : the papyrus ἐξαναρίζων. Alkm. iv. 3 has ᾿Εναρσφόρος so that -av- is at least not Doric for -ev-. In I 530 the Kuretes and Aitolians ἀλλήλους évdpifov. It is to be noted that the mother’s curse takes effect when M. is engaged in battle. Cf. Phrynichos Plewron. ὠκεῖα δέ νιν φλὸξ κατεδαίσατο | δαλοῦ mepOouévov.— 147. δέμας : cf. Soph. Antig. 205, Eur. Or. 40. ‘Corpse’ in Hom. is always σῶμα, in Attic per- missibly. δέμας in Homer is invariably used of a living body; ef. iv. 31.—149. τοί : the Kuretes. ον τ —‘—~™:;F ee en ας δ “ὡς ae BA CCH VEL ES. 3 11; 409 151. μίνυνθα : an imitation of A 416 ἐπεί νύ τοι αἷσα μ. περ, οὔ τι μάλα δήν. μινύνθᾷ would ‘cure the metrical defect, but there is no verb μινυνθάω (to which the only analogies would be Hom. ἀντάω from ἄντα and post-classical διχάω from δίχα) ; μινύνθᾶ cannot Ξε μινύνθη from *ywtw, since -67 1s Panhellenic. Other suggestions are μινύνθει, μίνυνθεν, μίνῦθεν (cf. 1. 90). Accord. to the ms. the metre of 191 agrees with that of 151 and differs from the corresponding verses of the other epodes. For the expression cf. κατείβετο γλυκὺς αἰών ε 152. The death of Meleager is represented on an amphora of about 400 B.c. now at Naples (/. H. S. 18. 270).—152. yvav: the augment is omitted in Bacch. over 60 times. —158. πνέων : my with ‘ Attic’ correption only here; κν in ix. 39.—154. Cf. Prax- illa ii., X 363. ἀγλαὸς ἥβη Theogn. 985, Sim. 105.—156. δὴ τότε: then, as never before.—157. βλέφαρον : the usual plur. (invariable in Hom. and in Pind., who has y\-) would not suit the metre. The sing., without metrical compulsion, inv. 17. So παρειά for παρειαί. Cf. Eur. Hippol. 854 δάκρυσι βλέφαρα τέγγεται.---160. tot’: --τοιαῦτα, referring to what follows (Pind. Οἱ. 6. 16). We might read τᾷδεξε τῇδε Ρ 512, Aisch. Hum. 45 (with ἐρῶ), or τοῖσδ᾽. θνατοῖσι κ.τ.λ.: the sentiment that Not-Being is the swummum bonum, a theory of existence that antedates the Orphic doctrines of the sixth century, was even ascribed to Silenos, whose wisdom was treacherously gained by king Midas (Theopomp. Frag. 77, Arist. Frag. 37); cf. Theogn. 425 πάντων μὲν μὴ φῦναι ἐπι- χθονίοισιν ἄριστον, μηδ᾽ ἐσιδεῖν αὐγὰς ὀξέος ἠελίου] φύντα δ᾽ ὅπως ὥκιστα πύλας ᾿Αίδαο περῆσαι,] καὶ κεῖσθαι πολλὴν γῆν ἐπαμησά- μενον, Soph. O. K. 1225 μὴ φῦναι τὸν ἅπαντα νικᾷ λόγον᾽ τὸ δ᾽, ἐπεὶ φανῇ, βῆναι κεῖθεν ὅθεν περ ἥκει, πολὺ δεύτερον, ὡς τάχιστα. In the presence of the hero who has been condemned to Hades in his prime, Herakles suppresses the concluding part of this famous γνώμη. It is a fine touch to put this thought into the mouth of the triumphant son of Zeus who had passed the gates of death. The original form of the saying was ἀρχὴν μὲν μὴ pdvarx.7.r. Cf. the Contest of Hom. and Hes. 315 and Nietzsche R. M. 2. 211 ff., Mahatfy On the Flinders Petrie Papyri, p. 70. Later writers repeat the sentiment again and again: Eur. Frag. 285 ἐγὼ τὸ μὲν δὴ πανταχοῦ θρυλούμενον | κράτιστον eval ῴημι μὴ φῦναι βροτῷ, 908 τὸ μὴ γενέσθαι κρεῖσσον ἢ φῦναι βροτοῖς, 449 ἐχρῆν γὰρ ἡμᾶς σύλλογον ποιουμένους | τὸν φύντα θρηνεῖν εἰς ὅσ᾽ ἔρχεται κακά, | τὸν δ᾽ αὖ θανόντα καὶ πόνων πεπαυμένον | χαίροντας εὐφημοῦντας ἐκπέμπειν δόμων, whence Cic. Jusc. 1. 48. 115 non nasci homini longe optimum esse, proximum autem quam primum mori (cf. Cic. apud Lactant. 3. p. 304 non nasci longe optimum, nec in hos 410 BACCHYVLIDES. JT. scopulos incidere vitae; proximum autem, si natus sis, quam primum tanquam ex incendio ‘effugere); Alexis Frag. 141. 14 οὐκοῦν τὸ πολλοῖς τῶν σοφῶν εἰρημένον, | TO μὴ γενέσθαι μὲν κράτιστόν ἐστ᾽ ἀεί, | ἐπὰν γένηται δ᾽ ὡς τάχιστ᾽ ἔχειν τέλος, Epikur. in Diog. Laert. 10. 126, Poseidip. in Stob. Flor. 98. 57, etc. 161. Cf. ἠελίου ἴδεν αὐγάς Π 188 of being born.—162. Stobaios cites θνατοῖσι. . . φέγγος and continues with ὄλβιος δ᾽ οὐδεὶς βροτῶν πάντα χρόνον. ‘Though this addition recalls the thought of 53-55 it does not belong to this poem and probably not to Bacch. It looks as if the lemma had dropped out.— 162. οὐ yap... χρή : οὐ yap often precedes.—168. Cf. Frag. 49 (B. 20) τί yap ἐλαφρὸν ἔτ᾽ ἔστ᾽ ἄπρακτ᾽ ὀδυρόμενον δονεῖν καρδίαν ; Alk. x., x 202 ἀλλ᾽ οὐ γάρ τις πρῆξις ἔγίγνετο μυρο- μένοισιν, Ὦ 524; Soph. Atas 377 τί δῆτ᾽ ἂν ἀλγοίης ἐπ᾽ ἐξειργα- σμένοις ;—165. ἦρα: from ἢ - ἄρα. In Bacch., Herakles has no other purpose than to obtain a beautiful bride ; at least it is not apparent that his proposal is intended to console the shade of Meleager. In Pindar, Meleager’s request that the hero marry his sister is prompted by the desire to secure for Deianeira a protector against her dreaded suitor. It looks as if Bacch. had tastelessly modified the myth. It is difficult to discover, with Christ, a reference to the marriage of Hieron with Theron’s sister (in 4767). The connection between Deianeira and Herakles is designed to establish in Aitolia the cult of the Doric hero, who thus succeeds to the place oc- cupied by the Pre-dorian Meleager.—167. ἀδμήτα : παρθένος ἀδμής ¢ 109.—168. Cf. εἶδος ἀλέίγκιος ἀθανάτοισιν θ 174. — 169. Cf. θέσθαι γυναῖκα φ 72.—172. χλωραύχενα : a peculiar epithet for a girl, but χλωρός is often used of youthful beauty, of freshness and delicacy. See on Sim. Xxxiii., and cf. the name Chloe.—174. χρυσέας : note the v.—175. θελξιμβρότου: cf. Z 215, of Aphrodite’s girdle, ἔνθα τέ οἱ θελκτήρια πάντα τέτυκτο. 176. The abruptness of the transition, which is not unusual at the end, is here softened by the fact that the reader in- voluntarily recalls the doom brought by Herakles upon him- self in consequence of his infidelity to Deianeira. Cf. 16. 23 ff. Here as elsewhere the poet presupposes full knowledge of the myth on the part of his audience. Abrupt transitions often occur in the choruses of later tragedy, which are virtually dithyrambs (Wilamowitz); cf. Soph. Vrach. 497, Eur. Andr. 274 and often in Euripides. —177. εὐποίητον ‘shapely.’ ποιέω appears in Pind. and Bacch. only in the verbal adj. ἅρμα : the δίφρον of the Muse, Pind. Ol. 9. 81, Isthm. 2. 2.— 181. Pelops was the human founder of the Olympic games. ΕΘΖ. vile 41] —182. κλεεννός : the Aiolic form as in 1. 12; κλεινός five times.—188. Cf. Pind. Nem. 10. 48 δρόμῳ σὺν ποδῶν χειρῶν τε νικᾶσαι σθένει. ποσσί is instr., δρόμῳ local dat. νικῶν δρόμον Ol. 13. 30.—184. The papyrus has ἐὐπύργους -- ἠυπύργους (cf. Pind. Nem. 4. 12). ἐύπυργον is possible in H 71. Since ev- is distracted only before two consonants, if the ms. reading is correct, the v is wrongly lengthened by the analogy of Hom. εὐμμελίω, εὐννήτους. Σιυρακούσσας : Συράκοσ(σ)αι is the best attested form in Pind., who never uses Συράκουσαι. Συρα- κόσιος Pind., Baech., and inser., is=Ionic—Attic Συρακούσιος. —186. πέταλον : ‘token’; cf. i. 92-94, Sim. v. Possibly the Syracusan custom of voting on olive-leaves (πέταλα) was not originally confined to ‘ petalism,’ the equivalent of the Attic ostracism. Cf. Pind. IJsthm. 8. 46.—188. φθόνον κ.τ.λ. another mood than that of 1. 52. ἀμφοτ. χερσίν : ‘with might and main.’—190. εὖ πράσσοι : of success in the games, as Pind. O/. 11. 4 ff. εἰ δὲ σὺν πόνῳ τις εὖ mpdoon . . . ὕμνοι. -. τέλλεται. . . ἀφθόνητος δ᾽ aivos ᾿Ολυμπιονίκαις ἄγκειται. 191. Βοιωτὸς ἀνήρ, as Χῖος ἀνήρ Sim. 85. For the sentiment (193, 194) ascribed to Hesiod no closer parallel can be found in his extant works than Theogon. 81 ff.: ὅντινα τιμήσωσι Διὸς κοῦραι μεγάλοιο, |... τῷ μὲν ἐπὶ γλώσσῃ γλυκερὴν χείουσιν ἐέρσην, | τοῦ δ᾽ ere’ ἐκ στόματος ῥεῖ μείλιχα κιτ.λ. Theogn. 169 has ὃν δὲ θεοὶ τιμῶσ᾽, ὃν καὶ μωμεύμενος αἰνεῖ. So Pind. Isthm. 6. 67 alludes to an ἔπος of Hesiod, his fellow-countryman, and a wretched epigram in his honour is attributed to Pindar. (On the relation of Pind. to Hesiod see Liibbert de Pindari studus Hesiodeis.) Bacchylides’ reference to a Boiotian poet need not be taken as an indirect compliment to Pindar, especially as the preceding sentence refers to envy. For references to their predecessors by the lyric poets see on Alk. xxv., Sim. xxii. ὀμφάν : of the poet’s utterance Pind. Frag. 152 ; usually of the voice of an oracle.—192. πρόπολος : so Μουσάων πρόπολον ᾿Ορφέα Anth. app. 250.—195 ff. I readily persuade myself that I am offering to Hieron a tribute of song that brings him fair fame and that my utterance is suited to the theme; for from my song there bud forth the roots of prosperity, i.e. the poct’s praise ensures the duration of his fame. πείθομαι: cf. the use of πέποιθα Pind. Ol. 1. 103.— 196. εὐκλέα γλῶσσαν : ‘glorious shaft of song’; cf. εὐκλέας ὀιστούς Ol. 2.90. κελεύθου : cf. 10. 51 τί μακρὰν γλῶσσαν ἰθύσας ἐλαύνω ἐκτὸς ὁδοῦ; Here κελ. is the straight track of the arrow of song. tmpoels: cf. ὄρσαι γλῶσσαν Pind. Nem. 7.71. Per- haps χέων. πέμπειν γλῶσσαν as πέμπειν μύθους Eur. Or. 617, cf. φέροις γλῶσσαν Pind. Οἱ. 9.41. Jebb proposed κέλευθον γλ. ὀλβίῳ φέρων, Blass οὐκ ἐκτὸς θεῶν. τόθεν : ‘thence’; abl.-gen. 412 BACCHYLIDES. ΣΎ ΩΣ from the stem ro-. It refers to εὐκλ. γλῶσσαν.---198. πυθμὴν τεθαλώς in a different sense, in Aisch. Suppl. 104.—200. Cf. vi. 66. ILI. To Lachon of Keos, son of Aristomenes, victor in the boys’ foot-race at Olympia. Probably before this victory Lachon was successful also at Nemea. This brief epinikion was sung after his return home from Olympia. A longer ode in honour of the same victory (nos. 7 and 8 in Ken.) was sung either at Olympia or in Keos. Metre: logaoedic, The strophes contain six periods. There is no epode, as there is none in Pind. Ol. 14, Pyth. 6, Nem. 2. Possibly the last three verses form a single period. Blass transfers to the last verse the ultimate syllable of vv. 7, 15. 1. Λάχων.... λάχε: for the word-play (ὄνομα ὄρνις, nomen et omen) cf. Gen. 27. 36 “515 he not rightly named Jacob for he hath supplanted me these two times,” Shakesp. Rich. I. (ii. 1. 73) “Ὁ, how that name befits my composition! Old Gaunt indeed, and gaunt in being old,” (cf. 2 Henry IV. iii. 2. 349). Arist. Rhet. 2. 23. 29 treats the argument from significant names as a kind of enthymeme. Pind. sometimes plays on proper names (Οἱ. 6. 30, Pyth. 3. 28, 4. 27), Sim, in 168, Plato in Symp. 185. Euripides was called τραγικὸς ἐτυμολόγος. Examples of such ὀνόματα ἐπώνυμα are Arete, Aias, Aphrodite, Apollo, Helen, Krios (Sim. 13), Meleager, Odysseus, Parthenopaios, Pentheus, Polyneikes, Sidero. Lachon, like Laches, is a clip-name of Lachemoiros.—4. ὅσσα : exclamatory; cf. ix. 120. The contrast is furnished by 1. 10.—S. ἀμπελοτρόφον : the grape is a legend on the coins of Keos. 9. Bpvovres: a favourite verb with the poet; not used by Pind. For the constr. cf. Eubulos 56 κισσῷ κάρα (MSS. κατα) βρύουσαν, Bacch. 13. 36 στεφάνοισιν χαίταν ἐρεφθείς. See on Sim. v.—10. ἀναξιμόλπου : a new word; cf. ἀναξιφόρμιγγες ὕμνοι Pind. Ol. 2. 1. As Kenyon remarks, ἀναξιβρόντας ix. 66 favours the derivation of ἀναξι- from ἀνάσσω ; so too ἀναξίαλος Ποσιδᾶν 20. 8, and ἀγλαΐας ἀνάσσων Pind. Frag. 148; but ἀναξι- may come from dvdyw (‘Urania who awakes the song’), as has been shown by Bury Isthmian Odes p. ix. Cf. the note on Lasos.—12. ᾿Αριστομένειον : the use of the adj. ending τος to denote primarily connection and especially paternal descent was retained in Aiolic, Thessalian, and Boiotian, while Ionic and Doric used the patronymic gen. In lyric and tragic poetry the adoption of the patronymic -vos is due to imitation of Hom. e.g. Τελαμώνιον υἱόν N 67; cf. ἹΚρόνιε παῖ Ῥέας Pind. Οἱ. 2. 12, Ἰνάχειον σπέρμα Aisch. Prom. 705 (-evos Ee υνῦοΨέΨ, BACCHYLIDES, I1f. IV. 413 instead of -cos, transferred from -εσ- stems); Tennyson ‘*a Niobean daughter.”—14. προδόμοις : Pind. Pyth. 2. 18 σὲ δ᾽, ὦ Δεινομένειε παῖ, mpd δόμων παρθένος amie, Nem. 1. 19, Isthm. 8. 2.—15. στάδιον : Lachon’s name does not appear in Eusebios’ list of Olympic victors, because he was a boy, and no register of boys’ victories was kept. In the register of Keian victors (Pridik de Cei insulae rebus p. 160 ff.) we read among the Nemean victors: Λάχων ᾿Αριστομένεος παίδων. κρατήσας echoes κρατεῦσαν 1. 7.—16. Tyrt. 12. 24 ἄστυ εὐκλεΐσας, Sim, 125. 2 πατρίδ᾽ ἐπευκλεΐσας (cf. Kaibel 945. 2). Here the Dor. aor., as Pind. Pyth. 9. 91; cf. v. 87, ix. 129. IV. In honour of Automedes of Phleius, who seems to have won three out of the five divisions of the pentathlon at the Nemean games. The poem may possibly have been composed in the Peloponnese during the poet’s exile. Toa Phleiasian the ancient traditions of the neighbouring Nemea were of especial interest ; hence the first triad deals with Herakles’ connection with the place, and the establishment there by the Seven against Thebes of the funeral games in honour of Archemoros. At the end of the epode a transition is made to Automedes, the recital of whose skill and the praise of Asopos, his native stream, fill the second triad. Of the four systems only two are preserved. The poem contained two myths, of which that dealing with the history of the seat of the contest is, as in Pindar (but only in Nem. 10, Isthm. 7), put at the beginning. New words: διακρινής (ἢ ‘clear,’ evvars, μηλοδαΐκτης ‘slaughterer of flocks,’ ξανθοδερκής ‘tawny-eyed,’ πορφυρο- δίνης, φοινίκασπις. Metre: dactylo-epitrite. The strophe consists of nine (five according to Jurenka), the epode of five periods. 1. χρυσαλάκατοι: of Artemis v. 38 (note); see on Pind. i. 1. Xadpures ; the Graces preside over the games and over poetry. To the athlete they impart the qualities that ensure success ; to the poet they grant ‘ persuasive renown.’ Cf. Pind. Ol. 14 init.—2. πεισίμβροτον supports the vulgate Aisch. Choeph. 362. —8. θεῖος : inspired by the gods, as θεῖος ἀοιδός ὃ 17. προ- gatas: the poet. See on Pind. viii. 5 and ef. γλυκὺν κώμου προφάταν Nem. 9. 50. Bacch. has φήμα, but προφᾶται 10. 28. The text supposes that ἑλικοβλεφάρων has been displaced by τε ἰοβλ. So in Pind. Οἱ. 6. 30, Jsthm. 7. 23 ἰοσπλόκαμος has been substituted for ἰόπλοκος. Jebb reads ἔπει (‘ utterance’) M. ὅτ᾽, Housm. M. τό. —4. εὔτυκος = ἑτοῖμος, scil. ἐστί, as Aisch. Suppl. 974. For the constr. cf. also θεὸς εὔτυκος ἕρπεν Kallim. 5. 3.—5. εὐθᾶλές : cf. πανθᾶλής 13. 196, εὐθαλής Aisch. Frag. 300. 5. εὐθᾶλής is more 414 BACCHYVLIDES. LV: common (Pind. Pyth. 9. 72, Aristoph. Aves 1062).—6. μηλο- δαΐκταν : in tragedy we have -δάϊκτος in compounds (ἀνδρο-, αὐτο-, NouTpo-, mupyo-),—9, In Pausanias’ time the cave of the Nemean lion was still shown. See Frazer on 2. 15. 2, Baumeister fig. 722, J. H. S. 18. 274. 10. φοινικάσπιδες : Alkmaion bore an αἰθὰ ἀσπίς on the expedition against Thebes (Pind. Pyth. 8. 46). The shield of Dionysos was red (Quint. Smyrn. 5.27). φ. is a variation on the usual designation of the Argives as λευκάσπιδες (Aisch. Sept. 88, Soph. Antig. 106, Eur. Phoin. 1099), which is perhaps due to etymological association with ἀργός. ἡμίθεοι : used as in Hes. (W. D. 160) from whom Bacch. borrowed much. The ἡμίθεοι are the heroes and kings of the mythical period especially those engaged in the wars at Thebes and Troy (cf. M 23, Hymn 32. 19, Sim. xii.). The word is often used of the com- panions of those heroes who had divine blood in their veins. Cf. v. 60 λιπόντες "Apyos.. . χαλκάσπιδες ἡμίθεοι.---11. KprTot : ev ᾿Αδραστείῳ νόμῳ ‘according to the foundation of Adrastos’ Pind. Nem. 10. 28.—12. The Nemea were ἄθλα ἐπ᾽ ᾿Αρχεμόρῳ; cf. the title of Stesichoros’ poem “A@da ἐπὶ Πελίᾳ. In his Nemea Aischylos related the foundation of the games in commemoration of the death of Opheltes, the infant son of Lykurgos and Eurydike. See Sim. xx. and cf. Apollod. 3. 6. 4, schol. Pind. Nem. p. 424, Paus. 2. 15. 2 (Frazer 2. 92), Hyginus 74. ξανθοδερκής : cf. γλαυκῶπες δράκοντες Pind. Cl. 6. 45. Of this serpent, Stat. Z'heb. 5. 508 says livida fax oculis. ξανθός of flame, i. 56, xiii. 4.—18. ἀωτεύοντα : for the usual dwréovra (cf. on Alkm. x. 8); Stat. Vheb. 5. 502 ille graves oculos, languentiaque ora comanti | mergit humo, fessusque diu puerilibus actis | labitur in somnos. Hesych. glosses awrevew by ἀπανίζεσθαι, a meaning impossible in itself but due to a confusion with the myth that the child was plucking flowers while its nurse Hypsipyle was showing a spring to the chiefs of the expedition. So Eur. Frag. 754 says of Opheltes: ἕτερον ἐφ᾽ ἑτέρῳ aipduevos | ἄγρευμ᾽ ἀνθέων ἡδομένᾳ ψυχᾷ τὸ νήπιον ἄπληστον ἔχων. ὑπέροπλος of size—the Hesiodic, not the Homeric meaning. Ken. suggests ἀσαλεύοντα ‘in careless sport’; cf. ἀσαλεῖν ἀφροντίζειν, σάλα and ἀσαλής in Aisch., ἀσάλεια in Sophron. Ellis ἀλατεύοντα ‘ wan- dering,’ cf. Stat. Theb. 4. 792. —14. capa: as Pind. x. 10. So the destruction of the sparrows in B308 was an omen. Opheltes was renamed Archemoros (‘the beginner of doom’).—15. μοῖρα: cf. ii. 121, 143, ix.24, 89; aica xix. Contrast viii. 15. νιν : elsewhere sing., here of the ἡμίθεοι. The plur. once-in Pind., Frag. 7.—16. πεῖθε : ‘could persuade.’ Amphiaros could not persuade Adrastos to retrace his steps BACCHYLIDES. IV. 415 just as Kalchas failed to persuade Agamemnon at Aulis. The negative with the imperfect instead of the aorist denotes bafiled effort, frustrated will. Cf. vi. 13.—17. εὐάνδρους : Tyrt. 15. 1 Dardpras εὐάνδρω. ἀγνιάς : of Argos. Note the similarity in expression in Pind. Pyth. 8. 52 ff., where Amphiaraos (Οἰκλείδας) prophecies concerning Adrastos in the second expedition against Thebes: μόνος yap ἐκ Δαναῶν στρατοῦ |... ἀφίξεται λαῷ σὺν ἀβλαβεῖ |"ABavros εὐρυχόρους dyuds.—18. The asyndeton is more remarkable than that after the exclamation in 15. πρόνοιαν : cf. Aisch. Agam. 684 προνοίαισι τοῦ πεπρωμένου γλῶσσαν ἐν τύχᾳ νέμων. 19. TadaioviSav: as Pind. Οἱ. 6. 15; a double patronymic for Tadatwy or Tadatdas. Cf. ᾿Ιαπετιονίδης Hes. W. D. 54 and mats ᾿Αγαμεμνονίδας Soph. Hi. 182.—20. Alliteration with aw; cf. 15-16, 39-40, 45. πλαξίππῳ: of Polyneikes, as of the Boiotians Hes. Shield 24; of Oineus ii. 97; of Thebe Pind. Ol. 6. 85.—21. ἀπ᾽ ἀγώνων : with ἐρέψωνται xouav.—22. Νεμέᾳ : with synizesis as 12. 8, Pind. Nem. 4. 75.—28. τριέτει : the Nemean games in honour of Zeus were celebrated on the 18th of Skirophorion in the second and fourth year of every Olympiad. στεφάνῳ : of fresh celery (σέλινον), which had a funereal application. The festival was an ἀγὼν στεφανίτης from the time of its renewal in 573. Tradition reports that prior to the Persian wars the prize was a crown of olive, and that afterwards celery was substituted to express the grief of the Greeks at the loss of their countrymen. Since the Nemean contest was an ἐπιτάφιος ἀγών in commemoration of Archemoros, celery was probably used from the beginning (Paus. 8. 48. 2). 27. πενταέθλοισιν : aaties with the verb as in Aristoph. Nubes 605 (Βάκχαις ἐμπρέπων). ἐνέπρεπεν : cf. Aisch. Agam. 6 λαμπροὺς δυνάστας, ἐμπρέποντας αἰθέρι. See on Sa. iii.—28. διακρινεῖ : formed like εὐκρινής, εἰλικρινής. The MS. διακρίνει (φάη) can scarcely mean ‘surpass in splendour.’ — 29. διχομήνιδος : ‘month-dividing,’ ‘when the month is halved.’ Of the full moon 6. Miva Pind. Ol. 3. 19, διχομηνίδεσσιν ἑσπέραις Isthm. 8. 47. The festival took place at the time of the full moon (cf. Nem. 4. 35). oeAdva: so -ἄνᾶ in ᾿Αθάνα ; elsewhere Bacch. avoids two Doric a’s.—30O. κύκλον : ef. Ol. 9. 93 διήρχετο κύκλον boca Boa.—S82 ff. This passage settles the disputed sequence of these three parts of the pen- tathlon: throwing the discus, hurling the javelin, and wrestling ; cf. Pind. Nem. 7. 71, Sim. 153. Automedes was probably defeated in the long jump and the foot-race. The relative value of the divisions is unknown, but the victor must have won in three out of the five events (Aristeid. 410 BACCHVETDES. (1. Panath. 3. 339, Plut. Quaest. Symp. 9. 2. 2). Recent dis- cussion of the pentathlon will be found in Phdlol. 1891, p. 469 ff., Jahrb. 1893, p. 785 ff., Henrich Bayr. Gymn.-Bl., 1894, p. 366 ff.—34. Cf. αἰπὺν αἰθέρα i. 36. 36. The construction is obscure. Perhaps τοῖος (ἐφάνη) is to be supplied. ἢ is hardly correct (ἐκτελευτάσας τ᾽ Stahl for ἢ τελευταίας). δή (Jebb) is weak, though the comma after χειρός untangles the construction. dpdpvypa: accusative of respect: ‘in the flashing movements of the closing wrestling-bout.’ Cf. Pind. Isthm. 8. 41 στεροπαῖσι ποδῶν. —38. πρός: the preposition is unnecessary (ix. 35), but is to be taken by tmesis with the verb.—89. Mention of the Asopos forms the transition to the myth, which is often in- troduced by a relative pronoun (rod). The river-god Asopos is said to have settled at Phleius, where he married Metope, the daughter of the Ladon in Elis. By her he had two sons and twelve daughters, 7.a. Korkyra, Salamis, Aigina (cf. 13. 44), Peirene, Kleone, Thebe, Sinope. Cf. Hdt. 5. 80, Paus. 2. 5. 2, 5. 22. 5, and esp. Diod. 4. 72, who probably followed the legend current in Phleius. According to the common tradition Thebe was the daughter of the Boiotian Asopos. Cf. Pind. Isthm. 8. 17 χρὴ δ᾽ ἐν ἑπταπύλοισι Θήβαις τραφέντα | Αἰγίνᾳ Χαρίτων ἄωτον προνέμειν, | πατρὸς οὕνεκα δίδυμαι γένοντο θύγατρες ᾿Ασωπίδων | ὁπλόταται. Bacch. may have this passage in mind ll. 49 ff.—40. χθόνα : terminal accus. aS ἐλθὼν γαῖαν Eur. Alk. 8.—41. Νείλου: with the passage cf. Isthm. 2. 42; 6. 22 ff. of the Aiakidai: μυρίαι δ᾽ ἔργων καλῶν τέτμηνθ᾽.... κέλευθοι καὶ πέραν Νείλοιο παγᾶν. The Ethiopians led by Memnon are here meant.—42. eivact: usu. εὐνάων or εὐνάεις.--44. Kodpat: the Amazons, led by Penthesilea, who fought at Troy. There may also be a reference to Herakles’ encounter with them. διωξίπποι᾽ : Gis Wo 75. 45. For the voc. after the 2nd person see on Pind. xxiii. Hiatus before ἄναξ as in Pind. Pyth. 4. 89, ete. Pindar may have used the F, but the hiatus in an Ionic poet is purely conventional. So in μεγιστοάνασσα 19. 21.—46. ἐγγόνων (ἐκγόνων Ὁ cf. ix. 16): the heroes Telamon, Herakles, Aias, Achilles, whose fame redounds to the glory of Asopos. Aiakos, the grandfather of Achilles, was the grandson of Asopos. Descent from a river-god was an honour (® 185): Nestor was descended from Enipeus, Asteropaios from Axios. Since Phleius was poor in local legends the poet draws, some- what after the recondite Alexandrian fashion, upon the genealogy of its river-god. γεύσαντο : ‘tasted’ the prowess; cf, 1258 γευσόμεθ᾽ ἀλλήλων χαλκήρεσιν eyxelyow. Τροίας : BACCHYVEIDES. IV. V. 417 Troy was taken by Herakles and by Neoptolemos.—47. δι᾽: ‘along’; cf. the use of ἀνά and κατά. ᾽ V. For Alexidamos of Metapontum, victor in the boys wrestling match at Delphi. The ode was probably sung at Metapontum before or in the temple of Artemis, the patron goddess of the city, the divinity to whose favour Alex. there- fore owed his success, and whose intercession with Hera freed from their madness the daughters of Proitos. The local cult of Artemis suggested to the poet the selection of this myth, which stands in no known connection with the family of the victor. The individual is absorbed in his native city. This is the only extant ode in honour of a Metapontine, though almost a third of Pindar’s odes was composed for Sicilians or inhabitants of Magna Graecia. From 1. 24 ff. it appears that Alex. had been deprived of a victory at Olympia by the unjust verdict of the judges. Of the three systems, the first contains an exordium to Victory and personal matters relating to the contest, and at the close of the epode passes to the myth. The second and part of the third triad narrates the story of the daughters of Proitos, with an incidental mention of the quarrel of Proitos and Akrisios and of the foundation of Tiryns. The last epode brings us back to Metapontum, with a possible allusion to the ancestors of the poet. Contrary to the general usage in epinikia the victor is not mentioned again at the close. In contrast to Ode ii., which shows Artemis in her wrathful and malevolent aspect, the link between the parts of this poem is the beneficent activity of the goddess. For the myth Bacch. is dependent only in part upon Hesiod, since that poet ascribed the madness of the Proitides to their refusal to accept the rites of Dionysos (cf. Apollod. 1. 9. 12, Diodor. 4. 68). It is possible that Bacch. also used an Argolic prose version of the story ; at any rate, Akusilaos, an Argive historian (about 480 B.c.), ascribed the frenzy of the Proitides to impiety towards an image of Hera (probably the work of Argos and the first statue of the goddess). According to the usual account, the agent of their cure was Melampus (schol. ο 225, Hdt. 9. 34, Apollod. 2. 2. 2, Paus. 2. 18. 4, 8. 18. 7, Ovid Metam. 15. 326), who chased the maidens to Sikyon; but Bacch. chose that form of the legend which did honour to Artemis ; and the tradition which made Artemis their healer was adopted by Kallim. Hymn to Artemis 233 ff. A reconciliation of the two legends appears in Paus. 8. 18. 7, who reports that Melampus cured the Proitides at Lusoi in a temple of Artemis. In his account the temple is already erected, but, according to 1. 110, it was 2D 418 BACCHYLIDES. V. not founded until the cure had been effected. Hesychios s.v. ἀκρουχεῖ says that Melampus built the temple on Mt. Akron in Argolis. The healing of the Proitides is represented on a vase of the fourth century now at Naples (J. H. S. 18. 273; cf. Wiener Vorlegebl. ser. B, pl. 4. 3. 4 and de Witte Gaz. Arch. 1879, p. 121). We have already seen on Ode i. that Bacch. followed a different tradition from his contemporary Herodotos. In this instance the historian (9. 34) speaks merely of the madness of the ‘women in Argos’ (so also Diodor. 4. 68, Paus. 2. 18. 4). Apollod. 2. 2. 2 makes the madness of these women follow upon that of the daughters of Proitos. The ancients regarded madness as a manifesta- tion of divine wrath (in tragedy, Io, Aias, Herakles, Orestes). This poem is peculiar in the absence of the gnomic element. New words: ἀδεισιβόας, ἀμετρόδικος ‘ measureless,’ ‘immod- erate,’ ἀριστοπάτρα ‘ of noblest father,’ εὔγυιος ‘ shapely-limbed,’ ἱππώκης, καλλιρόας, ὀρθόδικος (-as Pind.), πάννικος ‘crowned with constant victory,’ φοινικοκράδεμνος ‘ with crimson scarf.’ Tautometric responsions : 26=96, οἱ ds 7=21=49, παρ 47=103. Metre: dactylo-epitrite, with eight (or possibly nine) periods in the strophe, eleven in the epode. The latter may be reduced in number by joining vv. 1 and 2, 3 and 4, 6 and 7, 9 and 10. 1. The restoration of the first three lines is entirely con- jectural. In Frag. 71 (48) Nike is called κούρα Πάλλαντος πολυώνυμε. That Pallas is not meant here is certain from ὑψίζυγος, which is appropriate to Zeus alone (Kpovidas 1. 18, A166). The parentage of Nike from Zeus, which here for the first time appears in literature, is due to her affinity with Athena. Farnell compares N. εὐπατέρεια Menander Frag. 616, Himer. 19. 8. γλυκύδωρε: restored from Stob. Flor. 3. 66 (Ursinus), who also quotes ἐν πολυχρ. ... ἀρετῆς with κρίνειν and Attic forms throughout. Victory, like the Muse (i. 3), is the giver of renown.—4. πολυχρύσῳ : usu. of cities famed for their wealth (Troy, Mykenai, Sardis, Babylon).— 5. Cf. Hes. Theogon. 388.—6. κρίνεις : cf. Pind. Isthm. 5. 11 κρίνεται δ᾽ ἀλκὰ διὰ δαίμονας ἀνδρῶν. τέλος praemium; ἐφ᾽ ἑκάστῳ | ἕργματι κεῖτο τ. Isthm. 1. 27.—8. ἔλλᾶθι : an Aiolic perfect as ἔλλᾶαᾶτε (conj.) Kallim. Frag. 12] -- τλᾶτε Apoll. Rhod. 4. 984. In the perfect a is to be expected (, but Theseus captured the club from Periphetes, who is not mentioned (cf. on 1. 18).—49. Heroes carry two spears: 1 18, a 256, Pind, Pyth. 4. 79 of Jason, the beautiful description of whose arrival at Iolkos is faintly recalled by the present passage.—5O. κηὔκτον : crasis is very rare in Bacch. (χὥῶτι i. 81). Cf. κυνέην ἐύτυκτον J’ 336. In posthomeric times we hear of Arkadian, Boiotian, Korinthian, and Thessalian κυνέαι.---51. πέρι: ‘over,’ ‘on.’ Seeon Sa. i. 10. Bacch. does not use ὑπέρ except in com- pounds. Cf. K 257 ἀμφὶ δέ οἱ κυνέην κεφαλῆφιν ἔθηκεν .. . ῥύετα: δὲ κάρη θαλερῶν αἰζηῶν, where we have the normal poetical use for the prose περί or ἐπί cum dat. περί is not a favourite preposition with the choral poets. πυρσοχαίτου Ξ- πυρρόθριξ Eur. 1. A. 225.—53. ἄμφι : the anastrophe is rare; πέρι 1. 51 is common, ἔπι ii. 83, 133. οὔλιον : ‘woolly,’ only here= Hom. of\os.—54. The chlamys was used as a military cloak in Thessaly (Pollux 10. 124) and worn by young men (cf. 56 παῖδα πρώθηβον). Eros wears a πορφυρίαν χλάμυν Sa. 64.—55. ἄπο: with tmesis as in 4. 20. Λαμνίαν Ξ-- φοβεράν : the fire emitted by the volcano Mosychlos on Lemnos (Λήμνιον πῦρ) was proverbial (Soph. Phi. 800, Aristoph. Lysistr. 299, BACCHYLIDES. X.-XII1. 445 Lykophr. Alea. 227); so A. βλέπειν. Lykophron calls Aias a ‘Lemnian thunderbolt of war’ (Jebb).—56. φοίνισσ. φλόγα : used of Aitna, Pind. Pyth. 1. 24. πυρὸς φοίνικι πνοᾷ Eur. Troad. 815. ἔμμεν : so l. 31, ii. 144 etc., elsewhere ἔμμεναι 1. 14 and εἶμεν 10. 48 (Bacch. does not use civa).—57. πρώ- θηβον : so Theseus is represented on vases of the severe red- figured style. ἀθυρμάτων : the ‘delights of Ares’ are war and battle. Cf. παῖς ἐὼν ἄθυρε μεγάλα Fépya.. . ἄκοντα πάλλων . . λεόντεσσιν ἔπρασσεν φόνον Pind. Nem. 3. 44, of Achilles. So ᾿Απολλώνιον ἄθυρμα Pyth. 5. 23, ἀθύρμασι Μουσᾶν Bacch. 71 (B. 48), ᾿Αφροδίσιον ἄθυρμα (the rose) Anakreont. 53. 8.— 59. χαλκεοκτύπου : elsewhere χαλκόκτυπος.---60. φιλαγλάους : of Akragas Pind. Pyth. 12. 1. XI. Schol. Pind. Οἱ. 13. 1. Fragment of an epinikion. Pindar has (Ol. 13. 4) τὰν ὀλβίαν Κόρινθον, ᾿Ισθμίου | πρόθυρον Ilorecdavos. The Isthmic column had on the Peloponnesian side Tad’ ἐστὶ Πελοπόννησος, οὐκ “Iwvia, on the opposite side Τάδ᾽ οὐχὶ Π., ἀλλ᾽. Ἰωνίας θεόδματοι : according to the local legend Korinthos, the mythical founder, was the son of Zeus ; whence the proverb ὁ Διὸς Képw6os.—Metre: dact.- epitrite. XII. Stob. Mor. 122. 1. Perhaps from the Hymn to Demeter. It is also possible that the speaker is Danae, or Hekabe addressing Kassandra. ἀφέγκτοισιν : cf. Pind. Pyth. 4. 237 ἀφωνήτῳ ἄχει, Hdt. 3. 14 τὰ μὲν οἰκήϊα ἣν μέζω κακὰ ἢ ὥστε ἀνακλαίειν, Thuk. 7. 75. 4 καὶ μείζω ἢ κατὰ δάκρυα τὰ μὲν πεπονθότας k.r.\.—Metre: dact.-epitrite. XIII. Stob. Flor. δῦ. 3. In connection with this paian on Peace the fact is to be recalled that on the cessation of hostilities paians were sung by the opposing armies (Xen. Hell. 7. 4. 56).—1. τίκτει : the poem is a free personification which avoids all mythological connections. Euripides in Frag. 453 doubtless had Bacchylides in mind: Εἰρήνα βαθύπλουτε kal | καλλίστα μακάρων θεῶν, | ζῆλός μοι σέθεν, ὡς xpovifes. | δέδοικα δὲ μὴ πρὶν πόνοις | ὑπερβάλῃ με γῆρας, | πρὶν σὰν χαρίεσ- σαν προσιδεῖν ὥραν | kal καλλιχόρους ἀοιδὰς | φιλοστεφάνους τε κώμους. | ἴθι μοι, πότνα, πόλιν. | τὰν δ᾽ ἐχθρὰν στάσιν εἷργ᾽ ἀπ᾽ ol- | κων τὰν μαινομέναν τ᾽ ἔριν | θηκτῷ τερπομέναν σιδάρῳ (see Browning’s Arist. Apol. p. 179). So Eur. Suppl. 489 ἣ (Eip.) πρῶτα μὲν Μούσαισι προσφιλεστότη. | γόοισι δ᾽ ἐχθρά, τέρπεται δ᾽ εὐπαιδίᾳ, | χαίρει δὲ πλούτῳ. δέ τε: see on vi. 26. On the sequence of the particles in 1-5, see Hartung Partikeln 1. 108. 7. μεγάλα: rarely employed in early Greek even of a goddess: of Moira, Soph. Phil. 1466 (where the article ensures the personification), of Erinys, 7rach. 893; both the Fates 440 BACCHYLIDES. XIII. and the Furies are μεγάλαι, as are ‘ the two goddesses’ Demeter and Persephone. Hence, though more prosaic, the explana- tion as neuter is to be preferred: the following lines explain the word. Cf. Aristoph. Paw 999 ff. Had the poet in- tended an adj. with εἰρήνα, he would have employed one richer in colour than vey. Hartung read, and Bergk preferred, μέγαν (μέγας πλοῦτος in Hybrias).—2. πλοῦτον : cf. Mel. Adesp. iii., Eur. Suppl. 491. Peace is one of the Horai, who are ταμίαι ἀνδράσι πλούτου Pind. Ol. 13. 7. A group by Kephisodotos, the Athenian sculptor of the early part of the fourth century, represented Eirene (κουροτρόφος) supporting on her arm the child Plutos, who carries the Horn of Plenty: Paus. 1. 8. 2, 9. 16. 2. A reproduction of this work is found in Munich. See Gardner Greek Sculpture p. 352. μελιγλώσσων : cf. 1. 97, Aisch. Prom. 172 μελιγλώσσοις πειθοῦς ἐπαοιδαῖσιν, Pind. Pyth. 3. 64 μελιγάρυες ὕμνοι, Nem. 3. 4 μελιγαρύων κώμων, Isthm. 2. 8 μαλθακόφωνοι ἀοιδαί. -γλωσσος also in ἀδύγλωσσος Bod Pind. O/. 13. 100, πολύ- γλωσσος βοή Soph. Hl. 641. ἄνθεα : ἄνθεα ὕμνων Ol. 9. 48.— 3. αἴθεσθαι and μέλειν 1. 5, like the preceding accusatives, depend on τίκτει. So the inf. follows ποιέω, πράττω, καθί- στημι ete.; one of which verbs may be supplied here. With the passage cp. the hymn to Apollo i. with notes (Append.) ἁγίοις δὲ βωμοῖσιν “Αφαιστος aide νέων μῆρα ταύρων.---4. ξανθᾷ: of φλόξ 1. 56. τανυτρίχων : αἶγα τανύτριχα Hes. W. D. 516. —5. Peaceful scenes with song and dance are pictured in = 490, Hes. Shield 272. Aristoph. calls Peace φιλέορτος Thesmoph. 1147, δέσποινα χορῶν Pax 976. ἡσυχία δὲ φιλεῖ μὲν συμπόσιον Pind. Nem. 9. 48. The flute was the instrument generally used by κωμασταί. Cf. Pratinas i. 8. Dionysos loves Hirene (ὀλβοδότειραν, κουροτρόφον θεάν) Kur. Bacch. 419, and is often represented together with her (Miiller-Wieseler 2. 584, 585). Cf. vi. 66; Theogn. 885. τε kat: here of a union of complementary similars.—6-1O are quoted sie nomine by Plutarch, Numa 20, to show that even the ‘exaggerations of the poets’ as to the blessings of Peace were surpassed during the reign of Numa. For ioroi Plut. has ἔργα. πόρπαξιν : Aristoph. Pax 662 ὦ γυναικῶν μισοπορ- πακιστάτη of Peace.—7. Cf. Eur. Frag. 369 κείσθω δόρυ μοι μίτον ἀμφιπλέκειν ἀράχναις, Theokr. 16. 96 ἀράχνια δ᾽ els ὅπλ᾽ ἀράχναι | λεπτὰ διαστήσαιντο, Bods δ᾽ ἔτι μηδ᾽ ὄνομ᾽ εἴη, Nonnos Dionys. 38. 13 ἔκειτο δὲ τηλόθι χάρμης | Βακχιὰς ἑξαέτηρος ἀραχνιόωσα βοείη, Ben Jonson, ‘Prince Henry’s Barriers’ **Shields and swords, | Cobwebb’d and rusty; not a helm affords | A spark of lustre, which were wont to give | Light to the world, and made the nation live.” Peele ‘‘ This BACCHYLIDES. XIII. 447 helmet now shall make a hive for bees.” Lowell ‘ Launfal’ ‘* Hang up my idle armor on the wall, | Let it be the spider’s banquet hall.”—8. Cf. Tibullus 1. 10. 49 pace bidens vomerque vigent, at tristia duri| militis in tenebris occupat arma situs, Ovid Fasti 4. 927 sarcula nune durusque bidens et vomer aduncis, | ruris opes, niteant; inquinet arma situs. To the Roman pace Ceres laeta est. The Greek poet does not, like the Latins, mark the reign of Peace by the return of agri- cultural prosperity and the felicity of rural lite (cf. Pastt 1. 697). The Greek here emphasizes Peace as the giver of wealth, song, the revel, sleep; she it is who renders possible the undisturbed worship of the gods. The Roman note is anticipated in Menander: εἰρήνη γεωργὸν κἀν πέτραις | τρέφει καλῶς, πόλεμος δὲ κἀν πεδίῳ κακῶς Frag. 719, φέρβε καὶ εἰράναν, ἵν’ ὃς ἄροσε τῆνος ἀμάσῃ Kallim. 6. 138; Εἰρήνη βαθύκαρπος Kaibel 792 (2nd cent. A.p.). Demeter is the mother of Plutos, Hes. Theogon. 969. δάμναται: Plut. has εὐρὼς (not in Stob.) δάμναται, but he may not be following the poet’s order.—9. Cf. Hor. epod. 2. 5 neque excitatur classico miles truci, Tibull. 1. 4 martia cui somnos classica pulsa fugent, Bacon ‘‘ Wars with their noise affright us.” Plutarch, citing Kur. quoted on 1. 7, says (Vita Niciae 9) ἡδέως δὲ μεμνημένοι τοῦ εἰπόντος ὅτι τοὺς ἐν εἰρήνῃ καθεύδοντας οὐ σάλπιγγες ἀλλ᾽ ἀλεκτρυόνες ἀφυπνίζουσι.---τὸ. μελίφρων : of ὕπνος Frag. 13. 5 (K.), 11. Β 34.—11. ἁμόν -- ἁμέτερον ; as noster for meus. θάλπει: so Aisch. Prom. 590 (of passion). θέλγει (οἴ. vulg. θάλκει) might be defended by ε 47, Eur. 1. A. 142, [Plato] epigr. 25. 4.— 12. So to Tibullus 1. 10. 53 ff. Peace is the season of love. βρίθοντ(ι) : not Bpldovr(ac); with the genitive as o 334, Soph. Frag. 264 πάντα δ᾽ ἐρίθων ἀραχνᾶν βρίθει (cf. 1.7). The in- strumental dative is more common. Cf. i. 15. παιδικοὶ ὕμνοι : love songs addressed to beautiful youths. Welcker Kl. Schr. 1. 233 referred most of these songs to ‘ beauty-shows,’ though some, he thought, might have been sung at symposia, birthday-festivals, etc. The erotic songs of Bacch. (53-55 κ, 24-268) were classed by Welcker as παιδικοὶ ὕμνοι. ΟἿ. Pind. Jsthm. 2. 1 ff. οἱ μὲν πάλαι φῶτες (i.e. Alkaios, Ibykos, Anakreon accord. to the scholiast) . . . ῥίμφα παιδείους ἐτόξευον μελιγάρυας ὕμνους and Bacch. 10. 42 ἕτερος δ᾽ ἐπὶ παισὶ ποικίλον τόξον τιταίνει. Pind. xv. is often regarded as a rad. ὕμνος (cf. FoiK-Sones xxv.). φλέγονται: ‘are flamed forth,’ ‘ burst forth.’ Song is a torch that flames on high (ἅψαι πυρσὸν ὕμνων Pind. Isthm. 4. 43). The poet, the Graces illumine a victor and his native city. Cf. Pyth. 5. 45 σὲ δ᾽ ἠΐκομοι φλέγοντι (illustrant) Χάριτες, Nem. 6. 37 Χαρίτων ὁμάδῳ φλέγεν (splendebat), a passage which suggests φλέγοντι here, as the 448 BACCHYVELIDES), ΟΣ Ay passive is employed of the object illuminated ; so in Jsthm. 7. 23 φλέγεται δὲ ιοπλόκοισι Moicas, Nem. 10. 2 φλέγεται δ᾽ ἀρεταῖς μυρίαις. The use of ém@déyw is similar: Ol. 9. 22 φίλαν πόλιν ἐπιφλέγων ἀοιδαῖς, Pyth. 11. 45 τῶν edppociva τε καὶ δόξ᾽ ἐπιφλέγει, Aisch. Pers. 395 σάλπιγξ ἀυτῇ ἐπέφλεγεν (‘*That blast no English bugle claims; | Oft have I heard it fire the night” Scott, ‘Lord of the Isles’ 4. 18). So in vox illuxit, splendens vox, splendida oratio ; canorum illud in voce splendescit etiam in senectute Cic. de sen. 9. 28. The Greek often allows the sense of sight to usurp the place of the sense of sound (αἴσθησις ἀντὶ αἰσθήσεως). He prefers τὸ ἐναργέστερον ; the ear is more sluggish than the eye. Cf. on Prat. 1. 17. So with λάμπω, as in λάμπει κλέος Pind. Ol. 1. 23, ἔλαμψε φάμα Soph. Ο. T. 473 (χάρις λάμπει Mel. Adesp. xii.), φωνὴ λαμπρά, φωνὴ ἀλαμπής ; 80 With φαίνω, which is often used with ἀοιδή, ἔπος, κτύπος, λόγος, μῦθος, σάλπιγξ, φήμη; ἀχὼ τηλεφανής Soph. Phil. 189. We find also τηλωπὸν ἰωάν Phil. 210, φαεννᾶς ὀπός Pind. Pyth. 4. 283, φωνὴ μέλαινα, φ. λευκή (cf. Lobeck Rhemat. 342); κτύπον δέδορκα Aisch. Sept. 104, where Verrall suggests that we have a mental picture. The boldness is sometimes softened, as in Eur. Phoin. 1377 ἐπεὶ δ᾽ ἀφείθη πυρσὸς ὡς Τυρσηνικῆς | σάλπιγγος ἠχή K.T.A., OY by zeugma, as in οὔτε φωνὴν οὔτε μορφὴν ὄψει Aisch. Prom. 21, ἀστράπτει Mel. Adesp. xi. The same transference of sphere appears in the use of λευκός, μέλας, αἰόλος. In Latin: Martemque incendere cantu Verg. Aen. 6. 165, clamore incendunt coelum 10. 895, incendit clamore nemus Stat. Theb. 5. 553, ut regia luctu incenderetur Justin 38. 8. 14, Der Schal lasch (Schall erlosch) Parzival; so hrein ‘ purus,’ hrinr ‘clamor.’ Metre: dact.-epitrite. With the dissyllabic anacrusis before:-=5— Laine, ἢ: ΟΕ Rind: Olas 15 Ὁ» ΒΟ The spondee is here not to be measured L+-! LJ! , as in Pyth. 1. 20. Boeckh’s md. μελιγλ. τε in 1. 2 would help the rhythm and cause the poem to fall into four periods: I. stichic, vv. 1-2 =6. 6; IL. palinodic, vv. 3-6=3, 4.5; 3, 4.5; III. mesodic, vv. 7-8 =3. 4,3; IV. palinodic antithetic, vv. 9-12=6. 4, 3; 4. 3, 6. The ms. reading is, however, defensible. The extent of the poem cannot be determined though line 12 has a final ring toit. In Kallim. Hymn to Demeter the last note but one is φέρβε καὶ εἰράναν, ἵν᾽ ὃς ἄροσε τῆνος audoy. Since we do not know where the epode begins, all speculation is futile as to the division of the fragment. Bergk began the epode with 1. 6. From a metrical point of view, 1. 7 suggests the beginning; at least if Bacchylides’ manner was Pindar’s manner. The reconstruction of Blass R. M. 32. 460 is over hazardous (1. 1 = last verse of epode, 2-7 strophe, 8-12 antistr.). Perhaps the poem was written after the battle at the Bury- medon (460), when an altar was erected to Peace (Plut. Kimon 13). But even in time of war the poet may dream of peace. XIV. Clem. Alex. Strom. 5. 687; from a paian. A reply, perhaps ironical, to Pindar’s teaching Ol. 2. 86 σοφὸς ὁ πολλὰ βειδὼς pug* | μαθόντες δὲ λάβροι | παγγλωσίᾳ, κόρακες ὥς, ἄκραντα᾽ BACCHYLIDES. XIV.-XVI. 449 yapverov | Διὸς πρὸς ὄρνιχα θεῖον, where the scholiast finds a reference to Simonides and Bacchylides (cf. Ol. 9. 100, Nem. 3. 41). Like ἀρετή (except to Sokrates), σοφία is not διδακτή. Here the σοφία is that of the poet (Alkm. v.). The presence of a personal element in a paian is noteworthy.—1l. ἕτερος ἐξ ἑτέρου : Bacch. confesses his debt to Hesiod in ii. 191. τό τε πάλαι : cf. Iliad I 105 ἠμὲν πάλαι ἠδ᾽ ἔτι καὶ νῦν, Soph. Antig. 181, Hl. 676 νῦν τε καὶ πάλαι, Phil. 966 οὐ νῦν πρῶτον ἀλλὰ καὶ πάλαι.---2. ῥᾷστον : sci. ἐστί ; see on Anakr. xvi. θ. ἀρρήτων : heretofore ‘unuttered’ in song. Note the difference from tragic usage. πύλας : πύλας ὕμνων ἀναπιτνάμεν Pind. Ol. 6. 27. The passage reminds one of Hor. 4. 2. 27-82. Frag. 63 (37) εἰ δὲ λέγει Tis ἄλλως, πλατεῖα κέλευθος may be another reply to Pindar, or a reference to legitimate variations in the treat- ment of myth.—Metre: logaoedic. XV. Stob. Flor. 108. 26 (1-2 Flor. 1. 6, Apostol. 6. 55); a prosodion. For the sentiment cf. Hor. 1. 9. 9ff., 2. 16. 25 ff., Lpist. 1. 11. 28 ff.—1. ὁδός : so σοφίας ὁδόν Pind. x. 4. ὁδός is associated with ὅρος also in Aisch. Agam. 1119.—2. τελεῖν τὸν βίον Soph. Antig. 1114. The thought recurs in Alkm. iv. 37. —4. τὸ παρ᾽ ἅμαρ: absol. temporal accus. The article in such phrases as τὸ πρὸ τοῦ, τὸ ἀπὸ τούτων, τὸ αὐτίκα marks the expressed or latent opposition between the time in question and some other time (Kriig. 50. 5. 18). The plural in τὰ νῦν ete. is slightly different.—5. Cf. ἰάπτομαι ἄλγεσιν ἦτορ Moschos 4. 39. tov: as ὃν θυμὸν ὀνήσεται H 173. To this fragment may belong 49 (20) τί yap ἐλαφρὸν (-- κουφίζον, cf. Theokr. 2. 92) ἔτ᾽ ἔστ᾽ ἄπρακτ᾽ ὀδυρόμενον δονεῖν | kapdiay.—Metre: loga- oedic. The simple forms (pherecratics and glyconics) are used. In reference to the fact that the poem is called a prosodion it may be noted that Dion. Halik. says that the prosodiac is a union of the glyconic and pherecratic. XVI. Stob. Flor. 11. 7, and on a gem in Caylus’ Rec. @’ Antig. 5. pl. 50. 4; from a hyporcheme.—1. Λυδία λίθος (lapis lydius): the καθαρὰ βάσανος. Transference to the moral sphere as in Pind. Pyth. 10. 67 πειρῶντι δὲ καὶ χρυσὸς ἐν βασάνῳ πρέπει | καὶ νόος ὀρθός, Sim. 175 οὐκ ἔστιν μείζων βάσανος χρόνου οὐδενὸς ἔργου, | ds καὶ ὑπὸ στέρνοις ἀνδρὸς ἔδειξε νόον, Cheilon ἐν μὲν λιθίναις ἀκόναις ὁ χρυσὸς ἐξετάζεται | διδοὺς βάσανον φανεράν" ἐν δὲ χρυσῷ] ἀνδρῶν ἀγαθῶν τε κακῶν τε νοῦς ἔδωκ᾽ ἔλεγχον, Pind. Frag. 122. 13, Eur. Med. 516, Hippol. 925, Theokr. 12. 36. See also on skol. v., and cf. schol. Plato Gorg. 486 D, Apostol. 10. 99. Bergk would insert, after 1. 2, Frag. 43 (K. 67) χρυσὸν βροτῶν γνώμαισι μανύει καθαρόν. The poem may have contained the words (Stob. Flor. 11. 2) ᾿Αλάθεια θεῶν ὁμόπολις, μόνα θεοῖς συνδιαιτωμένα. σοφία... ἀλάθεια : the QF 450 BACCAYLIDES. XVI. XVII. voice of the poet is the voice of truth; not hendiadys, but ‘as poetic art, so does truth’ (re... τε). So verissimum et sapientissimum tudicem Cicero Sex. Rosc. Amer. 30. 84. For the verb in the singular with a compound subject (Archil. 16, Pind. Ol. 5. 15, Pyth. 10. 10), ep. the remark of Landor, ἃ propos of Milton’s ‘‘ where flows Ganges and Indus.” ‘‘The small fry will carp at this, which is often an elegance, but oftener in Greek than in Latin, in Latin than in French, in French than in English.” See A. J. P. 3. 422. Reading σοφίαν τε παγκ. ἐλέγχει (v./.) it is Truth that brings to naught the counsels of the wise. Cf. Pind. xxviii., Ol. 10. 3 ff. θυγάτηρ | ᾿Αλάθεια Διός, ὀρθᾷ χερὶ | ἐρύκετον ψευδέων | ἐνιπὰν adirogévwy.—Metre: logaoedic. Rossbach thinks the first verse contains cretics. Others find epitrites here. XVII. Athen. 2. 39 ©; a skolion, not an erotikon, as is often maintained. The only poem of Bacch. cited under the latter title (Frag. 53K, 248) is of a different character.—1. γλυκεῖ ἀνάγκα : Spenser’s deare constraint. Imitated by Hor. 3. 21. 13 tu lene tormentum ingenio admoves | plerumque duro. The Latin oxymoron is less delicate than the Greek. Cf. vino tortus, Hpod. 1. 18. 38. The yr. ἀνάγκα is a πειθανάγκη ; cf. κρατερὴ ἀνάγκη Z 458, κακὰ ἀνάγκα Theokr. 16. 85, saeva necessitas. There is no reference to the anancaeum, the ‘bowl of compulsion’ Plaut. Rudens 2. 3. 34. ἀνάγκαν vocat mellitissimus poeta τὴν φρενῶν ἔκστασιν quum poto liberalius vino homo suae spontis non est neque mentis sanae (Casaub.). Cf. Pind. Nem. 9. 51 βιατὰν ἀμπέλου παῖδα. ---Ὡ. σευομενᾶν : gen. absol. Cf. Alk. xx. 5. σ. κυλ. is a stronger expression than κυλίκων περινισσομενάων Phokyl. 11. The ablatival gen. de- manded by the Ms. σευομένα is harsh (though we find ἄρχομαι without ἐκ; see on Ibyk. i. 2), and we expect ἀπό or ἐκ (σευομένα ’k van Herwerden). θάλπῃσι : cf. caluisse in Hor. 3. 21. 1] narratur et prisct Catonis saepe mero ὁ. virtus. θάλπησι of the mss. cannot be defended as an example of the schema Ibyceum (see on Ibyk. viii.) ; θάλπημι does not occur and is ill supported by θαλπείω in Ht. Mag. A temporal conjunction preceded inl. 1. For the retention of the epic -σι cf. 19. 3 ὃς av λάχῃσι.---8. 8: apodotic. It is hardly possible to explain Κύπριδος (without δ᾽) as due to the influence of F, of which ἐλπίς or ἔλπομαι shows no trace in Bacch. Michelangeli reads θυμὸν | Κύπριδος" ἐλπίς διαιθ. with asyndeton, which is not uncommon in Bacch. (ii. 144, 145, v. 92, ix. 119), even in some few passages not marked by strong excitement, and occurs regularly when the second clause gives a reason for the first. But the narration is not rapid in the present place. The genitive after διαιθ. might be inexactly paralleled BACCHYLIDES. XVII. 451 by πυρὸς θέρηται Z 331. With the passage cf. Eur. Bacch. 773, Hor. 3. 18. 6. 4. ἀμμειγνυμένα : μείγνυμι ποῦ μίγνυμι (μείξω, ἔμειξα) is the correct form. Love is a potent spice to wine. Atov. δώροις : so Διωνύσου δῶρον Theogn. 976, 1.6. oivos, which is the subj. of πέμπει.---5. μερίμνας : ‘thoughts,’ ‘desires,’ not ‘cares’; typ. πέμπει is not= ‘dissipate.’ Cf. Pind. Pyth. 8. 88 ὁ δὲ καλόν τι νέον λαχὼν |... | ἐξ ἐλπίδος πέταται | ὑποπτέροις ἀνορέαις, ἔχων] κρέσσονα πλούτου μέριμναν, Kur. H. F. 653 κατ᾽ αἰθέρα. .. φορείσθω. With this picture of the exaltation of the wor- shipper of Dionysos cf. Pind. xxx. (a passage that was either the model of Bacch. or Pindar’s attempt to outdo by richer imagination and statelier phrase the graceful fancy of his younger rival), Aristoph. Hq. 90 ff. οἶνον σὺ τολμᾷς els ἐπίνοιαν λοιδορεῖν ; ; | οἴνου yap εὕροις ἄν TL πρακτικώτερον ; | ὁρᾷς ; 3 ὅταν πίνωσιν ἄνθρωποι, τότε | πλουτοῦσι, διαπράττουσι, νικῶσιν δίκας, | εὐδαιμονοῦσιν, ὠφελοῦσι τοὺς φίλους, Plato Rep. 9. δ78 ὁ καὶ μὴν ὅ γε (ὁ μεθυσθείς) μαινόμενος. .. οὐ μένον ἀνθρώπων, ἀλλὰ καὶ θεῶν ἐπιχειρεῖ τε καὶ ἐλπίζει δυνατὸς εἶναι ἄρχειν, Arist. Hth. 1117 a 14 τοιοῦτον δὲ ποιοῦσι καὶ οἱ μεθυσκόμενοι" εὐέλπιδες yap γίνονται, Anakreont. 46. 1 ff. ὅταν ὁ Βάκχος εἰσέλθῃ, | εὕδουσιν αἱ μέριμναι" δοκῶ δ᾽ ἔχειν τὰ Κροίσου. |. . . πατῶ δ᾽ ἅπαντα θυμῷ, Hor. 3. 21. 17 ff. tu spem reducis mentibus anaiis viresque et addis cornua paupert, | post te neque iratos trementi requ apices neque militum arma, and Hpist. 1. 5. 16 ff. qud non ebrietas designat ? operta recludit, | spes iubet esse ratas, ad proelia trudit inertem, | sollicitis animis onus eximit, addocet artes. | fecundi calices quem non fecere disertum ? | contracta quem non in paupertate solutum? Tibull. 3. 6. 138 dle facit dites animos deus (Liber), Ovid Ars Amat. 1. 287 ff. vina parant animos faciuntque caloribus aptos, | cura fugit muito dilwiturque mero. | tune veniunt risus, tune pauper cornua sumit ete. Shakesp. ‘Henry IV.’ ii. 4. 3: Falstaff ‘‘ A good sherris-sack . .. ascends me into the brain; dries me there all the foolish and dull and crudy vapours which environ it ; makes it apprehensive, quick, forgetive, full of nimble, fiery, and delectable shapes” ; Burns’ ‘Tam οὐ Shanter’: ‘‘ Kings may be blest, but Tam was glorious, | O’er a’ the ills o’ life victorious.” Our passage recalls Solon 13. 37 ff. (the unsub- stantial dreams of hope).—6. αὐτίχ᾽ : asyndeton as A 69. 6 μέν --ὁ πίνων, not Dionysos. Instead of ὁ δέ a shift to the dative. KpdSepva: pl. of a city’s battlements (ν 388). Demades (Athen. 3. 99 D) called a city’s wall ἐσθὴς τῆς πόλεως. Hdt. 7. 139 (cf. Xen. Symp. 4. 38) τειχέων κιθῶνες, 1. 181 τεῖχος θώρηξ ἐστί, Anakr. 72 στέφανος πόλεως. λύειν : κρήδεμνα λύειν IL 100, ν 388. Attic λύειν with the v derived from λύσω, 452 BACCHYLIDES. XVII.-X1X. ἔλῦσα : so νείκεα λύει ἡ 74 from νείκεα λύσω Z 205.—7. povap- χήσειν : cum dat. as with ἀνάσσω, ἄρχω, ἡγεμονεύω etc. The future is unobjectionable : dreams are not merely of a present paradise. 8. χρυσῷ: 673, Hor. 2. 18. 1 non ebur neque aureum | mea renidet in domo lacunar. pappatpovow: Alk. xxiv. 1.— 2. πόντον : the sea glitters in the sunlight, unvisited by storms. ἅλς μαρμαρέη ΚΞ 273. Bergk conjectured xaprév.—10. In the time of Vespasian Egypt supplied Rome with one third of all the grain imported into that city.—Metre: dact.- epitrite, which here appears with a new force. We have three monostrophic stanzas. Iam unable to accept the view of those scholars who, on the analogy of certain of Pindar’s skolia, think that this poem was sung by a chorus. XVIII. Athen. 11. 5008. The poem has also been re- garded as a paian and as a hymn. It may have been com- posed at the time of the Attic festival Anakeia, which owed its name to the fact that the Dioskuroi, who are here bidden to the θεοξένια, were called "Avaxes at Athens. Here, as at Sparta, they were entertained as stranger-guests in the prytaneion, where a simple meal was set before them. Pindar’s third Olympian ode was composed for the θεοξένια. See Harrison Mythol. and Monum. 157, Deneken de theoxenia 2, Wassner de heroum cultu 4. By its style and metre Hor. 2.18. 1 ff (non ebur neque aureum ... at fides et ingent benigna vena est) is shown to be an imitation of this poem. Cf. 2. 16. 37-38.—2. Βοϊωτίοισιν : as Kor. i. Note the absence of diaeresis in the verse. Boiotian scyphi were associated with Herakles, the Theban hero, because they were rustic in appear- ance and contained more wine than the κύλιξ or other vessels, The interlaced handle, the nodus Herculis (Pliny H. N. 28. 63), was used either as a decorative device or for its medicinal value (as a serpent coil). The scyphus was originally of wood or earthenware.—Metre: apparently a trochaic heptapody catal. +a pentapody, a metre that is surprising, since its con- tinuation throughout an entire poem would seem to produce an unsatisfactory effect. In choral poetry trochaic systems seem to have been restricted to sympotic, erotic, and skoptic poetry. Rossbach suggests that the measure may be epitritic (ef. Timokr. iv.). XIX. Stob. Hel. Phys. 1. 5. 8. The succession of para- thetic substantives in 1-2 is a mark of the poet’s style.— 2. ἄγναμπτος : cf. ἀγνάμπτων ἐρώτων 9.73. "Αρης: cf. Hdt. 1. 87 οὐδεὶς yap οὕτω ἀνόητός ἐστι ὅστις πόλεμον πρὸ εἰρήνης αἱρέεται, «.T.A.—8, νέφος in its metaphorical sense is properly applied BACCHYLIDES. XX. 453 only to”Apys and στάσις (cf. πολέμοιο νέφος P 243, τὸν κίνδυνον παρελθεῖν ὥσπερ νέφος Demos. 18. 291, νέφος οἰμωγῆς Eur. Med. 107). Of two opposites the second is regularly taken up in a following statement, but, as Farnell observed, the poet may mean that fate dispenses calamity rather than prosperity.— Metre: dact.-epitrite. XX. Schol. Apoll. Rhod. 3. 467; perhaps from a hymn. Since the setting Moon appears to descend into the lower world, the epithets of Hekate are derived from her quality as goddess of light (φωσφόρος, λαμπαδοῦχος) and of darkness (νυκτιπόλος). δᾳδοφόρε: cf. Hymn 5. 52 σέλας ἐν χείρεσσιν ἔχουσα. The name Ἑκάτη is to be connected with “Exaros, Apollo the sun-god. The earliest genealogy made her the daughter of the Titan Perses and Asteria. Later her parents are Zeus and Hera. μελανοκόλπου : cf. Alkm. xx. νυκτὸς μελαίνας στέρνον. Bacch. says of Day (7. 1) λιπαρὰ θύγατερ Χρόνου τε καὶ Νυκτός. MELANIPPIDES. Ir is difficult to follow Suidas in distinguishing two dithyrambic poets of this name. Bergk indeed accepts the distinction and refers a victory of the older poet to 494. But if Suidas’ γεγονώς Ol. 65 (520) refers to the birth of the grandfather, we must reconcile this date with the fact that the grandson of the same name died, apparently at an advanced age, before 413. Or, if γεγονώς refers to the florwit of the older poet, why is his name passed over by those ancient students of literature who claimed that Lasos, and not Arion, was the oldest dithy- rambic poet? It is also singular that the father of both poets is called Kriton, though the younger was the child of a daughter of the elder poet. (Except in the case of families with two or more sons children were not usually named after their maternal grandfather.) If there was an elder Melanippides, I believe that he was a musician and not a poet; but we have probably to do with only one person, and the assumption of two of the same name is on a plane with Suidas’ two Sapphos, two tragic poets Nichomachos and Phrynichos and two comic poets Krates. See Rohde R. IZ 33. 213. 454 MELANIPPIDES. Melanippides was a native of Melos and the most famous dithyrambic poet of his time. In Xen. Mem. 1. 4. 3. Sokrates regards him as a master in his art, and to be compared with Homer, Sophokles, Polykleitos, and Zeuxis. He probably lived to old age, and died in Makedonia at the court of Perdikkas (454-413). Though a Dorian, he effected many innovations in the dithyramb. He employed ἀναβολαί and free rhythms for the strophe and antistrophe of the older dithyramb (as we still find them in Bacchylides) and enhanced the importance of the musician, whose encroachment upon the province of the poet had already commenced in the time of Pratinas and Lasos. With Melanippides those artifices of musical composition which indicate that technique was cultivated as an end in itself become still more pronounced. Phere- krates, the comic poet, made him responsible for the beginning of the degeneracy in his art. Ποίησις says (Frag. 145) : | Ἐμοὶ γὰρ ἦρξε τῶν κακῶν Μελανιππίδης, ἐν τοῖσι πρῶτος ὃς λαβὼν ἀνῆκέ με χαλαρωτέραν τ᾽ ἐποίησε χόρδαις δώδεκα. ἀλλ᾽ οὖν ὅμως οὗτος μὲν ἣν ἀποχρῶν ἀνὴρ ἔμοιγε. .. πρὸς τὰ νῦν κακά. His innovations were, she continues, less fatal than those of Kinesias, Phrynis, or Timotheos. We possess frag- ments of dithyrambs entitled Danaids, Marsyas, and Persephone, subjects which stand in no immediate relation to the cult of Dionysos. The language of Melanippides, though often elegant, is artificial, and his occasional sim- plicity does not conceal his poverty of thought. He adopts the dactylo-epitritic measure, but under his hand it loses its old-time dignity and calm. Resolution of the thesis is so frequent in his epitrites as to constitute an important modification of the ancient severity of style. Besides dithyrambs, he wrote epics, elegies, and epigrams, though these are attributed by Suidas to his grandfather. Meleager inserted some of the epigrams in his Anthology. (Anth. Pal. 4. 1. 7.) MELANIPPIDES. J/.-/11. 455 I. Athen. 14. 651 τ. It is uncertain whether this obscure fragment contains a description of the punishment of the Danaids. If the daughters of Danaos formed the chorus, their number was just that of the cyclic chorus. —1. μορφᾶεν : Pind. Isthm. 7. 22.—2. Crusius would retain τὰν αὐτὰν γυναι- κείαν, translating ‘the same women’s quarters’; in Bergk’s ov δίαιταν τὰν y. we expect οὐδέ.---8. For the opposition be- tween 1-2 and the foll., cf. Pind. Pyth. 9. 18 ἁ μὲν οὔθ᾽ ἱστῶν παλιμβάμους ἐφίλησεν ὁδοὺς... ἀλλὰ... κεράϊζεν ἀγρίους θῆρας. —5. ἱερόδακρυν : cf. Pind. Frag. 122. 3 ras χλωρᾶς λιβάνου ξανθὰ daxpn.—Metre: dact.-epitrite. II, Athen. 14. 616£; from the Marsyas, the theme of which was the contest of the flute with the kithara. Accord- ing to the story, which arose at Athens in the fifth century, Athena, who had invented the flute (Pind. Pyth. 12. 7), threw it away on discovering that its use disfigured her cheeks. The Lateran Marsyas, a copy of the celebrated work of Myron, represents the satyr’s consternation when confronted by the goddess, whose wrath was aroused by his presumption in raising from the ground the instrument rejected by her. See Frazer on Paus. 1. 24. 1. The legend that Marsyas the flutist was flayed by Apollo because he dared to contend in musical skill with the god points to the opposition of the early Greeks to the orgiastic instrument of the Phrygians. The invention of the double flute is also referred to Marsyas, who introduced the φορβειά. A later age became reconciled to the flute—Sakadas’ Pythian nome was famous—and an auletic nome even bore Athena’s name. The flute was in disfavour with the poets at Athens shortly before the Peloponnesian war because of its aggressiveness, and an Attic epigram says ᾿Ανδρὶ μὲν αὐλητῆρι θεοὶ νόον οὐκ ἐνέφυσαν, ἀλλ᾽ ἅμα τῷ φυσῆν χὠ νόος ἐκπέταται. The second fragment of Melanippides does not, however, prove that the poet was himself hostile to a proper restriction of the music of the flute in the dithyramb. See Telestes i.— 2. tdpyav’: the plural of the double flute, as in Dion. Halik. de comp. verb. 11 (so αὐλοί often in Pind.).—8. te... Te: ‘as she hurled, she said’; cf. Sim. xiii. 4.—4. pe: the personal for the reflexive pronoun is usually employed either when there is a contrast between two persons or when the speaker puts himself in an objective position. As subject of the inf., ἐμέ is generally used in Attic, not the reflexive.—Metre : dact.-epitrite, verses 2-4 in stichic succession. 111. Athen. 9. 4296 ; perhaps from the Oineus. Cf. Pind. Frag. 166. Athen. 1. 11 A, quoting Z7. 1119 ἢ οἴνῳ μεθύων, 4 456 MELANIPPIDES. TI11,-V. μ᾽ ἔβλαψαν θεοὶ αὐτοί, says els τὴν αὐτὴν τιθεὶς πλάστιγγα THY μέθην τῇ μανίᾳ. Sim. 221 says that wine and music have a common source.—2. τὸ πρίν : Hom., Archil. 94, Theogn. 483. —4. παράπληκτον : here and Soph. Aias 230 (of χείρ). --- Metre: logaoedic. IV. Clem. Alex. Strom. 5. 716. This prayer with its strange modern voice is probably addressed to Dionysos whose cult inculcated faith in immortality. This is the only passage in a lyric poet, apart from Pindar, which expressly attests a belief in the immortality of the soul. θαῦμα βροτῶν: as 0. βροτοῖσι X 287. Cf. Διώνυσον, χάρμα βροτοῖσιν ᾿Ξ 325.— Metre: logaoedic (or log. and cretic ἢ). V. Plutarch Hrot. 15.—Metre: dact.-epitrite. ARIPHRON. ARIPHRON was born at Sikyon, the old home of the dithyramb, but lived at Athens either during or shortly after the Peloponnesian war. A choregic inscription of the beginning of the fourth century (C. 7. A. 2. 1280) has ᾿Αρίφρων ἐδίδασκεν, but the omission of the name of the victorious tribe makes against the conclusion that the document refers to a dithyrambic contest. The poem on Health is a sympotic paian, not a skolion as Brunck, Ilgen, and others thought it. The worship of Hygieia seems to have spread from Argolis to Athens, though most scholars hold that it originated in Attica ; at least it is noteworthy that the oldest known seat of her cult is Sikyon (Paus. 2. 11. 6), the birth-place of the poet. The Sikyonian painter Nikophanes represented her in company with her three sisters. See J. H. δ. 5. 82 ff. The Paian to Hygieia is quoted by Athen. 15. 7024, and is reproduced in a corrupt form on an inscription that is not older than about 300 Α.Ὁ. (C. 7. A. 3. 171=Kaibel 1027). It was inscribed in the Asklepieion at Athens. The poem was famous in a later period: Lucian, who cites v. 1 (de Japsu 6) says that it was ‘known to everybody,’ and Max. Tyr. 13. 229, also citing vy. 1, testifies that it was still sung in the time of Commodus. 1. That Hygieia is a relatively late personification is clear from the fact that she was not regarded by mythology as a ARIPHRON. 457 traditionary figure. Sim. xxx. and Skol. vi. do not admit the personification. mpecBiora: unless the poet here claims a fictitious antiquity for Hygieia, the epithet means ‘ most august,’ not ‘most ancient.’ Aristeides 1. 22, it is true, says ᾿Αθηναίαν οἱ πρέσβιστοι καὶ Ὑγιείας ᾿Αθηνᾶς βωμὸν ἱδρύσαντο, but he is speaking of Athena Hygieia. An Orphic poet (Stob. Eccl. Phys. 1. 2. 31) has, pardonably, πρεσβίστας θεᾶς Ὑγιείας μειλιχοδώρου. μετὰ σεῦ: cf. Theokr. 16. 108 τί yap Χαρίτων ἀγαπητὸν ἀνθρώποις ἀπάνευθεν ; del Xaplrecow ἅμ᾽ εἴην. μ. σεῦ and μ. σεῖο 1. 7 (Sim. 95) follow μ. εἷο Hes. Theogon. 392, the oldest example of μ. with the singular, which occurs only four or five times before Sophokles (Mommsen). Homer and Pind. use μ. only with the plural. See on Sa. xxiv. 4. Stes. viii. is a doubtful example.—2. σύνοικος : see on Sa. xxviii. and cf. Sim. i. 6 οἰκέταν. With the two prayers cf. Eur. Frag. 897 cuveinv . . . ναίοιμι.---8 ff. This is the earliest trace of the tendency to attribute blessings to Hygieia. Asklepios and Hygieia are οἱ δύο σωτῆρες θεοί, of τὴν γῆν ἅπασαν σῴζουσι (Aristeides 1. 397). Late poets call Hygieia ἀγλαόδωρος, φερόλ- βιος, μήτηρ πάντων. πλούτου : Orphic Hymn 68. 9 οὔτε yap ὀλβοδότης ἸΙλοῦτος γλυκερὸς θαλίῃσιν, | οὔτε “γέρων πολύμοχθος ἄτερ σέο γίνεται ἀνήρ. Health and wealth are combined in πλου- θυγίεια Aristoph. Vesp. 677. χάρις: Sim. xxx.—4. Cf. ἰσοδαίμων βασιλεύς Aisch. Persat 633, ἰσόθεος τυραννίς Kur. Troad. 1169. —5. Hesych. glosses ἕρκεσιν with δικτύοις (‘cast-net’). ἄρκυς is a stake-net. Cf. Ibyk. ii. 3.—6. Cf. Kritias 2. 21 τὴν τερ- πνοτάτην θεῶν θνητοῖς Ὑγίειαν, carm. pop. 47. 23 σὺν τερπνοτάτῃ ὑγιείᾳ. ἀμπνοά : μοχθῶν ἀμπνοάν Pind. Ol. 8. 7.—8. τέθαλε: perhaps this word should end 1. 7. πάντα 15 omitted in the Inscription. dapos: vulg. ἔαρ, and so Boeckh, and Schneidewin, who explains imstar veris, quod Gratiae reddunt pulchrum, affulgent (cf. Hor. 4.5.6). This use of ἔαρ may suit late poetry (Χαρίτων ἐξαπόλωλεν ἔαρ Anth. Pal. 7. 599, ΠΠόθων ἔαρ ib. 7. 29, ὕμνων ἔαρ ib. 7. 12). Bergk read ἔαρι, Crusius ddpos. We find the sing. dapos, of Jason’s speech, Pind. Pyth. 4. 137, but the plur. is usual, as ὄαροι νυμφᾶν Kallim. 5. 66. The Graces are the sources of delight, Pind. O/. 14.5. With λάμπει dapos cf. niteat oratio Cic. Fin. 4. 3. 5, and see on Bacch. xiii. 12. It is to be noted that the paian does not contain the refrain im Παιάν, which Athen. 15. 696 © regards as the sign-mark of the genuine paian.—Metre: dact.-epitrite. Note the dis- syllabic anacruses, and the ithyphallic at the close of v. 6, not at the close of the strophe as often in the drama. 458 LIRMYNIOS. λ LIKYMNIOS. Tuas dithyrambic poet came from Chios to Athens, where he studied rhetoric under Gorgias. Like some others he combined rhetoric with poetry. His treatise on the art of rhetoric contained technical expressions (ἐπούρωσις, ἀποπλάνησις etc.) that savoured of the dithyramb. Aristotle censured them as ‘empty and frivolous’ because they lacked distinctness. Cf. Plato Phaidros 267c. One of Likymnios’ teachings was that a name derives its beauty or its deformity partly from the sound and partly from the meaning. His dithyrambs were suited for reading and not for representation. I. Sextus Emp. 11. 49. Likymnios’ conception of Hygieia is highly singular, at least for the classical age. Before the Roman period she was regarded as a maiden, and it is not until Orphic Hymn 67. 7 that she is called the wife of Asklepios, and μῆτερ ἁπάντων (68. 2). Wilamowitz Isyllos 192 thinks the artistic type was originally that of a matron, as in the case of the Eirene of Kephisodotos. See Roscher 1. 2781. A curious parallel in cult is ᾿Αθηνᾶ Μήτηρ Paus. 5. 3. 2. The relation of Hygieia to Apollo is obscure. Is she his daughter, as Asklepios is his son? Theon Progymn. 9 says εἴ τις φαίη τὴν “Ly. ᾿Απόλλωνος εἶναι θυγατέρα.---8. Cf. ὥρης γελώσης Chairemon 14. 11, φρὴν ἀγέλαστος Aisch. Frag. 290.— 4 ff. It is uncertain whether Sextus has wrongly attributed these lines to L., whether L. borrowed them from Ariphron or vice versa, or whether both poets took them from some common source, e.g. the paians in honour of Asklepios sung at Athens on the eighth of Elaphebolion, a day sacred to the god of healing. Hymns to the allegorical daughter of Ask- lepios may have been popular at Athens whose tutelary goddess herself bore the title ὑγίεια, (For the similarity between the two poems, compare the opening of the Throstle and Nightin- gale and Spring and Love Song.) Rossbach argues that the regular form of the dactylo-epitrites of L. proves his priority to Ariphron, and thinks that nothing is lost at the beginning of v. 1 (anap.-iamb. prodde as in Pind. ; cf. Nem. 10. 1). Perhaps the poem of L. contained a reference to virtue (Plut. de virt. mor. 10). Plut. has ll. 4, 5 in mind in de frat. amore 2, but does not state whether he is quoting Ariphron or Likymnios. ΧΟ ΟΣ 459 II. Stob. Hel. Phys. 1. 41. 50. The subject of βρύει is ᾿Αχέρων. Another fragment : ᾿Αχέρων ἄχεα | βροτοῖσι πορθμεύει . recalls Aisch. Agam. 1558 ὠκυπόρων | πόρθμευμ᾽ ἀχέων. Melan. etymologizes ’Ayépwy in Frag. 3: ἄχεα ῥόοισι προχέων *Axépwv.—Metre: dact.-epitrite. 111. Athen. 13. 564c; perhaps from a local (Karian 3) myth. The story gave birth to the proverb ᾿Ενδυμίωνος ὕπνον καθεύδεις (Leutsch Paroem. 2. 25). In illustration of his theme that love resides in the eye, Athen. cites Sa. ix., Pind. xv., Soph. Frag. 433. Cf. Shakesp. Cymb. 2. 2. 19 ‘The flame o’ the taper | Bows toward her, and would under- peep her lids, | To see the enclosed lights.” Sleep is μαλα- καύγητος Aristotle Aveta 1. 8. ὀμμάτων αὐγαῖς : cf. Eur. Jon 1072, Phoin. 1564.—Metre: dact.-epitrite. ION. Ion of Chios, a versatile genius, composed tragedies, elegies, melic poetry, and even history or memoirs. He was the first poet who also wrote in prose. The ancients praise his external correctness and polish, but the author of the treatise On the Sublime says that one tragedy of Sophokles was worth all of Ion’s. He was acquainted with Aischylos, Sophokles, Kimon, and Perikles. He died in Athens in 422 8.6. I. Athen. 2. 35 x.—2. παῖδα : Dionysos was represented as a youth by Kalamis (about 470) but the early type was that of a bearded man. ταυρωπόν : see on FoLK-SoNnGs v. νέον οὐ νέον : wine that is new as regards age, old through its strength.—8. βαρυγδούπων : before Ion the adj. is used only of Zeus or of the winds. Dionysos himself is ἐρίβρομος. ἐρώτων : cf. Kur. Bacch. 773 οἴνου δὲ μηκέτ᾽ ὄντος οὐκ ἔστιν Κύπρις. ἀερσίνοον : Panyasis 13. 13 ἐνὶ φρεσὶ θυμὸν ἀέρσῃ of the ὕβρις οἴνου.---4. Cf. Ion Eleg. 1. 14 Διόνυσε, συμποσίων mpvravt.—Metre: dact.-epitrite. II. Schol. Aristoph. Pax 835: because of these lines Ion was called dotos ἀστήρ. ἀεροφοίταν may = ‘ roaming in air,’ as perhaps in Aischylos (cf. Aristoph. Ran. 1291) or = ἠεροφ. ‘roaming in darkness’ (so of the Moon in Orphic Hymn 9. 2). Schneidewin regarded ἠέριος as the first part of the word, and compared Plaut. Men. 1. 2. 62 inde usque ad diurnam 460 EURIPIDES. stellam crastinam potabimus, Hor. 3. 21. 23 vivaeque produ- cent lucernae, |dum rediens fugat astra Phoebus. evKo- πτέρυγα: cf. Hur. Z'road. 848 λευκοπτέρου ἁμέρας, Val. Flaccus 6. 507 qualis roseis it Lucifer alis, | quem Venus illustra gaudet producere coelo.—Metre: logaoedic. EURIPIDES. In addition to his dramas, Euripides (480-406) composed several lyric poems: epigrams, an ἐπικήδειον on the de- struction of the Athenians at Syracuse, and an ode to Alkibiades (Plut. Vita Alcib. 11, ef. Vita Demosth. 1, Athen. 1. 38), which is called an epinikion and an enkomion. At the famous Olympic festival of 420 B.c. (so Grote ; others 424 or 416) Alkibiades entered no less than seven quadrigae, and won the first prize, coming in also second and fourth according to Plut. and to Thuk. 6. 16. 2 in a speech which he puts into the mouth of the victor (διότι ἅρματα μὲν ἑπτὰ καθῆκα, ὅσα οὐδείς mw ἰδιώτης πρότερον, ἐνίκησα δέ, καὶ δεύτερος καὶ τέταρτος ἐγενόμην). Though Eur- ipides’ statement that he came in third is adopted by Isokr. de bigis 353 ὃ 34, it cannot well hold ground against that of the historian, which is intrinsically more probable, since Alkibiades was not remarkable for modesty. 2. μηδείς : contrast the definite οὐδείς in Thuk. (Goodwin Gram. 1613, Hadley-Allen Gram. 1026).—4. Διός: (τρίς Reiske).. Grote’s argument that all of Alkibiades’ seven chariots could not have run in one and the same race, even if true, does not prove that δίς (Mss.) is correct. All our other evidence goes to show that a victor received only one crown. Pindar uses στέφανοι of a single victory Ol. 3. 6, Pyth. 10. 26. Line 3 and the passage in Thuk. mean only one victory. Athen. l. 2. uses νίκας inexactly.—5. Cf. Hdt. 6. 103 νικῶν παραδιδοῖ avaknpvxOjvac.—Metre : dact.-epitrite, PHILOXENOS.. THE life of Philoxenos was full of vicissitude. Born in 435 in Kythera, he became a Lakonian slave when the - Fe Pa: PHILOXENOS. 461 Spartans regained the island, probably after the ruin of the Athenian cause at Syracuse, and finally passed into the possession of the poet Melanippides, who educated him in his art and lberated him. Like Simonides, Philoxenos was a man of the world, a friend of princes, and many stories are related of his nimble wit at the Syracusan court. His friendship with Dionysios the Elder was finally broken either by his frank criticism of the tragedies of the tyrant or in consequence of his passion for Galateia, a beautiful fluteplayer, who was the mistress of Dionysios. Released from prison by the prince to pass judgment on his verse, the poet exclaimed ἄπαγέ με εἰς λατομίας. In his confinement he revenged himself by composing his famous dithyramb entitled either Ayklops or Galateca, in which the poet represented himself as Odysseus, who, to take vengeance on Polyphemos (Di- onysios), estranged the affections of the nymph Galateia, of whom the Kyklops was enamoured. This dithyramb was imitated by Theokritos in his eleventh idyl. After the poet’s withdrawal from Syracuse, he lived at Tarentum, then in Greece, and finally in Asia Minor. He died at Ephesos in 380. Philoxenos composed twenty-four dithyrambs, of which only a few titles survive: Ayklops or Galateia, Mysot, Syros (or Satyros), Komastes, Persat. By introducing solos (μέλη) into the dithyramb he assimilated this class of lyric to the nome, the characteristic mark of which was the solo. We know that in the Ayklops the solo singers acted out their parts. Under the hands of Philoxenos the dithyramb assumed a highly dramatic character. Though his text is praised by the comic poet Antiphanes not only for the novelty but also for the propriety of its diction, the musical and mimetic elements were the essential features. The music abounded in transitions of the modes and in colour effects. Adherents of the older style, such as Aristophanes and Pherekrates, regarded him as a trifler and debaser of his art. But his popularity was so great that during his lifetime his melodies were sung in the streets, and after his death Antiphanes said of him (Frag. 209): θεὸς ἐν ἀνθρώποισιν ἣν | ἐκεῖνος, εἰδὼς τὴν ἀληθῶς μουσικήν. Alexander the Great delighted in his music. Aristotle says that Philoxenos 462 PHILOXENOS. was realistic in distinction to the idealistic Timotheos. Besides dithyrambs he composed aulodic nomes, which the Arkadians represented yearly in the time of Polybios. The Banquet is often attributed to Philoxenos of Kythera, but is probably the work of the parasite and gourmand Philoxenos of Leukas. Athen. 13. 5648; from the Kyklops. Athen. says that Polyphemos praises the loveliness of Galateia but makes no mention of her eyes, as if presaging his own loss of sight. Cf. Ibyk. v. Note the cumulation of high-sounding epithets. Cf. χρυσεοβόστρυχον Διὸς ἔρνος of Artemis, Eur. Phoim. 191. —Metre : logaoedic (or resolved epitrites 3). TIMOTHEOS. TimotHEos of Miletos, the most famous lyric poet of the classic period, was the scholar of Phrynis, who was hinself a disciple of the school of Terpander: εἰ μὲν yap Ἰνμόθεος μὴ ἐγένετο, πολλὴν (ποικίλην 2?) ἂν μελοποιίαν οὐκ εἴχομεν" εἰ δὲ μὴ Φρύνις, Τιμόθεος οὐκ ἂν ἐγένετο (Arist. Metaph. 998 Ὁ 15). Most of his long life (he died in 357, either ninety or ninety-seven years of age) was spent in Athens, where he enjoyed the friendship of Euripides, who recognized his originality and prophesied his sovereignty over Athenian taste. At the invitation of Archelaos, he repaired to the court of Makedonia and is said to have died there. We are informed that he also visited Sparta, where the ephors are said to have removed four of the eleven strings of his lyre in order to reduce it to the ancient Terpandreian norm. Similar stories, also probably fictitious, are re- ported of Terpander (Plut. Jnst. Lac. 17), Phrynis, and others. He is said to have been avaricious and full of self-clorification. With a lofty contempt for the traditions of the past, he cons the advent of a new style (Frag. vii.). Though he achieved great success as a dithyrambist, it was to the nome that he gave a fixed and standard form. He made this species of lyric dramatic in character by assimilating it to the dithyramb, and may even have introduced a chorus, whereas the nome had heretofore been entirely monodic. TIMOTHEOS. J. 463 The stately language of the nome now assumed a dithy- rambic fire and pathos. Timotheos effected a union of the musical modes and aimed at transferring to a kithara provided with many strings the specific virtues of the flute. His music was sweet and insinuating (Plutarch calls it φιλάνθρωπος). As in Philoxenos, the musical quality was predominant, but the wealth of his thought was also esteemed. The diction of the extant fragments, however, is often vapid and contorted. An aggressive- ness born of success made him one of the most subjective of the later lyrists. Though at first hissed down because of the artificiality of his music, he was ultimately able to silence all opposition except that of the critics of the old school, such as the comic poet Pherekrates, the severest castigator of the dithyrambists, who in his Chezron branded him as a perverse and ruinous innovator. In the second century B.c. an acquaintance with his songs was as highly esteemed in Crete as a knowledge of the old native poets (ἃ 1 G. 3053); and in the imperial period he was regarded as a model. Possibly Aristotle credited him with idealism in contrast to Philoxenos; but he pictured such scenes as a storm at sea in the Navridos and the birth-pangs of Semele in the ᾽Ὡδὶς Σεμέλης, a subject that was represented in the temple of Dionysos. Timotheos was a versatile and prolific artist. Besides eighteen or nineteen nomes, said to have consisted of 8000 hexameters, he composed eighteen dithyrambs, twenty-one hymns, thirty-six prooimia (or pronomia), enkomia, etc. Some of the titles of his works are: Zo Artemis (for which the Ephesians paid him 1000 gold- pieces), Persat, The Sons of Phineus, Laertes, The mad Aras, Skylla, Niobe, Elpenor, Lament of Odysseus. I. Plut. de audiend. poet. 4, de superst. 10. The line, con- sisting of epithets suited to the savage nature of the Tauric Artemis (cf. Soph. Aias 172), is from the poem on the Ephesian Artemis, which was probably reproduced at Athens. When Timotheos had sung this line in the theatre the ‘ accursed’ poet Kinesias called out τοιαύτη σοι θυγάτηρ γένοιτο. Cf. Anth. Pal. 9. 774 Θυιάδα μαινομέναν. The form θυιάς also appears as θυάς. Θυιωνίδας Cauer 24-- Θυωνίδας, a Rhodian name of Diony- sos.—Metre : a dactylic tetrapody. 4θ4 TIMOTHEOS. 71--Ὶ}Λ II, Athen. 11. 465c.—1. Odysseus offered the Kyklops a κισσύβιον μέλανος οἴνοιο τι 346. The scene is depicted on sarco- phagi and lamps.—2. σταγόνος : cf. οἴνου σταγόνες Eur. Kyki. 66. ἀμβρότας : Boeckh thought that there is a reference to the festival called ᾿Αμβρόσια, which is a name either for the Lenaia or for a part of it. βρνάζον : cf. Pind. Ol. 7. 2 φιάλαν . ἀμπέλου καχλάζοισαν δρόσῳ.---8. Cf. ει 209 ἕν δέπας ἐμπλήσας ὕδατος ἀνὰ εἴκοσι μέτρα | xed’. μέτρ᾽ : ‘parts’; οἵ. β 355 and see on Alk. xx. 4.—4. Βακχίου-- Βάκχου ; Soph. Antig. 154, Eur. Bacch. 225, etc. With the high-flown expressions ‘blood of Bacchos,’ ‘ fresh-flowing tears of the Nymphs’ cf. φιάλη “Apews=dorls Frag. 16, πυρίκτιτα γᾶς ‘earthen pots’ Frag. 17. See Arist. Rhet. 3. 4. 4.—Metre: logaoedic. 111. Plut. vita Philopoem. 11. When Pylades, the famous kitharoede, sang this verse at the Nemean festival all eyes turned to Philopoemen. κόσμον : cf. Sim. i. 9.—Metre: dact. hexameter. IV. Plut. de audiend. poet. 11.—Metre: trochaic. V. Plut. vita Agesil. 14. The Persai may have been brought out in 395, when Persian gold was employed to induce the Greeks to declare war against Sparta. The poet may have wished to point his moral from the great contest with the Persians in the previous century. The words "Αρης τύραννος passed into a proverb.—Metre : dact.-epitrite. By reading ᾿λλὰς δ᾽ (Bergk) the metre would be smoother ; and the unusual position of δέ might be explained as emphasizing Ἑλλάς. The opposition is, however, between "Apys and χρυσός. VI. Plut. de se ipsum laud. 1. Written to celebrate the poet’s victory over his teacher Phrynis. Plut. says that Timotheos glorifies himself ἀμούσως καὶ παρανόμως. When Timotheos was vanquished by a scholar of Polyeidos, Stra- tonikos consoled him with the bon-mot: αὐτὸς μὲν (IL.) ψηφί- σματα ποιεῖ, Τιμόθεος δὲ νόμους. Phrynis, the son of Kamon, is called δυσκολόκαμπτος by Aristoph. Nubes 971, because of his intricate flourishes ; see Pherekr. 145.15. Cf. ἀσματοκάμπτης of the dithyrambie poets, Nubes 333; in Thesmoph. 53 Agathon κάμπτει νέας ἁψῖδας ἐπῶν. The prefix ἰωνο- with reference to effeminacy and corruption; so (wvifw.—Metre : logaoedic with resolutions of the thesis in v. 1. Wilamowitz reads μ. jo. Τιμόθεος, ὅτε κηρ. | εἶπε ““ν. T. ὁ. M. | κιτ.λ. VII. Athen. 8. 122 p.—2. καινά : see on Alkm. i. and cf. Antiphanes Alkestis (Frag. 29) ἐπὶ τὸ καινουργεῖν φέρου, | οὕτως, ἐκείνως, τοῦτο γιγνώσκων ὅτι | ἕν καινὸν ἐγχείρημα, κἂν τολμηρὸν ἢ, | πολλῶν παλαιῶν ἐστι χρησιμώτερον, Bekk. Anecd. 1. 309 TIMOTHEOS. VII. Vii. 465 πλείων ἐστὶ σπουδὴ τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων περὶ τὸ καινὸν δρᾶμα καὶ μηδέ ποτε ἠγωνισμένον, and many passages of the comic poets, e.g. Kratin. 146, Aristoph. Wubes 546, 561, Vesp.1043, Anaxand. 54, Amphis 14, Alex. 298, Hegesipp. 1. 3; also Eur. 7’road. 512. Moliére ‘Les Femmes Savantes’: La ballade, ἃ mon gout, est wne chose fade, | Ce n’en est plus la mode, elle sent son vieux temps.—&. Kpovos is the type of superseded rule; cf. Krat. 165 βασιλεὺς Κρόνος ἣν τὸ παλαιόν, Nikophon 22 Kpévov .. . wanmentranmos.—Metre: ionics. In v. 1 ἀείδω may be scanned —— (d6w). For —~—— = ~ ~ — — cf, Ana- kreont. 42. 12 ——~ — ~ for ==—=. Wilamowitz Isyllos p. 153 makes three verses: οὐκ---κρείσσω, véos—iv, Kpévos— παλαιά (——~ ——, ~~ ~~ ~~, —~— —), Headlam Journ. Phil. 21. 84: τὰ παλαί᾽ οὐκέτ᾽ ἀείδω | μάλα γὰρ τὰ καινὰ κρείσσω OY τὰ γὰρ ἀμὰ κάρτα Kp. VIII. Macrob. Sat. 1. 17. 19. Perhaps from a paian to Apollo, who is here identified with Helios. The identification is the result of the religious and philosophical speculation of the fifth century which first appears in Eur. Phaethon (Frag. 781). Though Aischylos (Suppl. 213) still distinguished the two gods he brought them into close connection in his Bassarai. Plato, Laws 945 8, has ‘HXiov κοινὸν καὶ ᾿Απόλλωνος τέμενος. Cf. FoLK- Sones ix.—1. Cf. Soph. O. K. 1701 τὸν ἀεὶ κατὰ γᾶς σκότον .--- 4. The paian composed by Aristonoos and that of Ptolemais (Rev. Arch. 13. 70; cf. R. M. 49. 315) have ἰὲ ὦ ἰὲ παιάν. ἱἰέ is the weak form of i, the ἡ of which, in the formula ἐὴ ζή, is anceps. The line foreshadows the Alexandrian derivation of if from inm (Kallim. 2. 103).—Metre: dactylic with one epitrite. Crusius thinks the verses are march anapaests. TELESTES. Or the dithyrambs of this poet, a native of Selinus in Sicily and an older contemporary of Alexander the Great, there are preserved the titles Argo, Asklepios, and Hymenaios. The extant fragments are concerned with the defence of the flute and the archaeology of music. Telestes’ verse shows a fondness for shifting rhythms, and he is said to have affected violent transitions of the musical modes. While his style is lively, it is high-flown and full of parade and artificial collocations of words, The later dithyrambic writers carried to excess the avoid- ance of the article, an avoidance which is noticeable in 26 466 TELE S TEST. the lyric parts of tragedy ; and in Telestes the article does not occur. Telestes was eagerly read by Alexander ; and Aristratos, the tyrant of Sikyon, ordered his tomb to be decorated with paintings by Nikomachos. I. Athen. 14. 616F; from the Argo. The controversy as regards the virtue of flute music, which is indicated by this reply to the challenge of Melanippides (Frag. ii.) and by the other fragments, shows the predominance of the accompaniment in the later dithyramb. The fragment recalls Pind. Pyth. 12.—1. ὅν : refers to αὐλός, which must have preceded: ‘which wisely devised instrument the wise goddess,’ ete. The myth of the invention of the flute by Athena became possible only after its music was naturalized in Greece and the recollection of its Phrygian origin had passed away. The flute was even given a place at the Delphic festival of Apollo, to whom the kithara was sacred. Cf. Mel. Adesp. v. ἐπέλπομαι : an epic and tragic word, here ‘deem,’ ‘believe.’—2. ὀργάνων: causal gen. with αἶσχος ; not ‘disgraceful, offensive instru- ment.’ Some keep ὄργανον as a loose apposition to ὅν. ὀργάνων is used by Plato Symp. 215 c, in speaking of Marsyas: ὁ μέν γε Ou’ ὀργάνων ἐκήλει τοὺς ἀνθρώπους TH ἀπὸ τοῦ στόματος δυνάμει. Slav: as Kur. 7. 7’. 404.—5. νυμφαγενεῖ : the father of the Phrygian satyr is variously reported (Olympos, Hyagnis). χοροκτύπῳ: ‘treading the dance-floor.’ Some would read yoporirw. φηρί: the Aiolic form is used in non-Aiolic poetry only of Centaurs or Satyrs. Pan is called μωσοπόλε θήρ Siro 2. 5. κλέος : in apposition with ὅν (1. 1), not with αὖθις... Badreiv.—8. μάταν : to be taken with zpo- σέπταθ᾽. ἀχόρευτος : ‘doleful.? There is no special reference to the flute in connection with a chorus.—9. φάμα: perhaps Telestes, like Bacchylides, preferred φήμα (MSS.). προσέπταθ᾽: cf. μοι μέλος προσέπτα Aisch. Prom. 555, where note the dative. ἔπτατο is epic and tragic, and is often used of mis- fortune. μουσοπόλων : Sa. xli., Siro 2.5. Possibly Melanip- pides was the inventor of the doleful winged tale that found credence with the vain-babbling minstrels.— 11. ‘ Which (wise art) the uplifted breath of the august goddess by the aid of the swift movement of her shifting, glorious hands gave to Bromios for his most efficient handmaid.’ σύυνεριθ. : cf. συνε- ρίθοις τέχναις Plato Rep. 533 D.—12. αἰολοπτ. : αἵ as γεραϊούς Tyrt. 10. 20. Wilamowitz conj. αἰολοπτέρυγι σὺν ἀργᾶν. σύν: comitative ; cf. σὺν χειρῶν σθένει Pind. Nem. 10. 48. Of the younger dithyrambic poets Telestes alone uses σύν. Pratinas, Ariphron, Melanippides, and Philoxenos have only μετά cum VE SEI SST SME MLE 467 gen. For the rapid movement of the hands, see Prat. 1. 15. —Metre: logaoedic. The poem belongs to the ἀπολελυμένον class. II. Athen. 14. 6178; from the Asklepios. The fragment expresses the opposition between the Lydian mode, an im- portation into Greece together with the Phrygian flute, and the native Dorian mode, which was well suited to the kithara.—1. The Φρύξ may be Marsyas, or Hyagnis (Anth. Pal. 9. 340), but is more probably Olympos, who, in his lament over the Python, was, according to Aristoxenos (Plut. de mus. 15), the first to employ the Lydian mode.—38. αἰόλον : cf. Eur. Jon 499 συρίγγων ὑπ᾽ aiddas ἰαχᾶς ὕμνων, FoLK- Sones vii. 2. The word suits the mobility of song as well as of the dance.—Metre: dact.-epitrite (seven dact. trip. in suc- cession). Some of the poets of the fourth century, e.g. Philoxenos in the Banquet, were fond of the tripody with only slight use of the epitrite. III. Athen. 14. 625 r.—1. ἐν αὐλοῖς : cf. Pind. Ol. 5. 19 Λυδίοις ἀπύων ἐν αὐλοῖς, Nem. 3. 9 ἐν πνοαῖσιν αὐλῶν, Isthm. 5. 27 ἐν αὐλῶν παμφώνοις ὁμοκλαῖς. ἐν is often used of instru- mental accompaniment.—2. The Mountain Mother is Kybele (cf. Ellis on Catull. 63), at the mention of whose enervating cult the metre passes over to the effeminate ionics (cf. Prat. ii.). —4. ψαλμοῖς ‘strings,’ as in Diogenes (p. 776 Nauck) κλύω δὲ Avéds .. . Wadpots τριγώνων πηκτίδων. Of the invention of the barbitos, Pind. Frag. 125 says: τόν pa Τέρπανδρός ποθ᾽ ὁ Λέσβιος εὗρεν | πρῶτος ἐν δείπνοισι Λυδῶν | ψαλμὸν (sound) ἀντίφθογγον ὑψηλᾶς ἀκούων πηκτίδος. Ion, trag. frag. 28, has Λυδός τε μάγαδις αὐλὸς ἡγείσθω βοῆς. The pectis differed only slightly from the stringed magadis and, because of its Asiatic origin, had strings of different lengths (hence ὑψηλᾶς in Pind. is not used of high notes, as in Modern Greek). It was played without the plectrum.— Metre: dact.-epitrite except v. 2. There are different arrangements by Leuthmer, and Wilamowitz (free ionics). LYKOPHRONIDES. Tus poet is mentioned by Klearchos in Athenaios. Bergk thought that he belonged to the Alexandrian period. Wilamowitz suggests that he may be identical with Lykophron, a sophist mentioned by Aristotle. 408 LV KOPHKONIDES. “L;, TL. I, Athen. 13. 564 A.—2. χρυσοφόρων : of the golden orna- ments worn on the ears, neck, arms, and even on the ankles. See B 872, Aristoph. Acharn. 258, Aves 670, Eur. Hek. 154 and cf. skol. xxiii.; mos erat apud veteres virginibus plurimum aurt gestare (Porson). Wilamowitz’ explanation: ‘who have won the prize in beauty-contests’ is tasteless, though such women were called χρυσοφόροι among the Parrhasians (Athen. 18. 609 F).—4. αἰδώς : see Sa. viii. and cf. αἰδοία Χάρις Pind. Ol. 6. 76.—Metre: logaoedic. 11. Athen. 15.6708. The offering is made by a youth either to a boy whose love he has abandoned for that of a girl, or to a god now that love has robbed him of his occupation. — 8. κέχυται: cf. Pind. Jsthm. 1. 4. Δᾶλος, ἐν ἃ κέχυμαι Sin whose service my soul has been poured forth.’ Like effusus, used with reference to love.—4. Cf. Alkaios xxvii.—Metre : logaoedic. An arrangement in ionics is possible with the variations — —~— ~—, ~—~—, ———, ~~ 5 2 -- — |_, ‘ ARISTOTLE. Tue ode to Areta was extracted fron. Hermippos by Athen. 15. 695 a and Diog. Laert. 5.7. On the ground that the burden (Jo Patan) is absent, Hermippos took issue with the opinion that the poem was a paian, an opinion held by Demophilos, who charged the composer with impiety ‘because he was accustomed to sing it daily at banquets’; though it is more likely that it was either because the philosopher dared to number Hermeias among the heroes, or because he called him ἀθάνατος (1. 14); whereas Aristotle means that the merit of Hermeias will render him immortal in the memory of men. Diogenes calls the ode both a paian, and a hymn to Hermeias. Athenaios, or Hermippos, contended that it was a skolion. That the ode is not a genuine paian is clear, although it is not far removed from that class of lyric. Its repetition at banquets recalls the characteristic feature of the ‘ Attic’ skolia, of which Reitzenstein thinks it is a free development. If this conclusion is correct, we have another instance of the not unfrequent confusion between paian and skolion. At all events, whatever name be given to the poem, it has the form of a religious song, such as would find its counterpart in Attic ritual. ARISTOTLE. 469 Apparently it was sung by a chorus. In style it recalls the less extravagant form of the dithyramb current in the fourth century. Unlike the θρῆνοι of Simonides and Pindar, the poem employs the melic form to express a tribute of personal affection. The melic setting is justified because the subject is Virtue rather than Hermeias ; otherwise the poem had assumed an elegiac form. The philosopher pours drops of the new wine of doctrine into the old bottle of a conventionalized lyric. Bergk dates the poem either after Aristotle had left Atarneus for Mitylene (345 B.c.) or after his return to Athens (344). Hermeias, the ‘nursling of Atarneus’ in Mysia, was the pupil of Plato and the friend of Aristotle. Originally the slave of Eubulos, he assisted his master in making himself tyrant of Atarneus and on the death of Eubulos succeeded to the tyranny. As lord of Atarneus he enter- tained the philosopher for three years. After his treacherous capture and death at the hands of the Persians, Aristotle commemorated his hospitality in this ode ; and had a statue set up at Delphi with the follow- ing inscription : j Τόνδε ποτ᾽ οὐχ ὁσίως παράβας μακάρων θέμιν ἁγνὴν ἔκτεινεν ἸΤερσῶν τοξοφόρων βασιλεύς, οὐ φανερῶς λόγχῃ φονίοις ἐν ἀγῶσι κρατήσας, ἀλλ᾽ ἀνδρὸς πίστει χρησάμενος δολίου. On the poetry of Aristotle, see Wilamowitz-Méllendorff Aristoteles und Athen 2. 408. 1. ᾽᾿Αρετά: The poet does not claim divinity for ’Aperd. She is παρθένος simply, not θεός or θεά to whom prayers may be offered or sacrifices performed on an altar. Areta had no cult as Virtus had (in C. 1. G. 2. 2786, etc. we have Virtus under the Greek name). The impersonation of Areta appears in Prodikos’ ‘Choice of Herakles’ (Xen. Mem. 2. 1. 21 ff.) and occasionally in works of art (Parrhasios’ painting, Euphra- nor’s crowning of Hellas, and in the Apotheosis of Homer). In Aristotle the allegory is stronger than the personal touch, but in the epigram (6) falsely attributed to him: ἅδ᾽ ἐγὼ ἁ τλάμων ᾿Αρετὰ παρὰ τῷδε κάθημαι | Αἴαντος τύμβῳ κ.τ.λ., and in the imitation by Mnasalkas (Anth. App. 53), the personifica- tion is complete. Horace personifies Virtus in 3. 2. 17-24, 3. 24. 31, carm. saec. 58, etc. The abstract subject of the poem recalls Sim. xxiii., the ode to Hygieia, and on Tyche 470 ARISTOTLE. (Mel. Adesp. xii.) ; as early as Pindar we find invocations to Tyche, Theia, etc., and χρόνος is personified (for the first time) in Bacchylides. In ridicule of such unsubstantial names, Momos in Lucian (θεῶν ἐκκὰλ. 13) says ἢ ποῦ γάρ ἐστιν 7 πολυ- θρύλητος ἀρετὴ καὶ φύσις καὶ εἱμαρμένη καὶ τύχη (cf. Ζεὺς édeyx. 9), ἀνυπόστατα καὶ κενὰ πραγμάτων ὀνόματα ὑπὸ βλακῶν ἀνθρώπων τῶν φιλοσόφων ἐπινοηθέντα ; . .. ἡδέως ἂν οὖν ἐροίμην εἴ που εἶδες ἀρετὴν . . «3 ὅτι μὲν γὰρ ἀεὶ καὶ σὺ ἀκούεις ἐν ταῖς τῶν φιλοσόφων διατριβαῖς κιτιλ. πολύμοχθε : -- πολλοὺς μόχθους παρέχουσα τῷ βροτείῳ γένει. Cf. πολύμοχθος βιοτὴ θνητοῖς Eur. Frag. 916, πολυμόχθου ἱμείρων κύδεος Kaibel 146 (Attic inser. of the fourth or third cent.). Bacchylides 1. 43 ff. adopts the less bold ἐπί- μοχθος : ἀρετὰ δ᾽ ἐπίμοχθος μέν, τελευταθεῖσα δ᾽ ὀρθῶς ἄφθιτον εὖτε θάνῃ λείπει πολυζήλωτον εὐκλείας ἄγαλμα. See on Sim. xxiii.—2. θήραμα : as θήρα in Plato. In βίῳ the dative hasa different force than in γένει. ---8. πέρι : instead of ὑπέρ, as in Tyrt. 10. 13 περὶ παίδων θνήσκωμεν, Eur. Alk. 178 οὗ θνήσκω πέρι. See on Sa. i. 10. The use here is cognate with the Hom. ἀμύνεσθαι περὶ πάτρης M 248, ἐμεῦ πέρι μάρναο Π 497. poppas: a reference to the ἰδέα of Plato, the teacher of Hermeias. The meaning must not, however, be forced into a philosophic straight-jacket. _ Heroes do not die in order to attain to the ἰδέα τοῦ ἀγαθοῦ, the ἰδέα τοῦ καλοῦ. Aristotle attempts to blend philosophy with popular faith and poetry. The hero attains ἀρετή in dying a noble death: ψυχὰς δ᾽ ἀντίρροπα θέντες | ἠλλάξαντ᾽ ἀρετὴν καὶ πατρίδ᾽ εὐκλέϊσαν Kaibel 21. 11 (Attica: fifth cent.).—5. μαλερούς : best explained as ‘wasting’ (schol. Aisch. Pers. 62). ἀκάμαντας -- ἀκαμάτους (v.l.). The πόνοι are themselves ‘unresting’; toils that tire not in wasting man’s strength (Wilamowitz). ἀκ. does not agree with” E\Anvas, which some regard as the omitted subject of τλῆναι. We should expect ἀκάμαντα in that case.—6. τοῖον : with or without γάρ ete., τοῖος introduces the reason for a preceding statement. Cf. Soph. Antig. 124, Aias 251, ete. So often with roodros.—7. Corrupt. Bergk suggested ἐπεὶ ¢. B. ἅρπυν (=épwra) és ἀθ., Boeckh 8. θράσος καρπὸν ἐν ἀθ., Wilamowitz ἰσαθάνατον (unattested, but cf. ἰσοδαίμων). Apart from the sense, καρπόν τ᾽ a6. for x. a0. τε, with τε trajected as in Soph. O. K. 33, Eur. Hek. 464, is not satisfactory. The translation ‘instil into the mind a fruit’ is not borne out by φρενῶν καρπός ‘wisdom’ Pind. Pyth. 2. 73. Perhaps ἐνὶ φρενὶ (φρεσὶ) θάρσος B. (Earle). χρυσοῦ ff.: cf. ‘*How coldly those impediments stand forth | Of wealth, of filial fear” ete. Shakesp. Lover’s Complaint.—8. γονέων : = εὐγένεια, or perhaps amor parentum: τ 34 ὧς οὐδὲν γλύκιον ἧς πατρίδος οὐδὲ τοκήων] γίγνεται, Pind. Isthm. 1. 5 τί φίλτερον κεδνῶν τοκέων ἀγαθοῖς, ARISTOTLE. 471 ‘“‘he that loveth father or mother”... . μαλακαυγήτοιο : formed from *yadakavy7s as ἀπένθητος (ἀπενθής), apdBnros (ἄφοβος), νυκτιφρούρητος (vuxrippovpos), etc. with no denom. verb in -ew. The meaning seems to be ‘sleep that softens the radiance of the eye.’ Nonnos calls Sleep ὀμιχλήεις ; Shelley, filmy-eyed. Wilam. sees a reference to the colour of the sleeping person. μαλακός of ὕπνος, K 2, μαλακώτεροι ὕπνω Theokr. 15. 125. Cf. Bacch. xiii. 10.—9. The philosopher follows the conventional poetry with its types. So later, Horace, 3. 3. 9 hac arte Pollux et vagus Hercules | enisus arces atligit igneas, 1. 12. 25 Alciden puerosque Ledae. οὗκ : crasis in lyric is excessively rare, but οἱ is not to be read.—11. δύναμιν : the poet in part agrees with the philosopher. Schweighiuser cites Hth. 2. 1. 4 (1103 α 31) τὰς δὲ ἀρετὰς λαμβάνομεν ἐνεργήσαντες πρότερον, ὥσπερ καὶ ἐπὶ τῶν ἄλλων τεχνῶν" ἃ γὰρ δεῖ μαθόντας ποιεῖν, ταῦτα ποιοῦντες μανθάνομεν. He has just stated that ἀρεταί are δυνάμεις. Moral virtue is a potential part of man’s nature. Still ἀρετή is not always a δύναμις on Aristotle’s own theory. δύναμις ‘capacity’ may = ἕξις ‘habit of mind,’ but is not always equated with it. The formal definition of ἀρετή is a ‘fixed habit of mind, the result of principle and effort, which, with reference to our own particular nature, lies equally distant between extremes’ (2th. 2. δ. 6).—12. σοῖς πόθοις : σὸς πόθος ἃ 202, tuo desiderio ; εὐνοίᾳ τῇ σῇ Plato Gorg. 486.4, σῇ προμηθίᾳ Soph. O. K. 332. Quint. Smyrn. 5. 50 represents Areta as depicted on the shield of Achilles. Cf. Asklepiades (Anth. Pal. 7. 145) ἅδ᾽ ἐγὼ ἁ τλάμων ᾿Αρετὰ παρὰ τῷδε κάθημαι | Αἴαντος τύμβῳ, κειρομένα πλοκάμους, alluding to the contest for the arms of Achilles. So Antipater of Sidon (Anth. Pal. 7. 146) σῆμα παρ᾽ Αἰάντειον ἐπὶ Ῥοιτηΐσιν ἀκταῖς | θυμοβαρὴς ᾿Αρετὰ μύρομαι ἑζομένα. δόμους: the plural as ’Aldao δόμοισιν X 52, Alda δόμοις Eur. H. F. 116. Alda δόμον (Wilam.) would help the metre.—18. φιλίου : see on Pratin. i. 17. ἔντροφος : as Alas ὁ Σαλαμῖνος ἔντρ. Eur. I. 4. 289. χήρωσεν : ‘bereft himself’=éxynpwcaro, Theogn. 956 τῶν τε yap αὐτοῦ | χηρώσει (χηρώσῃ 1) κτεάνων and Plut. Amat. ἐχήρωσε (ἐχήρευσε Ἵ) are also suspicious cases of the intransitive use. So too χηρεύομεν ‘bereave’ Eur. Kyki. 440. The intransitive παῦε is common (van Herwerden on Aristoph. Ranae 122) and ἔπειγε, ἔγειρε, ῥίπτω, ἐσβάλλω are so used. (Kriig. 52. 2, Kiihn.-Gerth 2. 8 373). The alternative reading χήρωσεν αὐγάς preserves the grammar at the expense of dithy- rambic extravagance—sic declaratur desiderium, quod Sol sentiat, quum Hermias non amplius in conspectum eius veniat (Ilgen), ‘left desolate the light of the Sun.’ The metre of v. 13 is uncertain: perhaps a dact. trip.+two epitrites, 472 ARLS ROLLE: reading ἀλίου).---14. So Pind. Ol. 10. 95 τρέφοντι δ᾽ εὐρὺ κλέος | κόραι ἸΠιερίδες Διός, Nem. 7. 15, 32, Hor. 4.-8. 28 dignum laude virum Musa vetat mori. Cf. Sim. 99 οὐδὲ τεθνᾶσι θανόντες, ἐπεί σφ᾽ ἀρετή καθύπερθεν | κυδαίνουσ᾽ ἀνάγει δώματος ἐξ ’Aldew.—15. Cf. Solon 13. 1 Μνημοσύνης καὶ Znvds . . . ἀγλαὰ τέκνα, | Μοῦσαι Πιερίδες, Hes. Theogon. 52. Διὸς Eeviov (‘hospitality’) is objective genitive. For αὔξουσαι, Bergk conj. ἀσκοῦσαι, Crusius dfovca. We may paraphrase: αὔξουσι τὸν Ἕρμ. ὡς καὶ Ala ξένιον σεβόμενον καὶ φιλίαν βέβαιον yepatpovra.—Metre : dact.-epitrite. Anacrusis occurs only at the beginning, thus marking the exordium (cf. Pind. Nem. 10). MELIC ADESPOTA. I. Clem. Alex. Strom. 5. 654. Doubtless from Pindar, who maintains that τὸ δὲ φυᾷ κράτιστον ἅπαν and that the poet must be dowered with a μοιρίδιος παλάμα. The next four fragments are also probably Pindaric.—Metre : logaoedic. II. Clem. op. cit. 5. 661.—Metre: dact.-epitrite. FIT. Theodoros Metochites p. 515.—Metre: dact.-epitrite. IV. Plut. de occ. viv. 6; de E Delph. 21.—Metre: dact.- epitrite. ἵν. Plut. non posse suav. vivi 26. Cf. Sa. xxiv., Stes. xiii. Babv8év8pw: Ἑλικῶνα βαθυδ. hymn to Apollo i. with musical notes (Appendix).—Metre: logaoedic. VI. Plut. conso/. 28. Had Niobe borne in mind that she too who was θαλέθοντι. . . ὁρῶσα would die, she had not wished to die because of her excess of suffering. Perhaps from a θρῆνος (by Simonides?) or from Soph. Niobe, Trag. Adesp. 373.—2. Cf. παιδὸς βλάστας ‘the child’s birth’ Soph. O. T. 717.—Metre: dact.-epitrite (ἢ). VII. Plut. de amic. mult. 5.—Metre: dact.-epitrite. VIII. Dio Chryst. ov. 33 (2. 470). The story of Hekabe’s transformation into a dog by the Furies is alluded to in Eur. Ποῖ. 1265, Plaut. Men. 5. 1. 14, Ovid Metam. 13. 565 ff. Her tomb was called Κυνὸς Sfua.—1. οἱ with foll. gen., as II 531 ὅττι οἱ Gk’ ἤκουσε μέγας θεὸς εὐξαμένοιο.---4. Bergk read τε (πάγοι) φιλάνεμοί (τε) πέτραι.---Μοίτα : legaoedic. IX. Demetr. de eloc. 164.—Metre: dact.-epitrite. XX. Clem. Alex. Strom. 6. 796. Cf. Bacch. 43 (B. 4) ὡς δ᾽ ἅπαξ εἰπεῖν, φρένα καὶ πυκινὰν κέρδος ἀνθρώπων βιᾶται. ---Μ οὔτε : dact.-epitrite. “el MELIC ADESPOTA. XI.-XTIT. 473 XI. Plato Zpist. 1. The detail recalls Bacchylides xviii., but, as Bergk suggested, the fragment may be from a tragic poet.—2. ἀστράπτει : the singular follows the neuter part ; ef. λίθοι τε καὶ πλίνθοι Kal ξύλα Kal κέραμος ἀτάκτως μὲν ἐρριμμένα οὐδὲν χρήσιμά ἐστιν Xen. Memorab. ὃ. 1. 7. There is zeugma with ἀστράπτει in ll. 3, 4. For the figure cf. Bacch. xiii. 12. —8. αὐτάρκεις : αὐτόσποροι γύαι Aisch. Frag. 196.—4. ds: as if οὕτως had preceded.—Metre: dact.-epitrite. XII. Stob. Hel. Phys. 1. 6.13. In earlier literature Τύχη is Vicissitude, which is obscure to mortals, rather than blind Chance. Hesiod calls her the daughter of Okeanos. To Pindar she is still associated with the will of Zeus; cf. Ol. 12. 1 παῖ Ζηνὸς... σώτειρα Τύχα, Nem. 6. 24 θεοῦ τύχα. The same poet made her one of the Fates and superior to her sisters. Cf. Lehrs Pop. Aufsdtze 155. From the time of Aristophanes Τύχη appears as a power either codrdinated with the gods or as an independent divinity. The orators equate her with θεός or δαιμόνιον (τὰ παρὰ τῆς τύχης δωρηθέντα Isokr. 4. 26). Cf. Juv. 10. 365 nos te | nos facimus, Fortuna, deam coeloque locamus.—1. Cf. Aischin. 2. 131 τύχη, 4 πάντων ἐστὶ κυρία. μερόπων : without the addition of the epic βρότοι or ἄνθρωποι. ἀρχά : as in the formulas ἀγαθῇ τύχῃ, θεὸς τύχαν ἀγαθάν, Τύχη μόνον mapein.—2. pas: cogn. accus. as in θακοῦντι παγκρατεῖς ἕδρας Aisch. Prom. 389, ἕδρας God fere Soph. Ο. 7. 2. Cf. Liban. περὶ δουλείας 2. 66 χρὴ γὰρ οἴεσθαι καὶ τῇ Τύχῃ κεῖσθαι ἐν οὐρανῷ θρόνον, εἰ καὶ μὴ ἐν τοῖς δώδεκα θεοῖς ἠρίθμηται.---4. Cf. τὰ τῆς τύχης, ἥπερ ἀεὶ βέλτιον ἢ ἡμεῖς ἡμῶν αὐτῶν ἐπιμελούμεθα Demosth. Phil. 1. 12, τὸ τὴς τύχης εὐμενές Paus. 7. 17. 1.—5. λάμπει: see on Bacch. xiii. 12, πτέρυγα: on winged representations of Fortuna see Roscher Lex. 1. 1507 ; Hor. 1. 34. 14, 3. 29. 53.—6. Tyche has the scales of Themis. Cf. Demos. Olyn. 2. 22 μεγάλη yap ῥοπή, μᾶλλον δὲ τὸ ὅλον ἡ τύχη παρὰ πάντ᾽ ἐστὶ τὰ τῶν ἀνθρώπων πράγματα.--. ἀμαχ. πόρον : ‘a way of escape from helplessness’ as πόρος κακῶν Eur. Alk. 213, μηχανὰν κακῶν ib. 221; ἐξ ἀμηχάνων πόρους Aisch. Prom. 59.—8. προφερεστάτα : ‘chiefest’; the idea of seniority is unnecessary. See Jebb on Soph. O. K. 1531.— Metre: dact.-epitrite. XIII. Stob. Hel. 1. δ. 10-12 (divided among three authors). Cf. Wilamowitz, Zsyl/os 16, who would ascribe the magnificent fragment to Simonides, and Nauck Frag. trag. xx. | What- ever the contents of the entire poem may have been, the chorus here implores the Moirai to send the Horai to bring surcease of care to their city, which has been distressed by civil war. Apparently the poem was composed in a time of civil feud. The Moirai are givers of weal as well as woe 474 MELIC ADESPOTA. XII1.-XVI1. (Hes. Theogon. 906, Τ' 182); they withdraw to hide their shame if there is enmity among kinsmen (Pind. Pyth. 4. 145). In Isthm. 6. 17 Pindar invokes the assistance of Klotho and her sisters. —2. μήδεα βουλᾶν : gen. of explanation as δεσμὸς πέδης, etc.; βουλαὶ... μήδεά τε B 340. The Moirai plan and issue decrees which are carried into effect by the x7jpes.—4. Atoa: cf. Υ 127, ἡ 197 (aloa κλῶθές re). Hesiod did not admit her into his canon. Aisa is Moira κατ᾽ ἐξοχήν. Here she takes the place of Atropos, for whom Pindar substituted Tyche. An Attic tradition (Paus. 1. 19. 2) made Aphrodite Urania the eldest of the Moirai.—5. Hes. Theoyon. 217 makes the Moirai children of Nyx; so Orphic Hymn 59. On the chest of Kypselos two Moirai were represented together with Nyx and other figures. —6. χθόνιαι: Aisch. Hum. 961 calls the Moirai sisters of the chthonian Erinyes. In the Peiraieus and at Sikyon they were propitiated with offerings as the κατὰ χθονὸς θεαί. ---9. ed kane ef. Alkm. xxii. The Horai are the sisters of the Moirai, since both are sprung from Zeus and Themis (Hes. 7'heogon. 901). In Megara both were represented above the statue of enthroned Zeus; and they appeared in conjunction on the altar of Hyakinthos at Amyklai; so on the Borghese altar (Clarac pl. 173, 174). The three sisters are here divided into two groups as in Pind. Ol. 13. 6: ἐν τᾷ yap Εὐνομία ναίει, κασιγνήτα τε, βάθρον πολίων, ἀσφαλὴς | Alka καὶ ὁμότροπος Εἰρήνα, cf. Ol. 9. 16. Evvoula has a secondary position in comparison with her sisters; though Bacch. viii. 19 makes Δίκα her attendant. Alkman xxii. calls Tyche the sister of Eunomia. In local cults and on several works of art only two Horai appear. λιυπαροθρόνους : see on Sa. i. 1. —10. λελάθοιτε: the Homeric (O 60 λελάθῃ ὀδυνάων) causal use of the reduplicated aorist. See Monro Hom. Gram. § 36. —Metre: dact.-epitrite. XIV. Stob. Hel. 1.1.3. Metre: dact.-epitrite. XV. Stob. Hel. 1.1.9. καί is intensive. Metre: dact.- epitrite. XVI. Schol. Soph. 1]. 139, Suidas s.v. πάγκοινος (Trag. Adesp. 456). Perhaps from a threnos. Cf. I[byk. xii. Metre: dact.-pentapody. SKOLIA. I, ff. Athen. 14. 694c¢. The first four skolia resemble hymns. i. and ii. are in honour of Athena and Demeter, the ὑπ φανρυεἰλόσῃν» SKOLIA,” ΤΑΙ͂Σ 475 goddesses of Athens and Eleusis, iii. and iv. celebrate Apollo and Pan, the gods of song and dance.—1. Cf. the famous song to Pallas by Lamprokles. Tptroyéve’: so A 515, ete. The Triton stream was placed in the extreme west, later on in Libya. The Jriton may be identified with the Okeanos, out of which, in its western course, the thunderclouds arose according to Greek fancy. Athena, who sprang from the head of Zeus, is the goddess of the storm-cloud and of the lightning. ’A@dva is generally read in the few passages of tragedy where ᾽Αθηνᾶ (here in the mss.) occurs. In Attic inscriptions ᾽Αθηνᾶ (the contracted, adjectival form) occurs once in the sixth, once in the fifth century, and is rare before 362 B.c. ἄνασσ᾽ ᾿Αθάνα Aisch. Lum. 235, 443, 892, Eur. 1. T. 1475, Troad. 52, Fdvacc’ ᾿Αθανάα Alk. ii. 1. The elevated poetic style did not fancy ᾿Αθανάα (cf. ix.).—2. Athena is invoked as πολιοῦχος (cf. Aristoph. Nubes 602; Hq. 581) or as πολιάς Soph. Phil. 134.—2. ὄρθου : Pind. Isthm. 5. 48 πόλις ὀρθωθεῖσα.---8Θ. adyéwv: cf. παγκλαύτων ἀλγέων Aisch. Sept. 368, κακά τ᾽ ἄλγη πολέμους 7’ αἱματόεντας Suppl. 1044. στάσεων may refer to the internal strife at the time of the contest with the Peisistratidai. Cf. Pind. xiii—4. θανάτων: the plural often of death by violence (Aisch. Agam. 1572). ἀώρων : θανάτου ἀώρου Eur. Or. 1030. Some of the ancients dis- tinguished between death πρὸ μοίρας and death πρὸ ὥρας. Aisch. Hum. 956 has ἀνδροκμῆτας ἀώρους τύχας. πατήρ: on the conjunction of Zeus with Athena cf. Soph. O. 7. 187, 202. 11. 1. ΤΙλούτου : Demeter is πλουτοδότειρα Orphic Hymn 40. 3. Thongh she is the mother of Plutos (Hes. Theogon. 969), πλοῦτος is not a person here. Cf. Hymn to Dem. 489. So Artemis as the goddess of agriculture is βαθύπλουτος. ᾿Ολυμπίαν : only here of Demeter. Ὀλύμπιος in early Greek is a title applied to no other goddess except Hera and to Zeus alone of the gods. The epithet is here used as in Γῆ Ὀλυμπία and is not intended to distinguish Dem. ᾿Ολυμπία from Dem. XGovia (in Sparta and Hermione: cf. Eur. H. F. 615, Paus. 3. 14. 5, 2. 35. 5). Casaubon’s “Ourviay should be Ὄμπνιαν, which violates the metre and is very late ((" 1. 4. 3. 26 Roman, Nonnos).—2. ote. ἐν. ὥραις : may refer indirectly to (1) ‘hours for garlanding’ the brows of the banqueters (cf. xvi), but the reference is properly to the times when the skolion was sung, 1.6. (2) the ‘seasons when garlands are worn,’ viz. Anthesterion, at the time of the Lesser Mysteries. Cf. Gpa πολυάνθεμοι Pind. Ol. 13. 17. Less likely is (3) ‘seasons which yield flowers for garlands’ (cf. στεφανηφόρου ἦρος Anakreont. 53. 1 and Anp. ὡρηφόρος Hymn to Dem. 492. , not Ὥραις, though Persephone is Ὥρῶν συμπαίκτειρα 470 SKOLIA. I1.-IV. Orphic Hymn 29. 9.---8. Φερσεφόνη as in Pind., Kaibel 50. 4 (fourth cent.), with an initial ¢ due to the influence of that in -povn (cf. Θεμισθοκλῆς C. 1. A. 2. 864, ii. 18). Attic prose in- scriptions on vases etc. have Φερρέφαττα, while decrees have Κόρη. ᾽ III. 1. Cf. Hymn 1. [14-15] χαῖρε, μάκαιρ᾽ ὦ Λητοῖ, ἐπεὶ τέκες ἀγλαὰ τέκνα, | ᾿Απόλλωνά τ᾽ ἄνακτα καὶ “Apreuw ἰοχέαιραν. The two deities here as in Theogn. 1-14. The ν. 1. παῖδα for τέκνα follows that tradition which recognized no relation between Apollo and Artemis. ἔτικτε: the imperfect of τίκτω is often preferred to the aorist when the parentage is em- phasized rather than the birth. Hence τίκτω ‘am the parent of,’ of τίκτοντες (and of τεκόντες) ‘parents’: cf. Eur. H. F. 866, Jon 1560. So with ἐκφύω. The present stem expresses a permanent character or relation.—2. Φοῖβον χρυσοκόμαν : so Eur. 1. 7. 1237, Aristoph. Aves 217; ὁ Χρυσοκόμας without Φοῖβος, Pind. Οἱ. 6. 41. ᾿Απόλλω: the shorter (analogical) form without the article. —3. Thanks were offered to “Apr. dyporépa in Athens for the victory at Marathon. The epithet ἀγρ. Φ 471, Bacch. ii. 123, in Megara, Olympia, etc. ; ἀγρ. onpoxréve Aristoph. Lysistr. 1262. Cf. Thesmoph. 111 ff. Xen. Kyneg. 6. 13 prescribes the prayer for the hunter: τῷ ᾿Απόλλωνι καὶ τῇ ᾿Δρτέμιδι τῇ ᾿ΑγὙροτέρᾳ μεταδοῦναι τῆς θήρας. As the Huntress, Artemis was ἐλαφη- ὅλος (see on Anakr. i.).—4. Οὗ. Aisch. Suppl. 676 εὐχόμεθα Αρτεμιν δ᾽ ἑκάταν γυναικῶν λόχους ἐφορείειν, [Sa.] 118. 5 δέσποινα γυναικῶν of Artemis. As Εἰλείθυια she has power over the life and death of women. IV. Cf. Pind. Frag. 95, beginning Ὦ Πάν, ’Apxadias μεδέων καὶ σεμνῶν ἀδύτων φύλαξ, and ending Marpds μεγάλας ὀπαδέ, σεμνᾶν Χαρίτων μέλημα τερπνόν. Though the skolia were probably largely indebted to Pindar, the similarity between our skolion and the passage of Pindar’s partheneion is so purely formal as to exclude the thought that the latter was the model here. Our poem is modelled on the choral songs intended for the cult of the gods. If a skolion in honour of Pan points to the help given by him to the Athenians at Marathon, we have here a proof that the collection of ‘ Attic’ skolia was made after the Persian war.—1. ἰώ (MSS.) an exclamation of joy, as Eur. Bacch. 576, if retained, may be treated as a monosyllable (cf. Eur. Or. 332). So in v. 3.—2. ὀρχηστά : cf. ὁ φιλόχορος Πάν Aisch. Pers. 448, Πᾶνα χορευτὰν τελεώτατον θεῶν Pind, Frag. 99, σκιρτητὴς Il. Orphic Hymn 11. 4; and Soph. Aias 699 ff. Bpoplats: 1.6. τῷ Bpoulw mapa- κολουθαίσαις ; see on Anakr. ii. 2. βρομίαις (sic) might be defended by Bpoula φόρμιγξ. ὀπαδέ : a substantive as in Pind. SKOLIA. IV.-VI. 477 Nem. 3. 8, Frag. 95 (above), where it is followed by the gen. (cf. the variation with σωτήριος etc.). Νύμφαις : cf. Hymn to Pan 2 ὅστ᾽ ava πίση | δενδρήεντ᾽ ἄμυδις φοιτᾷ χοροήθεσι Νύμφαις, Soph. ὁ. 7. 1100, Aristoph. Thesmoph. 977 ἄντομαι | καὶ Hava καὶ Νύμφας φίλας | ἐπιγελάσαι προθύμως | ταῖς ἡμετέραισι | χαρίεντα χορείαις, Anth. Pal. 9. 142 Νυμφῶν ἡγήτορα Iava.—4. ΟἿ. Hymn to Pan 48 καὶ σὺ μὲν οὕτω χαῖρε, ἄναξ, λίτομαι δέ σ᾽, ἀοιδῇ (cf. Maass Hermes 31. 382) and the Asklepios hymn of Ptolemais: yatpé μοι, ὦ Παιάν, ἐπ᾽ ἐμαῖς εὔφροσι ταῖσδ᾽ ἀοιδαῖς (Rev. Arch. 13. 71). V. From some old Aesopian fable, out of which the author has taken the main point. Momos blamed Prometheus for not making a gate in man’s breast instead of constructing a creature that was able to hide his thoughts (Eust. on Odyss. 1574. 16). Cf. Propert. 3. 5. 7 ff. The physiognomist in Theokr. epigr. 11 is δεινὸς ἀπ᾿ ὀφθαλμοῦ καὶ τὸ νόημα ἰδεῖν. The window of the soul takes the place of the touchstone of character (Bacch. xvi.) The poem recalls Soph. Antig. 709 οὗτοι διαπτυχθέντες ὠφθησαν κενοί, Eur. Hippol. 984 τὸ μέντοι πρᾶγμ᾽, ἔχον καλοὺς λόγους, | εἴ τις διαπτύξειεν, οὐ καλὸν τόδε, Andr. 330 ἔξωθέν εἰσιν οἱ δοκοῦντες εὖ φρονεῖν | λαμπροί, τὰ δ᾽ ἔνδον πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις ἴσο. Literature is full of the φίλος σαφής and the φίλος ἀληθής ; Cic. de amic. 17. Cf. Theogn. 120 ff., 7. 1 312. The skolion is parodied in Aristoph. Eccles. 938.—1. fv: the tense is assimilated to that of ἐξῆν, Goodwin M. T. 559. Ilgen regarded ὁποῖος... ἕκαστος as explanatory of τὸν νοῦν, Hermann took τὸν νοῦν as a pleonastic repetition of ὁποῖος... ἕκαστος, which is properly dependent on τὸ στῆθος ἐσιδόντα. The latter clause is subordinate to κλήσαντα. ὁδποῖος : with of as often in ποίεω (vii. 4).---4. To esteem a man a friend by reason of his heart that knows no guile. VI. The occurrence of a similar thought in both Simonides (cf. xxx.) and Epicharmos may have given rise to the doubt of the ancients whether this famous skolion was written by ~the lyric or by the comic poet (cf. schol. Plato Gorg. 451 E). Engelbrecht is certain that it is by Simonides. Bergk suggested that Epicharmos was the author of the line in Arist. Rhet. 2. 21 (1894 b 13) ἀνδρὶ δ᾽ ὑγιαίνειν ἄριστόν ἐστιν, ὥς γ᾽ ἡμῖν δοκεῖ. In the Laws 631 c, Plato refers to the poem in his arrangement of human blessings: ὧν ἡγεῖται μὲν ὑγίεια, κάλλος δὲ δεύτερον, τὸ δὲ τρίτον ἰσχὺς . . ., τέταρτον dé δὴ πλοῦτος, cf. 661 A; Gorg. 451 Ε, where the author is not named. The tone of the skolion is of course convivial not philo- sophical. Cf. also Aristoph. Aves 605. Pind. has a definite order of blessings Pyth. 1. 99 (cf. Isthm. 5. 12, Ol. 5, 23).— ἃ, For the sentiment cf. Theogn. 255 κάλλιστον τὸ δικαιότατον" 478 SKOLIA. VI. VI. λῷστον δ᾽ ὑγιαίνειν, Soph. Frag. 329 κάλλιστόν ἐστι τοὔνδικον πεφυκέναι ] λῷστον δὲ τὸ ζῆν ἄνοσον, ἥδιστον δ᾽ ὅτῳ | πάρεστι λῆψις ὧν ἐρᾷ καθ᾽ ἡμέραν (cf. Frag. 328), Ariphron on Hygieia p. 134, Bacch. 1. 27 ff ef δ᾽ ὑγιείας θνατὸς ἐὼν ἔλαχεν, ζώειν τ’ am’ οἰκείων ἔχει, πρώτοις ἐρίζει" παντί τοι τέρψις ἀνθρώπων βίῳ ἕπεται νόσφιν γε νούσων πενίας τ᾽ ἀμαχάνου, Philemon Frag. 163 αἰτῶ δ᾽ ὑγίειαν πρῶτον, εἶτ᾽ εὐπραξίαν, | τρίτον δὲ χαίρειν, εἵτ᾽ ὀφείλειν μηδενί. Aristotle and Metrodoros made ὑγίεια the summum bonum. ὑγιαίνειν yields the only case of the basis ~ ~ — in the skolia,.—2. Anaxandrides, the comic poet, objected to this order of blessings (Frag. 17): ὁ τὸ σκόλιον εὑρὼν ἐκεῖνος, ὅστις ἢν, | τὸ μὲν ὑγιαίνειν πρῶτον ws ἄριστον ὄν, | ὠνόμασεν ὀρθῶς, δεύτερον δ᾽ εἷναι καλόν, | τρίτον δὲ πλουτεῖν, τοῦθ᾽, ὁρᾷς, ἐμαίνετο" | μετὰ τὴν ὑγίειαν γὰρ τὸ πλουτεῖν διαφέρει" | καλὸς δὲ πεινῶν ἐστιν αἰσχρὸν θηρίον. Aristotle, Hth. 1. 8 16 (1099 b 4), says there is no εὐδαιμονία for the man τὴν ἰδέαν mavatoxns. In Tyrt. 12. 5 Tithonos is the type of beauty, as Midas and Kinyras of wealth.—4. Cf. Anakr. xii. Herrick translated the skolion: ‘‘ Health is the first good lent to men ;| A gentle disposition then: | Next, to be rich by no by-wayes ; | Lastly, with friends t’enjoy our dayes.” VIIL.-X. ‘Harmodios’ (ὁ “Apuddcos, μέλος ᾿Αρμοδίου) is stated by Hesychios to have been composed by Kallistratos. Of him we know nothing else, but the composition of the poem may be referred to 500 B.c. or thereabouts. The skolion accepts the popular belief, which is held by Plato (Symp. 182 cc) and Aristotle (Pol. 1311 a 36, 1312 b 31), that Hipparchos, who was assassinated by Harmodios and Aristogeiton, was ‘tyrant’ of Athens at the time (end of July, 514). Against the popular tradition Thukyd. 1. 20, 6. 54 ff. (cf. Hdt. 5. 55) protests and argues that Hippias as the older brother, not Hipparchos, was tyrant, and that the overthrow of the tyranny in 510 was not due to the ‘reckless attempt’ of the conspirators, but to the intervention of the Lakedaimonians. While this is no doubt true, it is easy to understand that the desire to honour the memory of the men who made the assault of 514 should have attributed to them the results of the revolution of 510. So the private wrongs of Lucretia and Wat Tyler’s daughter were the cause of political outbreaks. Though Hippias was strictly ‘the tyrant,’ the skolion must not be interpreted as meaning that he succeeded Hipparchos—a belief current in some ancient authors. Harmodios and Aristogeiton were honoured by the Athen- ians as gods and heroes. The polemarch offered libations on their graves: their families were maintained at the public expense ; and no slave might be named after them. The first SAOLIA. VIL. 479 bronze statues in Greece were erected in their honour, A group by Antenor was taken by Xerxes to Susa, but recovered by Alexander or one of his successors. All the well-known representations (Baumeister fig. 357, 1347, 2132, Frazer on Paus. 1. 8. 5) probably go back to the later group by Kritios and Nesiotes (477 B.c.). The skolion is often referred to in later literature ; in addition to the passages mentioned below, in Aristoph. Acharn. 980, Vespae 1225, Antiphanes Frag. 85, etc. In Frag. 4 Antiph. says it was sung as a paian: ᾿Αρμόδιος ἐπεκαλεῖτο, παιὰν ἤδετο. Like the songs sung by Achilles in his tent, the skolion deals with the κλέα ἀνδρῶν (x. 1). There has been much discussion as to whether we have one poem of four strophes or four independent monostrophic skolia. The most plausible explanation is that we have a single poem of two parts, each consisting of two strophes and each connected with the other. Thus vii. and viii. as ix. and x. celebrate the deed and its glory, viii. the fame of its doers in the other world, x. their renown on earth. x. 4 repeats vii. 4; the final note takes up the beginning. For repetitions in a single skolion by one author cf. xxv. No weight is to be attached to the schol. on Aristoph. Acharn. 980, who quotes as the beginning φιλτ. ‘Apu. Whether Kallistratos composed more than the first strophe cannot be proved, but it is probable that he composed all four. VII. Referred to in Aristoph. Lysistr. 632 καὶ φορήσω τὸ ξίφος τὸ λοιπὸν ἐν μύρτου κλαδί. The daggers of the conspirators were concealed in branches of myrtle. At the Panathenaia, where the attack was made, the citizens who took part in the procession carried spear and shield only. The wearing of arms on any other day than that of the festival would have aroused suspicion. Though Hesych. reports s.v. θαλλοφόρος that olive branches were carried in the festival procession in honour of Athena, we know that myrtle boughs were often carried at sacrifices (Aristoph. Aves 48, Thesmoph. 37, Vesp. 861). Croiset suggests that the mention of the myrtle of the conspirators is a poetical manner of designating the myrtle crown of the banqueters.—2. kat: retaining καΐ we have two cyclic dactyls in this verse alone. The licence may be excused because of the proper name, which has five syllables and is necessarily thus placed. Sim. 131 encounters a like difficulty: ἢ μέγ᾽ ᾿Αθηναίοισι φόως γένεθ᾽ ἡνίκ᾽ ’Apioto- | γείτων Ἵππαρχον κτεῖνε καὶ ᾿Αρμόδιος. Cf. also Soph. eleg. 1 ᾿Αρχέλεως᾽ ἦν γὰρ σύμμετρον ὧδε λέγειν (for ᾿Αρχέλαος). For irregularities in logacedics cf. Sim. 148, 12. In Trag. Adesp. 126 we find καὶ ἀνάξιοι (kav. Nauck). Elision of x(af) might be defended by B 238, perhaps Z 260, and such writings as xoi Soph. Phil. 480 SKOLIA. VI, VII. 565, xei, xeis. In Ionic we have κοἰνοπίδης, κοὐκ, kév, in Doric κἐνκαύσιος (éyx-). Ordinary crasis is unlikely (cf. ἄσον δή μοι σκόλιόν τι λαβὼν ᾿Αλκαίου κἀνακρέοντος Aristoph. Frag. 223) because of the irrational trochee (accepted however by Butt- mann, and Mehlhorn).—4. ἰσονόμους : the reference to iso- voula shows that the skolion belongs to a time not far removed from that of the tyrannicides. Later we hear of δημοκρατία. VIII. 1. Referred to in Aristoph. Acharn. 1093 and schol. on 980. The skolion bears the name of Harmodios, who in this stanza is separated from his companion and made the subject of special honour because he lost his life in the very act of vengeance. Aristogeiton escaped but was soon arrested and executed after enduring torture with fortitude (Arist. ᾿Αθην. πολ. 18. 4 ff.) οὔ τί που: half statement, half question. ‘It cannot be true that thou art dead—though it must be so.’ The formula is used when an affirmative answer is feared and a negative answer desired but not necessarily expected. Cf. Pind. Pyth. 4. 87 οὔ τί που οὗτος ᾿Απόλλων ‘surely this youth cannot be Apollo, though it must be he’; Eur. Hel. 95, 475, 541, Jon 1113, Or. 1510; and often in the language of the people: Aristoph. Ran. 522, Nub. 1260, Pax 1211, Aves 442, Hecl. 329, 372. So οὔ που Eur. Hel. 135; οὐ δή που Aristoph. Acharn. 122, Aves 269, Eccl. 327, Ran. 526. Fritzsche’s distinction between οὔ ri που, expressing a false, and οὐ δή που expressing a true opinion, does not seem to hold good as regards the latter formula. For the thought cf. Sim. 99 οὐδὲ τεθνᾶσι θανόντες, Aristotle on ’Aperd, 1. 14.—2. Cf. Hes. W.D. 170 καὶ τοὶ μὲν ναίουσιν ἀκηδέα θυμὸν ἔχοντες | ἐν μακάρων νήσοισι map ᾿Ὠκεανὸν βαθυδίνην, | ὄλβιοι ἥρωες. εἶναν ‘live’ is opposed to τέθνηκας. So often in tragedy, e.g. Soph. Azas 783, Phil. 422. Lines 1 and 2 are imitated in Anth. adesp. 737 οὐκ ἔθανες, ἸΠρώτη, μετέβης δ᾽ és ἀμείνονα χώραν, | καὶ ναίεις μακάρων νήσους θαλίῃ ἐνὶ πολλῇ. (Nauck read φασι ναίειν here.)—3. In Homer (A 471 ff.) Achilles passes a wretched existence in Hades. Arktinos, followed by Pindar (Nem. 4. 49), placed his after-life in the island of Leuke near the mouth of the Danube. Ibykos (87), with whom Simonides agreed, transported him to the Elysian fields and married him to Medeia. In Pind. Ol. 2. 79 Achilles joins his father in the Islands of the Blest (cf. Plato Symp. 179 ©, 1808). See on Pind. xvi. This line was imitated by the comic poet Plato according to Nauck Md. gr.-rom. 3. 118 (cf. Hermes 23. 283).—4. Cf. Διομήδεα δ᾽ ἄμβροτον... Τλαυκῶπις ἔθηκε θεόν Pind. Nem. 10. 7. Diomedes obtained Athena’s gift of immortality which had been for- feited by his father on account of his cannibalism, He was SKOLIA. 7Χ.- Χ 7]. 48] decreed divine honours at Metapontum and Thurii as a “‘hero of Hellenic civilization.”” The metre of this fourth verse is different from that of the rest. Bergk omitted rév with Ilgen; Brunck omitted τὸν ἐσθλόν : Stadtmiiller reads gac’ ἐσθλὸν ἀεὶ μένειν. Wilamowitz deletes A. and makes the verse consist of two adonics (cf. Sa. 27). IX. 3. ᾿Αθηναΐης θυσίαισ᾽ : the Panathenaic celebration. XX. 1. Epic reminiscences in ἔσσεται and aia.—2. φίλταθ᾽ Ἁρμόδιος : it is more usual to find the adj. in the nom. joined with the voc. of the substantive: φίλος ὦ Μενέλαε A 189, & τλήμων ἄνερ Kur. Andr. 348. In ὦ δύσμορ᾽ Αἴας Soph. Aias 923, Αἴας is the Attic vocative. The vocative without & is more pathetic, and without the interjection the nom. is rarely used for the vocative.—8, 4. -τὴν for -rov in historical tenses occurs at the end of the verse also in Eur. Adk. 661; for the sake of the metre in Soph, O. 7. 1511; not seldom in Plato. The confusion, which occurs only in Attic, is due to a desire to mark the second person with the distinctive termination of the historical tenses. Perhaps xavérnv should be read here and in vii. 3; cf. ix. 4. XI. Arist. ᾿'Αθην. πολ. 19. 3, Athen. 15. 6958. In 510 the exiles headed by the Alkmeonidai were disastrously defeated by the party of Hippias. Cf. Hdt. 5. 62.—1. Leipsydrion, which was fortified by the exiles, was situated on the southern slope of Parnes. Cf. Aristoph. Lysist. 665 ἀλλ᾽ ἄγετε, λευκόποδες, οἵπερ ἐπὶ Λειψύδριον ἤλθομεν, ὅτ᾽ ἦμεν ἔτι.--- 8. The hiatus in καὶ (so Arist.) may be excused by the fact that it occurs in the catalectic foot of the first dipody. Tyrrell conj. κἀξ εὐπατρι- dav. εὐπατρίδας : the first occurrence of the word, which, before the time of Aristotle, is almost entirely confined to poetry (Soph. H/. 162, 859, Eur. Alk. 920, Ion 1073). In Aristotle eva. is used technically to denote a class of noble- born families which held offices in contrast to the base-born populace. The Alkmeonidai were not members of the Attic γένος specifically called Evarpida, though they are here included under the generic title. See Wright in Harvard Studies in Class. Phil. 3. 43. With the expression ἀγαθούς κιτ.Ὰ. οἵ. κρήγυός τε καὶ παρὰ χρηστῶν Theokr. EHpigr. 21.— 4. Cf. Soph. Aias 556 δεῖ σ᾽ ὅπως πατρὸς | δείξεις ἐν ἐχθροῖς οἷος ἐξ οἵου ᾽τράφης, Tyrt. 15. 2 κῶροι πατέρων πολιατᾶν. XII. Arist. ’A@nv. πολ. 19. 20, whence it may have been inserted in the ‘ Attic’ collection. Before the battle at Leip- sydrion Kedon made an attack on the Peisistratidai and lost his life. This is the only case of an elegiac distich in the extant skolia. For elegiacs at banquets cf. Theogn. 239. 24H 482 SKOLTIAS XL: XIII. Athen. 15. 695 4.—1. ὡραῖον : wp. πλόος opposed to παρεὼν πλόος Hes. W. D. 630; cf. Anth. Pal. 10.1. κατίδην : with Aiolic psilosis (cf. Aiol. «(e) 1. 3). The dialect, the metre, and the flavour of the poem are Aiolic. Cf. the Aiolian Pittakos in Diog. Laert. 1. 78 συνετῶν ἐστιν ἀνδρῶν πρὶν γενέσθαι τὰ δυσχερῆ προνοῆσαι ὅπως μὴ γένηται, ἀνδρείων δὲ γενόμενα εὖ θέσθαι. In κατίδην, κατά connotes investigation, discovery, not superior elevation (both in Aisch. Swppl. 1059). καθορᾶν of physical scrutiny is rare: Hdt. 2. 38 κατορᾷ . .. ras τρίχας τῆς οὐρῆς εἰ κατὰ φύσιν ἔχει πεφυκυίας. In Pind. Pyth. 9. 49 there is no need to put Apollo on a divine look- out place. We have rather mental scrutiny (ὅσσα τε χθὼν ἠρινὰ φύλλα ἀναπέμπει... χὥῶτι μέλλει. . . εὖ KaBopgs). The sense of the present passage is: before starting on a voyage we must survey the chances of its possibility and of our having the requisite skill to handle the vessel: erst wdgen, dann wagen. The sailor who directs his course inter nitentes Cyclades must fix his course and hold to it. κατίδην does not introduce an indirect question. The apodosis is contained in the protasis: the chance of our making the voyage (if haply we may). This construction after οἶδα, εἶδον is common in Homer, who, with the optative, generally has εἴ κε; Goodwin, M. T. 491. Some think the passage means that the wise man, as far as possible, ought to avoid the perils of the deep. Cf. Archippos (43) ὡς ἡδὺ τὴν θάλατταν ἀπὸ τῆς γῆς ὁρᾶν, | ὦ μῆτερ, ἐστὶ μὴ πλέοντα μηδαμοῦ, Lucr. 2. 1 suave, mari magno turbantibus aequora ventis, | e terra magnum alterius spectare laborem, Hor. Hpist. 1. 11. 10 Neptunwm procul 6 terra spectare Surentem, Cic. ad Att. 2.7. 4 cupio istorum naufragia ex terra intuert, where he quotes Soph. Frag. 579; Tibull. 1. 1. 45 quam iuvat inmites ventos audire cubantem, Opp. Pisc. 5. 348. Ilgen makes πλόον a proleptic accusative. While an accusa- tive de quo after olda often anticipates a clause with εἰ (Monro A. G. 8 294, cf. Θ 535), the subject of the two optatives must be the same.—2. δύναιτο : scil. πλεῖν αὐτόν. παλάμην : agende facultatem. Cf. Soph. O. T. 814 ἄνδρα δ᾽ ὠφελεῖν ἀφ᾽ ὧν | ἔχοι τε καὶ δύναιτο (resources and faculties) κάλλιστος πόνων. ---Θ. Cf. Hor. Epist. 1. 18. 87 tu, dum tua navis in alto est, | hoc age, ne mutata retrorsum te ferat aura.—4. τρέχειν ἀνάγκη is suspicious. Bergk suggested χρέεσθ᾽ ; cf. Plut. Praec. reip. ger. 2 (798 p) of men carried to sea unwillingly: μένειν dé καὶ χρῆσθαι τοῖς παροῦσιν ἀνάγκην ἔχοντες. τὸ παρεόν then=quid- quid inciderit. Cf. Kratinos 172 ἄνδρας σοφοὺς χρὴ τὸ παρὸν πρᾶγμα καλῶς εἰς δύναμιν τίθεσθαι. Some supply ἀνέμῳ with παρεόντι, though πλόῳ is more probable.—Metre: Alkaic strophe. SKOLIA. XIV. XV. 483 XIV. Athen. /.7., Eust. Od. 1574. 14, Stories drawn from the animal world are first met with in Archilochos and Semonides of Amorgos. Simonides of Keos told the story of the fisherman who hesitated to catch a polyp, because his failure would bring starvation to his children, while success meant perishing from cold. Philokleon in Aristoph. Vespae 1182 begins a fable: ‘Once upon a time there was a mouse and a weasel.’ The fable on which this skolion is based is told in Aesop (346 Η) : Ὄφις καρκίνῳ συνδιῃτᾶτο, ἑταιρείαν πρὸς αὐτὸν ποιησάμενος. ὁ μὲν οὖν καρκίνος ἁπλοῦς dv τὸν τρόπον, μεταβαλέσθαι κἀκείνῳ παρήνει τῆς πανουργίας" ὁ δὲ οὐδοτιοῦν ἑαυτὸν παρεῖχε πειθόμενον. ἐπιτηρήσας δ᾽ ὁ καρκίνος αὐτὸν ὑπνοῦντα, καὶ τοῦ φάρυγγος τῇ χηλῇ λαβόμενος καὶ ὅσον οἷόν τε πιέσας, φονεύει" τοῦ δὲ ὄφεως μετὰ θάνατον ἐκταθέντος, ἐκεῖνος εἶπεν" ““οὕτως ἔδει καὶ πρόσθεν εὐθὺν καὶ ἁπλοῦν εἷναι" οὐδὲ γὰρ ἂν ταύτην τὴν δίκην ἔτισας.᾽ Aelian NV. A. 16. 38 says that at Ephesos large and venomous serpents lived in a cave near a lake into the waters of which they entered μέλλοντες γὰρ ἐπιβαίνειν τῆς γῆς ἐλλοχᾶν καρκίνους μεγάλους, οἵπερ οὖν ἀνατεί- ναντες τὰς χηλὰς συλλαμβάνούσιν εἰς πνῦγμα αὐτοὺς καὶ ἀναιροῦσι. The author of this skolion gives merely the closing scene of the familiar story. The witticism of the epilogue (cf. Biirger in Hermes 27. 359) is clear only from the fuller treatment of the fable. Line 2 represents only a moment of the action: when the snake is straightened out in death, his quondam friend says ‘‘straight my friend must be and not crooked in his mind.”—1. 6: the article may be due toa direct reference to the well-known fable.—8. εὐθύν ; a double entendre—moral straight-forwardness and physical straightness. The antithesis of εὐθύς and σκολιός appears in Hes. W. D. 7, Solon 4. 37, Theogn. 535. Cf. M124 ἰθὺς φρονέων. Ilgen’s ἔμεν (cf. Aristoph. Pax 1083 οὔποτε φοιτήσεις τὸν καρκίνον ὀρθὰ βαδίζειν) would add to the humour of the situation, because the crustacean itself has a sidelong gait (cf. Hamlet’s “If like a crab you could go backward”). ἔμμεν : Homeric, Thessalian, and in the Attic scenic poets only under special conditions; the Aiolic form is éupevar.—Metre: 1, 2, 4 catal. pherecratics with anacr.; 3 glyconic. Some write 3-4 together making a verse of two cola (glyconics). The skol. in Aristoph. Vespae 1245 (χρήματα καὶ βίον Ἰζλειταγόρᾳ τε κἀμοὶ μετὰ Θετταλῶν) consists of pherecratics without anacrusis. XV. Athen. 1. 1. and Eust. 11. 326. 40. Line 1 is quoted in the mock banquet scene in Aristoph. Vespae 1239. The skolion is variously referred to Alkaios, Sappho, and Praxilla without warrant. It represents the moral (note μαθών, γνούς) of some well-known poem, perhaps the Alkestis of Phrynichos. 484 SKOLIA, XVI, XVIT. Eust. says ἔοικε δὲ διὰ μὲν τῶν ἀγαθῶν τὴν γενναίαν καὶ φίλανδρον ὑποδηλοῦν Αλκηστιν, διὰ δὲ τῶν δειλῶν τὸν ᾿Αδμήτου πατέρα, ὃς ὥκνησε θανεῖν ὑπὲρ τοῦ παιδός. The skolion has been re- garded by Schone as evidence that Admetos’ cowardice was branded in poetry before Euripides’ A/kestis. But it is not clear that Admetos is not here regarded as one of the ἀγαθοί. Ebeling Trans. Amer. Philol. Assoc. 29. 79 suggests that τῶν δειλῶν δ᾽ ἀπέχου is a mere amplification of rods φίλους φίλει without including Pheres’ son. Admetos’ εὐσέβεια, ὁσιότης are uniformly accentuated. In Eur. Alk. 10 Apollo says ὁσίου γὰρ ἀνδρὸς ὅσιος ὧν ἐτύγχανον. Wilamowitz thinks there may be a reference to Herakles, the ἀγαθός who comes unbidden to the feast of the ἀγαθοί (cf. also Bacch. 59 K=33 B). With v. 2 cf. Theogn. 105 δειλοὺς εὖ ἕρδοντι ματαιοτάτη χάρις. φίλει ‘entertain,’ in Aristoph. has supplanted the statelier σέβου (v. 1. Athen.). The metre of xvi.-xix. is that of xy. The greater Asclepiads came into favour in the skolia through the influence of Alkaios. Hartung referred xv.-xix. to Praxilla. XVI. An imitation of Anakreon.—1. In older poetry συνηβᾶν is used only in Anakr. xii. and 44 ἔραμαι δέ τοι συνη- Bav* χαριτοῦν ἔχεις yap ἦθος. συστεφανηφόρει: cf. Anakr. xxili., Demosth. Falsa leg. 380, 128 συνεστεφανοῦτο καὶ συνε- παιώνιζε. With 1. 2 cf. Theogn. 313 ἐν μὲν μαινομένοις μάλα μαίνομαι, ἐν δὲ δικαίοις | πάντων ἀνθρώπων εἰμὶ δικαιότατος, Kallias 20 μετὰ μαιομένων φασὶν χρῆναι μαίνεσθαι πάντας ὁμοίως, where μετά appears with the plural, as is to be expected. σύν μου is excessively rare (Kallim. epigr. 1. 5). σύν μοι πῖνε follows Anakr. 90. 3 σὺν Ταστροδώρῃ πίνουσα. Cf. also Eur. 7. A. 407 συσσωφρονεῖν γάρ, οὐχὶ συννοσεῖν ἔφυν. The motto holds for a club (ἑταιρεία) as formerly for a tribe. Wilamowitz cites the Arabian ‘I am a man of the title of Ghazijja; if Ghazijja is mad, I am mad,—if Ghazijja does what is right, I do what is right’ (Wellhausen Reste arab. Heidenthums 194). Note the rime, as in Alk. 94. XVII. There are numerous references to the scorpion, all of which go back to some such old proverb as ὑπὸ παντὶ λίθῳ σκορπίος. Cf. Aristoph. Thesmoph. 529 τὴν παροιμίαν δ᾽ ἐπαινῶ] τὴν παλαιάν" ὑπὸ λίθῳ γὰρ | παντί που χρὴ | μὴ δάκῃ ῥήτωρ ἀθρεῖν, Praxilla Frag. 4 ὑπὸ παντὶ λίθῳ σκορπίον, ὦ ’ratpe, φυλάσσεο, Soph. Frag. 34 ἐν παντὶ γάρ τοι σκορπίος φρουρεῖ λίθῳ, Aelian H. 4. 15. 26 εἰ γὰρ τοῦτο μὴ γένοιτο, ὁ χῶρος ἄβατός ἐστι᾿ ὑπὸ παντὶ γὰρ λίθῳ καὶ βώλῳ πάσῃ σκορπίος ἐστί. The writer of this skolion added ὦ--ὑποδεύεται and the second verse in order to adapt the well-known proverb to a form of song already existing (Reitzenstein). Praxilla 4 represents a simpler SKOLIA. XVIITI-XX1/. 485 enlargement. The Greek did not expect honest dealing and uprightness unless ἔρως bound his friend. Cf. xix. XVIII. Line 1 is by a Dorian (note the use of the article), whose rustic taste is parodied by an Athenian inl. 2, The Arkadians were βαλανηφάγοι (Alk. 91).—2. Cf. Prior’s ‘*Kuphelia serves to grace my measure, | But Chloe is my real flame.” XIX. A reference to the affair at Leipsydrion (no. xi.). This is the last in the collection of ‘ Attic’ skolia as arranged in Athen. XX. Athen. and Eust. J/. 285. 2. The author has in mind both Alk. xxvi. and Pind. Nem. 7. 27 (ὁ καρτερὸς Αἴας) ὃν κράτιστον ᾿Αχιλέος ἄτερ μάχᾳ |... πόρευσαν εὐθυπνόου Lepiiporo πομπαὶ | πρὸς Ἴλου πόλιν, both of which passages are derived from ἃ 550 Aiavé’, ὃς πέρι μὲν εἶδος, πέρι δ᾽ ἔργα τέτυκτο | τῶν ἄλλων Δαναῶν μετ᾽ ἀμύμονα ἸΤηλεΐωνα, whence B 708 ἀνδρῶν αὖ μέγ᾽ ἄριστος ἔην Τελαμώνιος Αἴας, | ὄφρ᾽ ᾿Αχιλεὺς μήνιεν᾽ ὁ γὰρ πολὺ φέρτατος fev. Cf. Sophokles Aias 1840 ἕν’ ἄνδρ᾽ ἰδεῖν ἄριστον ᾿Αργείων, ὅσοι Τροίαν ἀφικόμεσθα, πλὴν ᾿Αχιλλέως, and Horace Sat. 2. 3. 193 Ajax, heros ab Achille secundus. The skolion evidences the influence upon Athenian society exercised by the Aiolian Alkaios and the Dorian Pindar. The schol. on Aristoph. Lysistr. 1237, misled by the passage in Pindar, attributed the skolion to that poet. The skolion may be placed after 467, the date of Nem. 7. λέγουσι shows the literary models in the same manner as the epigram of 470 5.6. in Plut. Kimon 7, Aischin. Ktes. 80, 185: ἔκ ποτε τῆσδε πόληος ἅμ᾽ ᾿Ατρείδῃσι Μενεσθεὺς | ἡγεῖτο ζάθεον Tpwikdy ἐς πεδίον" | ὅν ποθ᾽ “Ὅμηρος ἔφη Δαναῶν πύκα θωρηκτάων | κοσμητῆρα μάχης ἔξοχον ὄντα μολεῖν. Cf. skol. viii. 2.—Metre: the two logaoedic cola in each line of xx.-xxiii. do not differ much from those of the fourth verse of skol. i. ff. v. 1=first glyconic +first pherecratic catal.; v. 2 first glyconic+log. tetrap. catal. (cf. Alk. τῶν ἀνέμων στάσιν). XXII. An imitation of the preceding. The variations show that the two skolia never formed a single strophe. In xx. Aias is the chief figure, here there is no unity. The words καὶ (Bergk jer’) ᾿Αχιλλέα drag, whereas they should be important, and Δαναῶν, which depends on πρῶτον, is not well placed. Telamon engaged in the first expedition against Troy (Pind. Nem. 4. 25, Isthm. 6. 40). The skolion represents the Doric tendency to magnify the glory of the Aiginetan house of Aiakos at the expense of Achilles. Mention of Herakles is suppressed, though he was the leader in the ex- pedition in which Telamon took part. Cf. Wilamowita 486 SKOLIA. XXII-XXIV. Herakles 1. 281. A reference to xx. and xxi. appears in the comic poet Theopompos (1. p. 750 kK): ἐπίνομεν μετὰ ταῦτα «νον [κατακείμενοι μαλακώτατ᾽ ἐπὶ τρικλινίῳ | Τελαμῶνος οἰμώζοντες ἀλλήλοις μέλη, and in Antiphanes Frag. 85: ἔπειτα μηδὲν τῶν ἀπηρχαιωμένων | τούτων περάνῃς, τὸν Τελαμῶνα, μηδὲ τὸν [ Παιῶνα μηδ᾽ ᾿Αρμόδιον. XXII., XXII. Athen. 7.7. Dio Chr. 1. 36. Though there is no real unity between the two skolia, the verses read like two strophes of one poem. We have wish and counter- wish (cf. Theokr. 5. 8). Thought and expression balance each other in both. Perhaps xxii. is Doric, xxiii. Attic as xviii. 2. Cf. Anth. Pal. 5. 83 εἴθ᾽ ἄνεμος γενόμην, σὺ δ᾽ ἐπι- στείχουσα παρ᾽ ayas | στήθεα γυμνώσαις καί με πνέοντα λάβοις, 5. 84 εἴθε ῥόδον γενόμην ὑποπόρφυρον, ὄφρα με χερσὶν | ἀρσαμένη χαρίσῃ στήθεσι χιονέοις, 15. 35 εἴθε κρίνον γενόμην ἀργένναον, ὄφρα με χερσὶν | ἀρσαμένη μᾶλλον σῆς χροτιῆς κορέσῃς (see L. Cohn Ueber die Paroimiographi p. 53), Theokr. 3. 12 αἴθε γενοίμαν | a βομβεῦσα μέλισσα καὶ ἐς τεὸν ἄντρον ἱκοίμαν, Anak- reont. xvi. 15, Shakesp. R. and J. 2. 2. 24 ““0, that I were a glove upon that hand, | That I might touch that cheek.” Soin German folk-songs, e.g. Wollt Gott wir ich ein roth Goldfinger- lein and Wolt Got dat ich wir en viglin klein |... ich wolt ihr fliegen in’s herzen grunt. XXII. A reference to the cyclic choruses. γενοίμαν : the optative regards only the futurity of the object of the wish, not its probability or even possibility (Goodwin M. 7. 740). ἐλεφαντίνα : cf. Anakreont. 58. 5 ἐλ. πλήκτρῳ, Ovid Metam. 11. 168 tnstructamque fidem gemmis et dentibus Indis. It is noteworthy that the lyre is here stated to be the Dionysiac instrument. XMXIII. A reference to the procession at the Panathenaia. —1. ἄπυρον χρυσίον : as χρυσὸς ἀκήρατος Alkm. iv. 54; the gold is so pure as not to need refining (αὐτοφυής). Zeus ap- peared in the golden shower as ἄπυρος χρυσός [Kur.] Frag. 1132. 30. The χρυσίον may be a golden vase. But cf. Plut. Artax. 5 δίδωμί σοι καὶ τὰ χρυσία φορεῖν ὡς γυναικί, and see on Lykophronides.—2. θεμένη νόον : cf. Aisch. Prom. 163, καθαρὸν θέμενος νόον Theogn. 89, θέτο βουλάν Pind. Nem. 10. 89. XXIV. Athen. 11. 783 © (Ameipsias Frag. 22). Man wants but little here below—only love and eating. Cf. Anth. Pal. 5. 85.1. This is one of the skolia that took the place of those in the old ‘ Attic’ collection. — Metre: logaoedic. v. 1. spondaic basis+two catal. troch. dipodies (cretics)+a catal. tripody ; v. 2. log. pentapody. SKOLIA. XXV, 487 XXV. Appended to the ‘Attic’ skolia by Athen. 15. 695 F (where it is stated that ‘some call the poem a skolion’); also in Eust. Od. 1574. 7. Hybrias of Crete is otherwise unknown, but is supposed to have lived in the seventh century. The name may be defended by Ὑβρίδημος, Ὑβρίλαος, "TY Bpwv. The verses breathe the contempt for the tiller of the soil felt by the Dorian warriors of Crete, a state whose polity was that of a camp (Plato Laws 6665). In the Last of the Barons Bulwer puts similar expressions into the mouths of the adherents of dying feudalism. Cf. the motto of Quentin Durward: La guerre est ma patrie, | Mon harnois ma maison, | Et en toute saison, | Combattre c’est ma vie, which is taken from a Spanish original 7718 arreos son las armas | Mi descanso el pelear (quoted by Morgan). The form of the poem by Hybrias is suited for singing in company (the Cretan syssitia). —1. Campbell’s ‘‘My wealth’s a burly spear and brand” follows the unmetrical reading μέγα. ---2. λαισήϊον : cf. M 426 βοείας, | ἀσπίδας εὐκύκλους λαισήϊά, τε πτερόεντα. The λαισήϊα, which were lighter than the ἀσπίς or σάκος, were made of rough leather without any bronze covering, and carried by the common soldier ; Helbig Hom. Epos? 329. Hdt. 7.91 says that the Kilikians carried λαισήϊα ἀντὶ ἀσπίδων, ὠμοβοέης πεποημένα. πρόβλημα χρωτός : cf. Ὑ 289 σάκος, τό οἱ ἤρκεσε λυγρὸν ὄλεθρον, A 32 ἀμφιβρότην ἀσπίδα, Anth. Pal. 6. 81 ἀσπίδα ταυρείην, ἔρυμα χροός. πρόβλημα is the only case in the melic poets, apart from Pindar, of Attic correption before A). —s. Cf. Archil. 2 ἐν δορὶ μέν μοι μᾶζα μεμαγμένη, ἐν δορὶ δ᾽ οἷνος | ᾿Ισμαρικός, πίνω δ᾽ ἐν δορὶ κεκλιμένος, Theokr. Berenike 2 τὰ δὲ δίκτυα κείνῳ ἄροτρα.--4. Cf. Anakreont. 3. 15 ποίει δὲ ληνὸν οἴνου | ληνοβάτας πατοῦντας.---5. μνοΐας ‘serfs’: μνοία [-Ξ οἰκετεία Hesych.) is derived from ὑδμοία ; οἵ. μνῆτοι" δοῦλοι Hesych., i.e. δμῆτοι (δμῆσαι: δαμάσαι). So μεσόμνη is from μεσόδμη, and perhaps ᾿Αγαμέμνων from -μέδμων (Prellwitz). The subject population of Crete was divided into three classes, although all three may not have co-existed in each state: (1) ὑπήκοοι, who paid tribute. These correspond to the Laked. περίοικοι ; (2) uywiret, serfs, who cultivated the public lands ; (3) κλαρῶται or ἀφαμιῶται, cultivators of the private estates of the citizens. These may correspond to the Helots, See Gardner-Jevons Greek Antiq. 433, 615. Here prota stands for ‘serfs in general. Athen. 6. 263 F quotes from Sosikrates: τὴν μὲν κοινὴν δουλείαν οἱ Κρῆτες καλοῦσι pvolav.—6. Cf. Xen. Kyrop. 7. 5. 79 πολεμικῆς δ᾽ ἐπιστήμης καὶ μελέτης παντάπασιν οὐ μεταδοτέον τούτοις, οὕστινας ἐργάτας ἡμετέρους καὶ δασμοφόρους βουλόμεθα καταστήσασθαι, ἀλλ᾽ αὐτοὺς δεῖ τούτοις τοῖς ἀσκήμασι πλεονεκτεῖν, γιγνώσκοντας ὅτι ἐλευθερίας ταῦτα ὄργανα καὶ εὐδαι- 488 SKOLIA. ΧΟΥ͂Σ μονίας οἱ θεοὶ τοῖς ἀνθρώποις ἀπέδειξαν.---Ἴ. The repetition of v. 2 in a skolion composed by a single author is noteworthy. —8, 9. Corrupt. Bergk supplied ἀμφί after πεπτ. ‘falling’; cf. ἀμφιπίτνουσα τὸ σὸν γόνυ Kur. Suppl. 279. We expect ἀμφί, περί, mori, or és. Sitzler would add τοὐμὸν χαμαί ete. If werr. means ‘crouching before’ (ἀπειλὰς πτήξας Aisch. Prom. 174, πτήσσων δόρυ Lykophr. 280; cf. ὑπὸ τεύχεσι πεπτηῶτες κείμεθα ὃ 474, and Bacch. vi. 14) the reading of the text may stand. Contrast ‘crook the pregnant hinges of the knee.” —9. πάντες : repeated as τούτῳ 1. 4. Crusius reads δεσπόταν ἐμὲ δεσποτᾶν and cp. Aisch. Pers. 666 δέσποτα δεσποτᾶν.---10. μέγαν Bac. = βασιλέα βασιλέων. φωνέοντες has better authority than φωνέοντι.--- ΝΜ] οὔτ : logaoedic. vv. 1, 2, 4 hexapodies ; ν. 3 tetrapody; v. 4 Sapphic hendecasyllable ; v. 5 phalaeceum. The arrangement is palinodic-mesodic : 6. 6. 4. 6. 6. FOLK-SONGS. In his Art of English Poesie (1589) Puttenham says: ‘‘Poesie is more ancient than the artificiale of the Greeks and the Latins, and used of the savage and uncivill, who were before all science and civilitie.” Behind the epic and lyric poetry of Greece lay the primitive religious chants and the folk-songs (¢éai). Τῇ the chances of the survival of folk-lyric vary inversely with the cultivation of a people, in a race which developed so early such an astonishing mastery over poetic thought and form, such infinite capacity for claiming every motif as a proper subject for art, and such aptitude for making its own the work of the artist, it is no wonder that much of the ruder Greek lyric, together with the κλέα ἀνδρῶν, should have been absorbed or displaced by the epic. On the other hand the artistic lyric that succeeded to the epos, while influenced by the folk-song, obliterated much that had not already been surrendered to the epic. Hence it comes that, of the scant remains of Greek folk-song, but little antedates, at least in its original form, the rise οὗ cultivated lyric in the eighth century.. But if the primi- tive outlines of the earliest folk-lyric have become ob- scured, the original character of these songs has not entirely disappeared thanks to the love of the people for constant and fixed forms and melodies. Again, the litera- FOLK-SONGS. 489 ture of Greece continually reproduces the spirit of the early times, and if much of the old folk-song was absorbed or obliterated, much was created even in the literary period. So late as the time of the successors of Alexander there was a song, the beginning of which is contained in the proverb Ἵππος ue φέρει, βασιλεύς με τρέφει, words used by the Makedonian soldier who refused to seek exemption from service (Diogenian. 5. 31, cf. Hor. Hpzst. 1. 17. 20 equus ut me portet, alat rex). We need not here discuss the scant evidence from Greece as to the origin of the folk-song, nor take any position in the dispute as to whether ‘popular’ poetry was individual in the first instance, the work of a rude ‘entertainer, as he is called by Scherer, or gregarious or communal, a theory adopted by Grimm, Grundtvig, and other students of the ballad. Τὸ ἃ great extent in Greece folk-song was ballad-like, at least in the etymological sense of that much-vexed word. Dance forms the found- ation of most of the poetry of the people, and dancing is auxiliary to improvisation, which was the earliest form of poetry according to Aristotle. In the primitive period all thinking was “in chorus.” Folk-song presupposes a state of society that is not severed by any divisions of culture and ignorance. In the period of the highest bloom of the folk-lyric in Greece society was in the patriarchal stage, and even in the later period, when the democracies were contending with the aristocracies, the existence of slavery tended to make homogeneous all who were free. A common impulse, a creative sentiment that was the property of the nation at large, ministered to the birth of the spontaneous utterance of the folk-muse. The singer did not invent, he merely fashioned the materials that were a common possession. The difference between the poet and the people was quan- titative, not qualitative. The poet gave what he received, and his work was the condensation of the age in which he lived. His individuality disappeared behind the indivi- duality of his race. The qualities that distinguish the folk-song of other countries reappear in Greece. Truly impersonal, the artist loses himself behind his work ; his name is lost or is handed down in a personification. As Gaston Paris 490 FOLE-SONGS. says of the “poetry of the Middle Ages, the folk-songs form a body of poetry ‘in which everybody believed and which everybody could have made.’ They represent either the sentiment of the whole race, or the sentiment of a class ; and in the latter case, a class that is represented in its entirety. With few exceptions the Greek folk-songs are brief, true to nature, naif, inward in feeling, inarti- ficial in thought and speech, concrete (though there is some lack of precision), and immediate in vision because they are the result of improvisation which gives dramatic life. Of the Spartan songs, some of which were still extant in the first century after Christ, thanks no doubt to Dorian hostility to literary culture, Plutarch says that their language was ‘simple and powerful, their contents earnest and instructive morally.’ The songs we possess show a love of fixed forms (see on Alkm. xiii.), poverty in figures of thought, and fondness for iteration (Nos. i, xxi). The metres, usually logaoedics, are simpie yet not monotonous. Oftentimes we have verses in pairs and traces of the strophic arrangement, which was taken over by artistic lyric. The refrain is an essential mint-mark. Perhaps, as Bergk remarked, the music was of greater importance than the poetry, whereas, in artistic lyric, at least to the fifth century, the accompaniment was sub- ordinate. In Greece more than elsewhere it is difficult to draw the line between the artless folk-lyric and the artistic lyric. The minstrel did not, as in the Middle Ages, come from another clime more favoured by the arts. In Greece the universal habit of thought was poetic and all art was essentially popular. There was therefore little of that antagonism between the speech of daily life and that of lettered taste of which Wordsworth com- plained in the preface to his Lyrical Ballads. In Greece Volkspoesie, poetry by the people, shades off imperceptibly into Volksthiimliche Poesie, poetry for the people. If Greek folk-lyric has little of that unevenness of form which we often find in English ballads, on the other hand Sappho, Alkaios, Anakreon, the epic and the tragic poets (as Niese has said), are at once artistic and ‘popular, if we retain that squinting expression which found favour with such an authority as the late Prof. Child. The FOLK-SONGS. 49] artist catches and develops the folk-song as in Shake- speare’s Sing willow, and in Burns and Goethe. One verse may be taken directly from the people, while the poet’s own words are brought into sympathy with it. Some- times licence of form and metre are the only distinguishing characteristics. No doubt, too, there was affected popular poetry then as now ; and some, like Lady Wardlaw, may have stood in such intimate touch with the folk-spirit as to render impossible the attempt to separate the spurious from the genuine. The extant folk-songs of the Greeks contain relatively little of that primitive and elemental feeling which is held to be the mint-mark of “true” folk- lyric. Much is folk-song only in the extended use of the term, and not a little might be excluded as unworthy of the name because contemporary pressure rests upon it too heavily. Oral transmission and anonymity are the marks of the true folk-songs in our collection. If the Greek horror vacui caused the loss of much that was anonymous, on the other hand it was ready to fabricate authors for the adespota: Eriphanis and Kleobulos were made the originators of songs that are truly anonymous (xix., xxii.). The life of the Greek from its beginning to its end was attended by song. Every circumstance and emotion of the life of the people, the humblest occupation, the service of the gods, work and play, sorrow and joy, were all the source of folk-lyric. To show the astonishing variety of the folk-songs of Greece it is sufficient to give a brief summary of the chief kinds of which a record has been preserved. The religious songs and those of a lay character often overlap, and strict lines of demarcation are impossible. The finest extant specimens of the folk- song of the Greeks are the skolia. I. Sones or Datty Occupation.—Monotony and soli- tariness tend to give birth to song. Cf. Lucr. 5. 1383 : Inde minutatim dulceis didicere querelas tibia quas fundit, digitis pulsata canentum, avia per nemora ac sylvas saltusque reperta, per loca pastorum deserta atque otia dia. βαλανείων ὠδαί : songs of the bathmen. βαυκαλήματα or καταβαυκαλήσεις : lullabies. An imitation appears in Theokr. 24. 7 (see on Sim. xiii. 15). Cf. Soph. Phil. 827 ff., Eur. Or. 174 ff. Sext. Empir. adv. Math. 6. 32 calls them 492 FOLK-SONGS. a metrical moaning (ἐμμελὴς μινύρισμα). Cf. Theophr. Char. 7. γεωργῶν δαί : songs of the field-labourers. We hear also of ὠδαὶ τῶν μισθωτῶν τῶν és τοὺς ἀγροὺς φοιτώντων. wos: weaving-song. Cf. ε 62, κ 222, Tibull. 2. 1. 66. Some were in honour of Athena. ἐπιλήνιος : song of the wine- press. Sung by the women of Elis who invoked Dionysos to fill their empty casks (No. v.). At the Lenaia in Athens the leader, who carried a torch, called upon the chorus to invoke Dionysos. Cf. λίνος or λινῳδία, infra xi. 1. ἔπιμύλιοι ᾧδαί or ἄσματα μυλωθρῶν, songs at the mill (cf. No. xxiv.). Cf. Aristoph. Wubes 1858. ἐρετικά (elpecia) : boatmen’s songs. θεριστῶν @8al: reaper’s songs, such as the Lityerses. ipatos and ἱμαλίς : song of the draw-well. ἴουλος: song at the binding of the sheaves (No.i.). πτιστικά: or πτισμοί : winnower’s songs, or perhaps songs of the bread bakers. ποιμενικά or νόμια : pastoral songs sometimes divided into βουκολιασμοί and συβωτικά. Stesichoros intro- duced into literature the pastoral song on Daphnis. σκαπανέων δαί : songs of the diggers. So also there were sowing songs sung by girls at the offering of the προηρόσια, when the fields were ploughed at the beginning of autumn to receive the new seed. The watchman in the Agamemnon of Aischylos hums an ἀντίμολπον ἄκος (1. 17); cf. Aristoph. Nubes 721, Lucr. 5. 1404. Here too we may place the- professional proclamations of the herald at the agonistic contests (x., Xi.). II. Merricat Precepts. These are infinite in number and of great variety. A few specimens are : 1. Husbandry. Σῖτον ἐν πηλῷ φύτευε' τὴν δὲ κριθὴν ἐν κόνει. "Eros φέρει, οὐχὶ ἄρουρα. 2. The Winds: Aly ἄνεμος ταχὺ μὲν νεφέλας, ταχὺ δ᾽ αἴθρια ποιεῖ, ᾿Αργέστῃ δ᾽ ἀνέμῳ πᾶσ᾽ ἕπεται νεφέλη. Φιλεῖ δὲ νότος μετὰ πάχνην. Οὔ ποτε νυκτερινὸς βορέας τρίτον ἵκετο φέγγος. Ei δὲ νότος βορέαν προκαλέσσεται, αὐτίκα νίψει. Ei βορρᾶς πηλὸν καταλήψεται, αὐτίκα χειμών. FOL K-SONGS. 493 3. Navigation. The best time for setting sail : ᾿Αρχομένου Te νότου καὶ λήγοντος Bopéao. Much of the folk-wit of the Greeks has passed into Hesiod, and the lyric poets show here and there traces of the influence of the παροιμίαι. γνῶθι σεαυτόν, μέτρον ἄριστον and the like are of popular origin. III. Rippies. The extreme antiquity of riddles in Greece is clear from the fact that at a very early period they were interwoven with the literature. Hesiod repre- sented Mopsos and Chalkas proposing riddles to each other; and the ‘Contest between Homer and Hesiod’ makes use of the folk-riddle. The Seven Sages were the authors of several. The native wit of the Dorians made the riddle especially common in Dorian lands; but the Samian girls are represented as playing riddle-games. They were usually propounded at or after meals, but were sometimes connected with religious ceremonies, as in Boiotia, where the women proposed them at a festival of Dionysos. In the later period the religious aspect dis- appeared and they were employed as a form of social entertainment like other παίγνια and γελοῖα. Hired wits and parasites were expected to enliven the company. The examples we possess are of this period. The αἴνιγμα united apparently impossible opposites, the γρῖφος propounded the union of that which cannot apparently be united. The chief monographs on the subject are: Morawski de Graecorum poest aenigmatica 1862, Ehlers aivvyya καὶ ypipos 1867, de Graecorum aenigmatis et griphis 1875, Ohlert Riitsel und Gesellschaftssprele der alten Griechen 1886. IV. Sones or Superstition. One late specimen (xx.) is the nursery song to frighten away the schreech-owl. Originally the ἐπῳδαί were employed to heal diseases and wounds, but in course of time formulas of mystical purport, oftentimes obscure, were thought to be efficacious in warding off every kind of evil. Usually they were in prose but recited in a solemn tone. V. Mennicants’ Sones. Aristotle Rhet. 2. 24. 7 says the beggars sang and danced ἐν τοῖς ἱεροῖς. In the same place he mentions songs of the blind. The best-known songs of this class were those connected with certain 494 FOLK-SONGS. seasons of the year when bands of boys or men solicited gifts in return for their chorals. Cf. Peppmiiller PAzJol. 149, 15 ff. 1. The LEiresione (εἰρεσιώνη, derived from etpw ‘ say’) gets its name from a custom observed at the Pyanepsia and Thargelia. Besides the procession to the temple of Apollo in Athens, it was the wont of boys, especially in the rural districts, to go from house to house carrying an olive or laurel wreath, on which there was a tuft of wool, and to sing a song full of good wishes for the inmates to- gether with a request for a donation. St. Basil’s day is thus celebrated in Greece at the present day, and a similar custom obtained until recently in Germany at Whitsun- tide. An example of this song in the style of a later period is found in the collection of epigrams attributed to Homer (No. 15). The text is corrupt at places. Δῶμα προσετραπόμεσθ᾽ ἀνδρὸς μέγα δυναμένοιο ὃς μέγα μὲν δύναται, μέγα δὲ *Bpéuer, ὄλβιος αἰεί. αὐταὶ ἀνακλίνεσθε θύραι" πλοῦτος γὰρ ἔσεισεν πολλός, σὺν πλούτῳ δὲ καὶ εὐφροσύνη τεθαλυῖα 5 εἰρήνη τ᾽ ἀγαθή. ὅσα δ᾽ ἄγγεα, μεστὰ μὲν εἴη, *xpibain δ᾽ αἰεὶ κατὰ καρδόπον ἕρποι μᾶζα, τοῦ παιδὸς δὲ γυνὴ κατὰ δίφρακα βήσεται ὕμμιν, ἡμίονοι δ᾽ ἄξουσι κραταίποδες ἐς τόδε δῶμα, αὐτὴ δ᾽ ἱστὸν ὑφαίνοι ἐπ᾽ ἠλέκτρῳ βεβαυῖα. 10 νεῦμαί τοι, νεῦμαι, ἐνιαύσιος, ὥστε YENLOWY* ἕστηκ᾽ ἐν προθύροις ψιλὴ πόδας" ἀλλὰ φέρ᾽ αἶψα *arjpns τὠπόλλωνος ἀγυρτίδος (ἀγλαὰ δῶρα.) εἰ μέν τι δώσεις" εἰ δὲ μή, οὐχ ἑστήξομεν" οὐ γὰρ συνοικήσαντες ἐνθάδ᾽ ἤλθομεν. Plutarch (Theseus 22) cites the beginning of another Kiresione, also in a late setting : Εἰρεσιώνη σῦκα φέρει καὶ πίονας ἄρτους καὶ μέλι ἐν κοτύλῃ καὶ ἔλαιον ἀναψήσασθαι καὶ κύλικ᾽ εὐζώρου, ὡς ἂν μεθύουσα καθεύδῃς. 2. The Crow Song (κορώνισμα) was sung by men who requested gifts ostensibly for a crow which they carried about. A modernized form of this old song is extant, the work of Phoinix of Kolophon in Athen. 8. 3598, which illustrates the tendency of the antiquarians of the Alex- andrian period to deal with stories and subjects drawn from the life of the people. We hear of Crow songs having been current in Rhodes (Athen. 359 Ὁ). LOLK-SONGS. 495 3. The Rhodian Swallow Song (xxii.). 4, The Song of the Sicilian Shepherds (xxiii.). 5. The Oven or Potters (Κάμινος ἢ κεραμεῖς) attributed to Homer. VI. Dance Sones AnD Sones oF Puiay. Dance songs (‘ring-songs’ as Gawin Douglas called them) appear as early as Homer (A 603: Apollo plays the lyre, the Muses dance and sing). The Cretan war dances afforded oppor- tunity for improvisation. In Sparta we have the famous Parade Song (xiii.), but the embateria or march songs of the poets caused the popular lyric to escape the later collectors. Game songs were exceedingly common (xv. ff.). A curious cult song entitled ᾿Αλῆτις was sung by Attic women in honour of Erigone, who wandered about in search of her father Ikarios and finally hanged herself. At the festival Aidépa the women suspended ropes from trees and swung either themselves or symbolic dolls. VII. Sarrric Sones. Here belong the Phallic songs to which Aristotle (Poet. 4) refers the origin of comedy. They were often sung by the Ithyphalloi and Autokab- daloi. Cf. Aristoph. Acharn. 263. The mill-stone song (xxiv.) directed against Pittakos also falls into this class. The line ἐγὼ δέ τὺ ἐστεφάνιξα κἀδωρησάμαν in Eg. 1225 is supposed to refer ultimately to a song of the Helots. VIII. Sones or Love. From the time of Alkman the erotic element in artistic lyric was continually gaining ground. Sappho and Alkaios often recall the tone of the folk-lyric, and it was through their influence and that of Anakreon that the love songs of the people, which were as old as Homer (X 128 παρθένος ἠΐθεός τ᾽ ὀαρίζετον ἀλλήλοιιν), were forced into obscurity. In Sicily the pastoral was amatory and described the unhappiness of unrequited love. A song referred to by Athen. 14. 619 £ told of the suicide of Harpalyke who was despised by Iphiklos. The story of the untimely death of the beautiful Kalyke was introduced into literature by Stesichoros (Stes. xii. and 43). We have a specimen of Lokrian (xxi.) and of Chalkidian (xxv.) erotic song. IX. Marriace Sones (ὑμέναιοι, γαμήλιοι wdat) The artistic nuptial song was based on the folk-lyric, which is attested as early as Homer (2 493 πολὺς δ᾽ ὑμέναιος ὀρώρει, 496 FOLKE-SONGS. ef. Hes. Shield 274). Though Sappho’s hymeneals and epithalamia reproduce the spirit of the popular song to a considerable degree, the song at the end of Aristophanes’ Birds is nearer to the tone of the genuine folk-lyric. Fragments of popular hymeneals are exceedingly rare: ἐκκόρει κόρη κορώνη Was obscure to the Greeks and has been variously interpreted by the moderns. Bergk translates hymenaeum cane, virgo cornix, the crow being regarded as a symbol of concord. At the wedding banquet a boy, whose parents were alive, spoke the words ἔφυγον κακόν, εὗρον ἄμεινον, While he carried about bread in a winnowing- fan. The formula may be a part of a nuptial song, but it is more probably taken from the ritual of the marriage ceremony. The refrain Ὑμήν, ὦ Ὑμέναιε is taken from the language of the people. X. Sones or LAMENT appear as early as Homer, who describes the ritual observed in the case of the threnoi sung over the bodies of Hektor and Achilles. (See the Introduction.) Athenaios calls the threnetic folk-songs ὀλοφυρμοί. The ialemos was also of a popular character. The threnodoi, who were hired for the occasion, have been thought to be a mark of barbarian civilization (Q 720), and parallels have been sought with the later Karian songs. There seems, however, no reason for discrediting the Hellenic character of the ‘leaders of the dirge’; and examples of the like occur in Modern Greece. The proverb ψυχρότερος ἰαλέμου points to the lack of genuine sympathy on the part of the hired mourners. XI. Sones THAT TAKE THEIR NAMES FROM MyTHICAL Prersonaces. Other forms of lament that are akin to the primitive dirge take their names from mythical persons whose earlyand undeserved death symbolizes the departure of the seasons and the mutability of human life. Many had Oriental prototypes. We hear of the Maneros of the Egyptians, the Bormos of the Egyptians, the Maryan- dinian, who was slain in summer while engaged in hunting, and the Lityerses of the Phrygians, a reaper’s song in commemoration of the son of King- Midas (cf. Theokr. 10. 41). In Greece the songs that fall under this class were usually sung at festive occasions, and we must beware of attributing to the Greeks a recognition of the ultimate symbolism of the lays in question. FOLK-SONGS. J. 497 1. The Zinos was primarily Oriental in character ; Herodotos states that he recognized it in the songs of the Phoinikians and Kyprians. Adapted to the Greek cult, it was connected with the celebration of the Rural Dionysia and symbolized the departure of summer. Strictly it is a song of the wine-press and sung by a single voice, the chorus joining in the refrain (cf. Aisch. Agam. 121). It bore the name αἴλινος from the cry of the mourners (hence Sappho 62 calls it οἰτόλινος), which in Phoinikian was ai le nu ‘woe is us.” Welcker has collected from several tongues examples of similar sounds used for lament: Egyptian lulululu, ἐλελεῦ ἐλελεῦ, Lat. ululare, Serbian ele, lodo, Basque lelo (also personified). The Greeks made a person out of the exclamation aud regarded Λίνος as the son of Urania, who, like Marsyas and Thamyris, met his death at the hands of Apollo, with whom he dared to contend in music. The Argives called him a poet, and others ascribed to him the invention of the hexametex. In this aspect he pourtrays the overthrow of a primitive style of music. Homer uses the word ios (2 570) as a general word for ‘song,’ and is ignorant of the Egyptian and Phoinikian threnody. 2. The Hyacinth Song recorded the death of the beauti- ful youth Ὑάκινθος, the son of Amyklas, who was killed by the quoit of Apollo (the disk of the sun). In his honour a festival was held at Amyklai during three days in the hottest month of the year. The myth represents the parching of nature under the torrid heat of the summer sun. Analogous is the Arkadian Skephros. 3. Adonis Songs. See the Introduction. XII. Sones τιν Honour or THE GoDs AND THEIR CULT. Artemis, Aphrodite (111.), Dionysos (iv., v., vi. vii.), in whose cult the Jobacchoi were sung, Demeter (i.), Apollo (ix.); the Mysteries (Bergk 10); the Libations (viii.). οὔπιγγοι were sung to Artemis Eileithyia. I, Athen. 14. 6185. Athen. quotes Semos of Delos to the effect that of\os or ἴουλος ‘sheaf’ was the name of a hymn in honour of Demeter, who thence received the name Ἰουλώ (and Οὐλώ : Eratosth. quoted below). of)os is derived from *Fé)vos, that which is ‘ pressed together ’ (cf. εὔλλω, εἰλέω, Dor. Fnréw), and is not connected with ἰοῦ (or rather ἰού), because of the 21 498 FOLKE-SONGS. 71 mournful character of the songs to Demeter. ἔτουλος contains a prothetic ¢ as ἐ-ῶλκα, ἐ-κτίς, i-@Oiwos. With the name of the goddess, cf. Anuw, Anw, Εἰδώ, etc. The line is the refrain of a sheaf-song, which was not confined to the formal cult of Demeter, but sung by harvesters, both men and women; Eratosth. in schol. Apoll. Rhod. 1. 972: χερνῆτις ἔριθος. . . καλοὺς ἤειδεν ἰούλους. Some referred the song to the workers in wool (by confusion with οὖλος ‘ woolly’ 3), or to the kitchen- maids when baking cakes. These ἴουλοι were sometimes called δημήτρουλοι and καλλίουλοι. At the festival of the προηρόσια girls sang a sower’s song: πάριθι, κόρη, γέφυραν" ὅσον οὔ mw τρὶς πολέουσιν. The words ὦ Zed πάτερ, αἴθε πλούσιος γενοίμαν and ἤδη μὲν ἤδη πλέον" ὑπερβέβακεν, which are found on a vase (Ann. d. arch. Instit. 1837, 183), were taken by Bergk to be part of a song at the gathering of the olives ; but are in fact spoken by olive merchants. Cf. Robert Bild und Lied 82. The variation between te and ‘te. is due to the confusion between tym <*cionu (Lat. sero, sevi, O.H.G. sama ‘seed’) and ίεμαι “ desire,’ a confusion that is as old as Homer, and occurs in Archil. 50. The sphere of ij is the sphere of Demeter. The collocation of te: and ἵει recalls τῖον — riov Ψ 703, 705, ὀΐω -- ὀίω Ξ, 454, 450, ἾΑρες "Apes E 31, κᾶλός καλός Alkm. xxxil., Solon 13. 21, 24, Theogn. 16, 17, Theokr. 6. 19, Kallim. 1. 55, διὰ. . . 64 Γ 357, 358, ἴσος -- ἴσος Theokr. 8. 19, 22. The Alexandrians, and after them the Latins (e.g. Virg. Hel. 6. 44), delighted to play thus with quantitatively alternate forms. We may also compare νεκρός and vexp@ Soph. Antig. 1240, πᾶτρός and πᾶτρί (cf. Virg. Aen. 2. 663) O. K. 442, ὕβρις (=) 883, πέτροισι and πέτρον Phil. 290, Ὕπνε (=) 827, nigris nigro Hor. 1. 32. 11 (where Shorey quotes Spenser 1’, Q. 3. 2. 51 ‘*Thrice she her turned contrary and returned | All eéntrary).” —Metre: logaoedic. 11. The scholion in Codex Venetus B at = 570 (λίνον δ᾽ ὑπὸ καλὸν ἄειδεν) says that the λίνος was a threnetic song sung by the Muses. By a series of violent changes Bergk has con- structed a text that has been widely regarded as a late repre- sentation of the ‘‘ oldest folk-song " of the Greeks. Now the scholiast of the Townley ms. on = 570 and Eustathios 1163. 59 state that the following hexameters formed an inscription at Thebes, where Linos was supposed to be buried (Paus. 9. 29. 8) :— : Ὦ Alve, πᾶσι θεοῖσι τετιμένε, σοὶ yap ἔδωκαν ἀθάνατοι πρώτῳ μέλος ἀνθρώποισιν ἀεῖσαι ἐν ποδὶ δεξιτερῷ" Μοῦσαι δέ σε θρήνεον αὐταὶ μυρόμεναι μολπῇσιν, ἐπεὶ λίπες ἡλίου αὐγάς. It has been shown by Maass (Hermes 32. 303; cf. Reimann FOLK-SONGS. 7111--ὉῈ. 499 Die Prosodien 4) that the setting of the scholiast of Ven. B, so far from representing a different tradition from that of the Townley scholiast, is a late transformation ; φωναῖς λιγυραῖς was added, and Φοῖβος. . . ἀναιρεῖ inserted to square with the story told by him. Again it is absurd to suppose that the verse Μοῦσαι... Opnvéovew could have occurred in a song actually sung by the Muses in honour of Linos. Since the hexameters formed a funereal inscription, they date from a late period ; and an epigram cannot be an archaic folk-song. The dactylic hexameter was doubtless framed by the union of two shorter verses ; but this Linos song is not evidence. ἐν ποδὶ δεξιτερῷ is=apto numero and has no reference to the two parts (δεξιόν, ἀριστερόν) of the hexameter. 111. Plut. Quaest. Symp. 3. 6. 4., Perhaps a formula from one of the Doric prayers to Aphrodite, who was called ’ApBo- λογήρα (‘she who delays the coming οἱ old age’) in Sparta. Cf. Paus. 3. 18. 1, Wide Lakon. Kulte 143, and note the Doric forms. Herodas 1. 61 τὴν μίαν ταύτην | ἁμαρτίην δὸς τῇ θεῷ (Aphr.) . . . τὸ γῆρας μὴ λάθῃ σε προσβλέψαν. Cf. Mimn. land2. Medeia possessed this rejuvenating power. Hesych. has ἀναβαλλαγόρας (-6ynpas 1)" φάρμακόν τι καὶ λίθος ἐν Zauw.— Metre: pherecratics (ἢ). IV. Schol. Aristoph. Ranae 479. In the Lenaian contests in honour of Dionysos the torch-bearer called out καλεῖτε θεόν, whereupon the audience shouted Σεμελήϊ᾽ «.7.d. Cf. No. viii. The dadodyos is here the ἐξάρχων, who gives the ἐνδόσιμον (signal to the chorus to begin). Bergk wished to read Ἴακχ᾽ ὦ to help out the anapaestic dimeter. The verse is, however, similar to Aristoph. Aves 331 (παρέβη μὲν θεσμοὺς ἀρχαίους) in its neglect of the caesura. With πλουτοδότα, only here of Iacchos or Dionysos, cf. ὀλβιόδωρον Διον. orac. 210 Hendess. V. Song of the Fleian woman at the festival of the epiphany of Dionysos (Plut. Aet. Gr. 36; cf. de Iside 35). Dionysos received special honour in Elis, where he was born according to one tradition (/7ymn 34. 3). He had a temple at Elis near the theatre according to Paus. 6. 26. 1, who tells us of a festival called Ovia at which the return of the god was invoked ; and there too, by a pious fraud, D. was supposed to have filled three wine-vessels that had been placed over-night outside the city. In Argos the sound of trumpets accom- panied the invocation for him to return from the lake of Lerna. This song is the liturgy employed by the priestly college of sixteen Eleian women, who were chosen from the eight tribes and had the charge of his cult (Plut. Ma. virt. 251 π, Weniger Kollegium der sechzehn Frauen u. Dionysoskult in Elis 1883). δ00 FOLK-SONGS. Γ΄. In the Argive worship of D. he bears the name βουγενής ; here he is called ταῦρος outright, as in Eur. Bacch. 1017 (φάνηθι ταῦρος), Lykophr. 209, and C. 1. G. Sept. 1. 1787 (Θεοῦ Ταύρου). Usually 1). is called ταυρογενής, -κερως (Bacch. 100 where see Sandys), -μορῴος, -μέτωπος, -ωπός, etc. The type of the horned D. with idealized face was probably restored by the school of Lysippos (cf. the Lateran ‘‘ Horned Dionysos”) and was popular in the Hellenistic period, since the successors of Alexander were represented in this guise. The bull is the symbol of generative force (cf. A. W. Curtius Der Stier des D., Jena 1882). [The Skt. varshan ‘bull’ has, it so happens, its nearest Greek equivalent in Eleian Fappevop (gen.)=dpcevos. | The association of D. with the Graces is probably due, originally at least, to the fact that the latter, like the Hours, were emblematic of the fruitfulness of nature. Later the connection was spiritualized, but in Pind. Οἱ, 13. 18 (ταὶ Διωνύσου πόθεν ἐξέφανεν | σὺν βοηλάτᾳ Χάριτες διθυράμβῳ ;) there is still an echo of connection on the physical side. The Graces were even called the daughters of D. and Aphrodite, or of D. and Koronis. In the valley of the Kephissos near Orchomenos the temple of D. was close to that of the Graces. At Olympia the Graces had one of the six βωμοὶ δίδυμοι (Pind. Ol. 5. 5) in conjunction with D., though they had their own ἱερόν at Elis, where their ξόανα were shown (Paus. 6. 24. 6). On a gem found in Miiller-Wieseler 2. 383 the Graces are represented as seated between the horns of the Dionysiac bull. At banquets the first pledge was to the Graces, the Hours, and Dionysos, as the givers of festal joy, the second to Aphrodite and D. Cf. Ben Jonson: ‘‘But Venus and the Graces | Pursue thee (Bacchus) in all places.” In style and metre this animalized liturgy is archaic, but the dialect contains no trace of the native Hleian, except ᾿Αλείων or ᾿Αλεῖουν. βαλείων is not impossible, since the digammated Βα(λείων) occurs on a coin as late as the third or second century. Χαρίτεσσιν would be Xaplras in Eleian.—1. Cf. the invocation of D. in Soph. Antig. 1144 μολεῖν καθαρσίῳ ποδὶ Παρνασίαν ὑπὲρ κλιτύν K.7.X. Which shows in the use of x. ποδί and the inf. for the imper. traces of liturgical formula. The inf. for the imper. gives a touch of solemnity and is frequent in precepts (the ‘sententious’ inf.). ἥρω : this voc. occurs only here; we find also τὸν ἥρω and even τοῦ ἥρω. ἥρως (Schneidewin) is too easy a correction.—2. σὺν Xap.: so Pind. viii. 3, Bacch. ii. 9.—5. Boém ποδί : cf. πόδα παρθένιον Bure 17]: 130, γέροντι ποδί LW. 490. πούς in periphrases points to motion on the part of the person in question, See Eur. Herakl. 802, Stes. iii, 6. θύων : -εθύνω Pind. Pyth. FOLK-SONGS. V.-VII. 501 10. 54. Dist. θύω furere=Oviw from θύω properare = bivw.— 7. With ἄξιε in the refrain Welcker Gétterlehre 1. 329 would connect the mystical names Axieros, Axiokersos. Different views have been taken of the metre. V. 1 is a paroemiac with the form ————._._. + = as in the proverb αἴρειν ἔξω πόδα πηλοῦ. V. 2 was thought to contain solemn molossi (Bergk Gr. Lit.-Ges. 1. 384), or trochaic semanti (Leutsch Philol. 11. 730), or iambi orthii (Christ Metrik 271). V. 3 is a prosodiac (+— +~~ ==); v. 4 a molossus, unless we assume, as is probable, that ᾿Αλείων has fallen out; v. ὅ 15 ἃ prosodiac (Geew ---ς-. —)$ vv. 6 and 7 dactylic dipodies. Usener (Altgr, Versbait 80) regards this strophe as exemplifying the oldest form of Greek metre, which counted theses only, was indifferent to the following syllable (<>), and allowed suppression of arses. The original line of four theses, Usener thinks, has been reduced to three and a half, except in the refrain ἄξιε rape, ἄξιε ταῦρε (in one line). The half stress he finds i in the final syllablemot each» verse. “Vhus: v. 2 —= 2-2 2 SS eee Wy ER eS VI. Ithyphallic song. Semos in Athen. 14. 6228 says that the Ithyphalloi entered the theatre in silence, but when they reached the middle of the orchestra they wheeled round and addressed the spectators. They wore female garments, chitons that were shot with white, brocaded loose sleeves, and veils that reached to their knees. Their heads were crowned with flowers and they wore masks representing the faces of drunken men. We hear of Ithyphalloi in connection with the fetes referred to in xxvii. ἀνάγετε ‘back’! referte pedes ; cf, Aristoph. Aves 1720 ἄναγε, diexe, πάραγε, πάρεχε. Metre: iambics followed by ithyphallics. Wilamowitz and Kaibel adopt an arrangement in trochaics with a closing ithyphallic. With ποιεῖτε (~ — —) cf. ποεῖ, ποητής on Attic inscriptions and skol. vii. 4. Wilam. would delete ὁ θεός. VII. Entrance song of the Phallophoroi. Semos in Athen. 14, 622 c reports that the Phallophoroi entered the theatre in measured tread partly from the parodos, partly from the middle door. They wore no masks but had on visors made of thyme and rosy flowers (παιδέρως), and were crowned with chaplets of violets and ivy. They also wore thick cloaks. The fragment is late and scarcely genuine folk-lyric. Cf. Eur. Hippol. 72 f.—1. ἀγλαΐϊζομεν : cf. Οἱ. 1. 14 ἀγλαΐζεται δὲ Kai | μουσικᾶς ἐν ἀώτῳ, Theokr. epigr. 1. 4 Δελφὶς ἐπεὶ πέτρα τοῦτό τοι ἀγλάϊσεν ‘bare this to thine honour.’—2. The iambics (ἁπλοῦν ῥυθμόν) were sung to an elaborate and probably tiew accompaniment ; cf. νεοσίγαλος τρύπος of the musical mode, 502 FOLK-SONGS. VIL-X7. Pind. Ol. 3. 4.—3. καινάν : cf. Timoth. vii. 2. ἀπαρθένευτον : L. and 8. ‘unfitting a maiden.’ Rather ‘ virgin,’ as in Soph. Frag. 283, -ε ἀκέραιος, καθαρά (Hesych.) and like ἀκήρατος Ibyk. i. 4. Emphasis is laid on the novelty of the song.— 5. κατάρχομεν: see on Alkm. xxviii, Line 5 may be an epode, but is probably incomplete. It is noteworthy that the caesura is invariably the semiseptinaria. Iambic proces- sional songs sung by a chorus are not over-common. Cf. Aristoph. Acharn. 264, Ranae 384. Usually we have ana- paests or trochees. Iambics are frequently used to accompany the movement of a single actor. VIII. Schol. on Aristoph. Pax 968 (ἀλλ᾽ εὐχώμεθα" | τίς τῇδε; ποῦ ποτ᾽ εἰσὶ πολλοὶ κἀγαθοί ;) reports that τίς τῇδε was called out during the libation, whereupon those present reverently exclaimed πολλοὶ κἀγαθοί. By this means the pro- fanum vulgus, those who were unprepared to participate in the rite, were excluded from it (ἑκὰς ἑκὰς ὅστις ἀλιτρός). When the libation was concluded the participants exclaimed ἐκκέ- xurat (schol. Aristoph. Ranae 479).—Metre: 1. iambic dimeter, 2. logaoedic. Or we may take the verses as ionics : ~—~—|——~ — and —~~ — | ~ ~~ —. IX. Herakleid. Allegor. Homer. 6 says that this song was in everybody’s mouth. Cf. Proklos Theol. Platon. 6. 12 ὁ Ἥλιος ᾿Απόλλων ὑμνούμενος χαίρει διαφερόντως, Kal ᾿Απόλλων Ἥλιος ἀνακαλούμενος and the song in Festus p. 318 tw es Apollo, tu Sol in coelo deus. Usener R. M. 23. 373 maintains that the verse is either from Euripides (but note the violation of Porson’s law) or New Comedy. Cf. Timoth. viii.—Metre: iambic trimeter. XX. Julian Caesares 318. Proclamation of the herald at the opening of the games. Cf. Soph. Z/. 683 ὅτ᾽ joer’ ἀνδρὸς ὀρθίων κηρυγμάτων. ---Ἰ. ἀγών : personified.—2. ταμίας : so ‘steward’ in American athletic contests. καιρὸς δὲ καλεῖ: cf. Soph. Phal. 466 and ὡς ἀκμὴ καλεῖ Kur. Hek. 1042.—8. Cf. inc. trag. 298 ἀγὼν γὰρ οὐ μέλλοντος ἀθλητοῦ μένει | ἀλκήν. --- Metre : anapaestic dimeters (Hertlein wrote as monometers). XI. Lucian Vita Demonactis 65. Proclamation at the closing of the contest. Bergk inserted a fragment (15) from Moiris 193. 4 spoken by the herald to the contestants when they ‘toed the line.’ We read ἐπὶ βαλβῖδος θέτε πόδα παρὰ πόδα (cf. Tyrt. 11. 31 καὶ πόδα παρ ποδὶ θείς), but the words are perhaps not meant to be metrical. Paus. 5. 7. 10 (cf. 6. 14. 10 and Philost. de arte gymn. 55) informs us that, in order to stimulate the contestants, the notes of the Pythian (auletic) nome were sounded when the contestants engaged in the FOLK-SONGS. XIL-XV. 503 part of the pentathlon devoted to the leaping match. But the use of verses to start a race is hardly credible even in Greece. XII. Lucian Saltat. 10. Sung by the Lakonians while dancing ; cf. Miller Dor. 2. 332. πόρρω : -- βέλτιον. γάρ may not belong to the words of the song or it may be the ‘ prefatory ’ yap. κωμάξατε: Dor. aor. Hesych. glosses the verb with épxetcOa.—Metre: probably iambic (trochaic). Mure com- pared the rhythm of the modern Neapolitan tarantella. MII. Plut. Vita Lycurgi 21, who says that in the Spartan festivals there were three choruses (τριχορία) consisting re- spectively of old men, men in the prime of life, and youths (Ὑαλκάδαι). Hach chorus sang the verse appropriate to its age. The verses have sometimes been wrongly referred to Tyrtaios on the authority of Pollux 4. 107 τριχορίαν δὲ Τύρταιος ἔστησε, τρεῖς Λακώνων χορούς, καθ᾽ ἡλικίαν ἑκάστην, παῖδας ἄνδρας γέροντας. Plut. Consol. 15 quotes ἃ Lakonian epigram: νῦν ἁμὲς (not ἄμμες as MSS.) πρόσθ᾽ ἄλλοι ἐθάλεον, αὐτίκα δ᾽ ἄλλοι, | ὧν ἁμὲς γενεὰν οὐκέτ᾽ ἐποψόμεθα. Cf. A 405 ἡμεῖς τοι πατέρων μέγ᾽ ἀμείνονες εὐχόμεθ᾽ εἶναι. ---2. ἠμές -- ἐσμέν. εἰμές is not early Lakonian. λῇς (λάεις ; Dor. λάω --- ἐθέλω. αὐγάσδϑεο-Ξ- αὐγάζέο, which is perhaps the preferable reading. The σδ recalls the Aiolic writing.—8. kappoves: from. *kaprowy (*xapriwv ; Gorty- nian κάρτων <*kaptrwy. With the change in the responsive choruses we may compare the musical transition (μεταβολή) in the ‘three-fold’ nome of Sakadas. It began in the Dorian, continued in the Phrygian, and concluded in the Lydian mode.—Metre: iambic trimeter. SIV. Athen. 14. 629 ΕΒ, Flower song (ἄνθεμα) with mi- metic dance. The first verse was sung by the leader, the second by the chorus of girls. Cf. Theokr, 2. 1 πᾷ μοι ταὶ δάφναι ;—Metre: iambic tetrameter catalectic. 1 have scanned the fragment without anacrusis to show better that, while the tribrachs in the even feet express the lively character of the dance, the slower movement of the quest is brought out by the irrational, as contrasted with the regular, iambics of v. 2. XV. Pollux 9. 123, Eust. 1243. 29. The players put a ταινία over the eyes of one of their comrades, who was placed in the centre and called out χαλκῆν etc., while the others cried θηράσεις etc. striking him with papyrus whips or their hands until one was caught. Ancient Greek (and modern Cretan) boys used to tie a lighted taper of wax to a bronze- coloured flying-beetle, which they then chased in the dark. This seems to have given the name to this form of the game of blindman’s buff, in which the pursued are the ‘bronze flies.’ So Smith’s Dict. of Antig. s. v. Myinda. Others think ὅ04 FOLK-SONGS. XVI. the name is not derived from the colour of the insect, but from the pertinacity with which the pursued worry the pursuer ; ἡ δὲ μυῖα θρασεῖα. In modern Greece there is the ame τυφλομυῖα, in France mouche, in Italy mosca cieca, in ermany Dlinde Fliege.—Metre : paroemiacs (all spondees). XVI. Pollux 9. 125, Eust. 1914. 56. The Tortoise Game (χέλει χελώνη) Was played by girls in the following manner. One of the company, called ‘ tortoise,’ sat in the centre, while her playmates ran around plying her with questions. Question and answer were in iambics, and the puzzling questions de- manded quick-witted replies. Somewhat similar was the game of χυτρίνδα, in which a boy in the centre was ‘ pot,’ or ran about with a pot on his head and answered ἐγὼ Μίδας when the others called out ris τὴν χύτραν (φέρει) ; De Fouquiéres (Les Jeux des Anciens Ὁ. 39) cites the testimony of a modern traveller who saw girls in Scio holding each other by the hand and encircling one of their companions as a prisoner, who was not released until she had capped the distich of the chorus. Grasberger thinks some old legend would explain the dialogue in the ancient game ; but De Fouquiéres goes too far when he proposes to explain the game as the survival of a song of lament, and suggests that it echoes the responsive lamentations in the Persians.—1. χέλει or x€éAt (Pollux ; which is the old, which the itacistic spelling is uncertain) is a mere alliteration of the first three letters of χελώνη (‘ tortitortoise ’). Some write the words separately, others conjointly as movw- mévnpos, the old reading in Aristoph. Vespae 466, Lysist. 350 (Lobeck Paralip. 350). Starkie cp. γονῇ γενναῖε Soph. O. 7. 1469. A better parallel is the magical phxase ἀρθρῖτ᾽ ἀρθριτική Heim Jncant. mag. no. 43; cf. corce corcedo Marcel. de med. 21. 3. oles: from modes, the first e of which became ¢ after the expulsion of the « of the diphthong. Cf. Boiot. ποϊόμενος S. G. D.-I. 386. 4, Herakleia ποίων ib. 4629. 175.—2. paptop(ar) is the only case, apart from μανύει Bacch. 67 (B 48), of a denominative verb in -vw that has a v in the present stem which is not due to metrical compulsion (as ἐρητύοντο O 3, ἐπιθύουσι Σ 175). Theokr. 1. 29 has μᾶρύεται, where, as here, the v is due to the influence of the future and aorist stem. Μιλησίαν : cf. οἴκοι γάρ ἐστιν ἔριά μοι Μιλήσια Aristoph. Lysist. 729, στρώμασιν Μιλησίοις Ranae 542, Milesia vellera Verg. Georg. 4. 334: cf. Theokr. 15. 125 ff. The best sheep came from Miletos, Athen. 12. 540 p.—4. There is no need to question whether the ‘white horses’ are breakers or real horses. If horses at all, then they are white like those of princes ;*see on Ibyk. ix. 1. ἅλατο may indicate a sudden movement in the game.—Metre: iambic trimeter. FOLK-SONGS. XVII,-XX. 505 XVII. Aristoph. Frag. 346, Pollux 9. 123: when the sun passes under a cloud children clap their hands and cry out éfexe etc. The song was called φιληλιάς (Athen. 14. 619 8), a name formed from the exclamation φίλ᾽ Ἥλιε as Εδιος Hvola from εὐοῖ, ᾿Τήιος from i, Λίνος from αἴλινος. Cf. the prayer of the Athenians in Marcus Anton. 5.7: toov, ὗσον, ὦ pire Ζεῦ, | κατὰ τῆς ἀρούρας τῆς ᾿Αθηναίων καὶ τῶν πεδίων. exe: πρὶν ἥλιον ἐξέχειν Demosth. 1071. 3; cf. πρὸς ἥλιον ἀνίσχοντα Hat. 3. 98, Theogn. 26 οὐδὲ yap ὁ Ζεὺς | οὔθ᾽ ὕων πάντεσσ᾽ ἁνδάνει οὔτ᾽ ἀνέχων. The Greek song recalls our ‘‘ Rain, rain, go away.” —Metre: trochaic dimeter catalectic. XVIII. Plut. Quaest. Gr. 35, Thes. 16. Sung by the Bottiaian girls in festal dances. Bottiaia in Makedonia was settled by Athenians.—Metre : iam. dim. catal. XIX. Athen. 14. 619 c says that this line occurred in a pastoral poem by a lyric poetess Eriphanis, who fell in love with the hunter Menalkas. In her passion she roamed through the coppice on the mountain sides until she compelled not only men, who before had been without natural affection, but even the most savage beasts to join her lament. In desert places she cried aloud this song. Hriphanis, the maid of the dawn, is called a poetess solely because she was introduced as giving utterance to the line.—Metre: perhaps a first pherecratic ; or we may have a specimen of folk-lyric that does not take strict account of the quantity of unstressed syllables. XX. Festus 314, who says that it is a nursery song to avert witches (cf. the στρίγλαις in Modern Greek: Schmidt Neugr. Volksleben’ 136). It would seem rather a ditty to ward off the screech-owl (though Pliny H. N. 11. 232 is unable to class the bird). Old women consorted with striges or became such themselves. Cf. Tibull. 1. 5. 52 6 tectis strix violenta canat, Propert. 3. 6. 29, 4. 5.-17, Ovid Fast: 6. 133 grande caput, stantes ocult, rostra apta rapinis, | canities pinnis, unguibus hamus inest. | nocte volant puerosque petunt - nutricis egentes | et vitiant cunis corpora rapta swis. | carpere dicuntur lactentia viscera rostris | et plenum poto sanguine guitur habent. | est illis strigibus nomen: sed nominis huius | causa, quod horrendum stridere nocte solent. The cry of the owl was a letale carmen. Birds and insects, e.g. the cricket, that made a noise at night were objects of ancient supersti- tion because they belonged with the ghosts who stridunt (Pliny H. NV. 29. 138). The horned-owl was a bird of death. The Romans nailed an owl on the house-door to ward off disaster. The heart of a night-owl was laid over an ant-hole 506 FOLK-SONGS. XX, XX. in a garden. Many birds and insects were regarded as boding misfortune (vulture, raven, hawk, crane, crow, cock, spider, caterpillar). On songs similar to this see Heim Incant. mag. 500. It may be doubted whether these verses are older than the Alexandrian or early Roman period.—1, ἀπο- πομπεῖν of averting evil (ἀποπομπὴν ποιεῖσθαι Isokr. 106 B).— 2. ἀνωνυμίαν : infandam. ὠκυπόρους ἐπὶ νῆας: Homer in the nursery.—Metre: uncertain, perhaps ionics. Bergk found brief ‘Doric’ verses: o. d |v. {γᾶς,Σ σ. ἀ. λ. | ὄρνιν ἀνώνυμον (ἐχθρῶν | ὠ. ἐ. ν. ΣΙ. Athen. 15. 697 8. A Lokrian Tagelied. The song is of literary interest because it is the only representative in Greek of a class of poetry that became immensely popular in the Middle Ages. ΒΟΉΝ the Tagelied was first cultivated by the Lokrians, who were notorious for their erotic poetry and for the meretricious character of their musical mode. In more modern times it was native to Provence, where the morning song of the watcher on the tower was a conventional feature which was retained by Wolfram von Eschenbach, the master of this form of lyric; though usually in Germany we find valedictory duets. In English we have the parting of Romeo and Juliet (3. 5): ‘* Wilt thou be gone? It is not yet near day.” (Cf. Bartsch Ueber die romanischen und deutschen Tagelieder 1865, Frankel Shakespeare und das Tagelied 1893). Until we know the source of Athenaios, it is inadvisable to attempt to restore the Lokrian forms. The poem may have been composed in a conventional mixed dialect that is different from the language of the bronzes of Oiantheia. The song is scarcely older than the fourth century and probably later. The inscriptions give us no information about certain forms: ἄμμε and κεῖνον may not be Lokrian. ¢piv and ἀμάρα are found in S. α΄. D.-I. 1, 1478. Points of resemblance between this Lokrian song and the Hellenistic erotic fragment edited by Grenfell and Hunt have led Crusius to refer both to the hilarody, a species of lyric described in Athen. 14. 621 8. The occasion for singing the Lokrian song was probably the symposium.—1. Cf. ὦ τί λέγεις ; Plato Protag. 309 p.—2. κεῖνον : a characteristic touch ; the lady uses the pronoun for her husband.—s. δειλάκραν : cf. Alk. xxxiil. gue δείλαν.---4. Cf. Wolfram (88) Die Kammer schon erhelite | Des Morgensternes Licht in Simrock’s version; Rom. and Jul. 3. 5. 35, “0, now be gone ; more light and light it grows.” —S5. Cf. Praxilla iii. ὦ διὰ τῶν θυρίδων .----Μ οῦγα : ionics (?) (Hermann cretics). Cf. Hanssen A. J. P. 9. 458, who reads πρίν κα 2, κ᾽ ἤδη and ὁρῇς 4, and compares Aristoph. Thesmoph. 106 ff. for the metre. FOLK-SONGS. XXII. 507 XXII. Athen. 8. 360 5 (vv. 1-5), Eust. Od. 1914.45. The Rhodian Swallow Song or χελιδονισμός. The usual name given to this species of mendicant folk-song is χελιδόνισμα, which is attested only in Modern Greek, but is to be inferred, from the analogy of κορώνισμα, as existing also in the classical language. The boys who went from house to house soliciting gifts on the appearance of the swallow were called χελιδονισταί. Perhaps they carried about with them the figure of the bird. To the superstitious even the swallow might be a bird of ill omen. Aelian NV. A. 10. 34 tells of the swallow foreboding evil to a military expedition, and one of the ‘symbols’ of Pythagoras was ὁμωροφίους χελιδόνας μὴ ἔχειν, though this may refer to chattering foreigners. There were, however, occasions when the swallow was of avail as a preventive against disease in man and beast (Pliny H. NV. 29. 128, 30. 33, and 148); and to most people in ancient, as in modern times (ef. Class. Rev. 5. 1, 230 ff.), the swallow was a bird of good omen, the harbinger of spring, like the nightingale (Sa. xv.) : ef. Stes. ix., Sim. xxxiv., Aristoph. Thesmoph. 1 ὦ Ζεῦ, χελιδὼν apa ποτε φανήσεται, Frag. 499, Chionides Frag. 8, and other passages (Thompson Greek Birds 188). The Greek proverb was μία yap χελιδὼν ἔαρ ov ποιεῖ (Arist. Hth. 1098 a 18). Like the εἰρεσιώνη, the χελιδόνισμα was a song of the spring-tide, as the κορώνισμα was a song of the autumn. In his work on the Rhodian festivals Theognis (cited by Athen. 1.1.) says that this song was sung in Boedromion. Since a song of the spring is inappropriate in September Bergk (ΚΙ. Schr. 2. 151) thought that, at some later period, it was transferred from spring to autumn when the possibility of abundant gifts was greater. Farnell suggested that Athen, was thinking of the εἰρεσιώνη and that the mention of Boedromion is due to a confusion with the Thargelia. But it is more likely that the Rhodian month Badromios, for which Theogn. or Athen. substitutes the Attic form, did not correspond in order of time to the Attic Boedromion, but to the season when the swallow did appear. The order of the Rhodian months is uncertain, but Paton (/nscript. of Cos Ὁ. 330) makes Badromios correspond to Attic Gamelion, though he suggests that a change in the order he establishes would make it correspond with February, a month that would suit the time of the first appearance of the bird (see Mommsen Jahreszeiten p. 253 ff.). On the other hand Latyschew Ueber einige dolische und dorische Kalender, St. Petersb. 1884 (cf. Bischoff De fastis Graecorum antiquioribus in the Leipz, Stud. 7. 383, 407) equates Badromios with Maimakterion. Modern Analogies. In Passow’s Popul. Curm. Graeciae rec. there are four χελιδονίσματα (306-308). No. 307 is from Thessaly : χελιδόνα ἔρχεται ἀπ᾿ τὴν ἄσπρη θάλασσαν" θάλασσαν ἐπέρασε | καὶ σπείρ᾽ οἰκονόμησε, | κάθησε καὶ λάλησε, | πέτραν κατα- λύσαι. | μάρτη μ᾽, μάρτη μου καλὲ | καὶ φλεβάρη φοβερέ, | κἂν χιονίσῃς, κἂν ποντίσῃς, | πάλιν ἄνοιξιν μυρίζεις, ete. (A different form of this song appears in Fauriel Chants popwaires 2. 256). No. 307 A is also from Thessaly : ἦρθεν, ἦρθε χελιδόνα, | ἦρθε κι᾽ 508 FOLK-SONGS. XXII. ἄλλη μελιηδόνα,] κάθησε καὶ λάλησε | καὶ γλυκὰ κελάδησε" | μάρτη, μάρτη μου καλὲ | καὶ φλεβάρη φοβερέ, Ι κἂν φλεγίσῃς, κἂν τσι- κνίσῃς,] καλοκαῖρι θὰ μυρίσῃς" | κἂν χιονίσῃς, κἂν κακίσῃς, Γ πάλιν ἄνοιξιν θ᾽ ἀνθήσῃς.] θάλασσαν ἐπέρασα, etc. Bent Cyclades 434 reports a swallow song from Kythnos. Cf. ‘Wachsmuth Das alte Griechenland im neuen 36, Kind Neugr. Anthol. 73. In Makedonia a song is sung on the Ist of March while a wooden swallow is kept turning around on a cylinder. This em- blematic swallow may have existed in ancient times. Late writers (Dio Chrys. 53, p. 276, Aristeid. 47, p. 430, Theodoret 4. 728; cf. Hussey, Am. Phil. Assoc. Proceed. 22. xliii., Mulvany, C. &. 11. 221), alluding to Plato’s dismissal of the poet from his republic (398 A), say that he is to be crowned and anointed with oil, as women do with swallows—evidently a form of propitiating the wooden bird.—Further examples of mendicant songs: In the Grisons boys go about singing songs on the chalanda Mars and collect gifts ; and in Rome presents were made on the first of March. In Holstein the boys used to carry a dead fox in a basket—the sign of the death of winter. In the Rhine country a cock was laid in a basket and carried about (Grimm Reinhart Fuchs ecxix., cexevi.). Farnell quoted a song still sung by children in the Isle of Man as they go about in winter: ‘‘ The night is cold, our shoon are thin, | Gie’s a cake, and let us rin.” In England poor children levy contributions on St. Stephen’s day and on May-day; as in Germany on St. Martin’s evening. Cf. Grimm Deut. Myth. 2. 637. The desire of the Greeks to find an author or ‘inventor’ for everything gave birth to the story that the means of collecting money adopted by the χελιδονισταί was first instituted by Kleobulos, the tyrant of Lindos in Rhodes and one of the Sages, at a time of public distress. The institution was called ἀγερμός collection (cf. the Ital. misericordia). This song is illustrated by a vase (Baumeister fig. 2128): a swallow appears over the heads of a man, a youth, and a boy. The youth exclaims (dod χελιδών, the man νὴ τὸν Ἡρακλέα, the boy αὑτηΐ, and (perhaps) the man ἔαρ ἤδη. Cf. Aristoph. Hq. 419 σκέψασθε, παῖδες" οὐχ ὁρᾶθ᾽; ὥρα νέα, χελιδών, a line which may echo a swallow song (as Sa. 88 τί με ἸΠανδίονις ὦ ἴραννα χελίδων). Dialect : the native form of the Doric dialect had already been partly obliterated by the Kow7 when Theognis inserted the poem into his work on the Rhodian festivals ; and no doubt Theognis was not over-careful about retaining each bit of loca] colour. The Rhodian futures with -ev (e.g. ἐπιμεληθησεῦντι ; cf. οἰσεῦμες Theokr. 15. 133) would not suit the metre in ll. 13, 16. ἀπίωμες in 12 may justify us in adopting FOLK-SONGS. XXIV. 509 -μες in 14, 16, though the inscriptions have -μὲν as early as 300-250 B.c. (Cauer Delectus 178. 4). εἰ in 13 occurs on an inscription of the fourth century (Cauer 177. 30), but for dv in 17 we should expect at least εἴ xa. The genitive in -ov is supported by inscriptions. Digamma is lost in οἴκου 7. The Doric accus. in καλᾶς ὥρᾶς 1.2. For μιν 16 we expect vw.—1. Cf. the Hiresione 10-12, which verses are probably taken from another swallow song. ἦλθε: for the repetition cf. Aristoph. Aves 679 ξύντροφ᾽ ἀηδοῖ, | ἦλθες, 7AOes.—2. ὥρας : see on Alkm. XXvli., ἦρος ὧραι Eur. Kykl. 506.—S. καλούς but καλάς in 2, οἵ. on No. i. In this verse and 5 (vulgo κἀπί) καί has been omitted to avoid the rhythm ~~ =~ --~ =~ =. ἐνιαντούς : poetic exaggeration, not ‘seasons.’ Cf. ἔτος περιπλομένων ἐνιαυτῶν a 16, ὥραις ἐτῶν καὶ ἐνιαυτῶν Plato Laws 906 c. (Prellwitz in the Festschrift fiir Ludwig Friedlaender shows that ἐνιαυτός is the day on which the year (ἔτος) has come back to its starting point and the world is again ἐνὶ αὐτῷ. )— 6. Eustath. read οὐ (instead of σύ), since he paraphrases οὐ παλάθαν ζητοῦμεν, and Ahrens defended the negative on the ground that long monosyllables may be treated as short in folk-poetry. σύ does not denote contrast, but strengthens the imperative (Bacch. ix. 76). προκύκλεν ‘roll out,’ only here ; used colloquially with reference to the abundance of dainties. There is, however, no reference to an ἐκκύκλημα (Ilgen).—7. πίονα οἶκον « 35. Cf. Phoinix 18 ἀλλ᾽ &yadol ᾽πορέξαθ᾽ ὧν μυχὸς πλουτεῖ.---18. Cf. Hiresione 13 ΠῚ, where there is also a shift in the metre. εἰ-δώσεις : not the minatory εἰ with the future, but the future of present intention ; Good- win M. T. 407. The connotation of the εἰ δὲ μή clause is minatory. The Laur. of Athen. adds ἐλλειπτικῶς ἔχει, ἔστι δὲ καὶ παρ᾽ brdvorav—‘ we'll thank you and be off, if you are going to give us something.’—14. φέρωμες : ‘carry off’ ; for ἀποφέρωμεν. The subj. is used much like a future, as in A 262, μ 383 (Goodwin 1,77. 7’. 284).—17. ἂν δέ: Wilam. conj. αἴ κα 6€.—19. Cf. Phoinix 8 ὦ παῖ, θύρην ἄγκλινε. The aor. in Aristoph. EHecles. 962 (τὴν θύραν ἄνοιξον) looks to the conclusion of the act.—Metre: the forms of the prosodiac, or adonic with anacrusis =~, that are employed are —_—— — = (ll. 4-6. 18). The dactyls may be in ὃ time. 12 is a pleading trochaic tetram. (with the caesura of comedy, e.g. Aristoph. Nubes 620) forming the transition to the bolder iambics of 13- 16, which may have been recited. | Usener adopts a different arrangement which gets rid of the trochaics. 19-20 iamb. trim. After the introductory verse, in accordance with the fashion of folk-song, we have libration of couplets. On the metre and text see Usener p. 81 ff. 510 FOLK-SONGS. XXIII. XXI XXIII. The argument to Theokr. id. 3, in discussing — the origin of bucolic poetry, says that the country folk sang songs in honour of Artemis, who had recently re-established concord among the Syracusans; and that rustic minstrelsy took its rise from this circumstance. In the singing contests the winner took the loaf of the loser, and all who lost roamed from village to village collecting food. To their songs, which were free of jests and fun, they added for the sake of good luck δέξαι ete. Diomedes Artis gramm. (3. 486 Keil) says antequam Hiero rex Syracusas expugnaret morbo Sicilia laborat. Varus et adsidwis caerimoniis Dianam placantes jinem malis invenerunt, eamque Lyaeam cognominaverunt quasi solutricem malorum. The shepherds joined in the thanksgiving and a pastoral contest was instituted which finally took place in the theatre. Probus says quod genus religionis hodie conversum est in quaestum. Indem sunt enim qu Bucolistae nominantur. Note the balance in the lines and see on Sa. xxxvi.—4. ἐκαλέσσατο ‘called down’ does not seem the appropriate word ; hence Hermann κἀχαρίσσατο, Cerrato ἀν- or κἀνεκαλέσ- σατο. Bergk’s ἐκλάζετο quem dea claustris suis retinebat is obscure. tHva: Artemis, the bucolic goddess because dypo- τέρα, didaypéris.—Metre: logaoedic (glyconics and phere- cratics). XXIV. Plut. Sept. Sap. Conv. 14 (157 £). Song of the Millstone. It has been shown by Wilamowitz Hermes 25. 225 that the ultimate source of Plutarch was here Klearchos, the scholar of Aristotle, and that the words put into the mouth of Thales: ‘When I was in Eresos I heard a woman singing the song ἄλει etc. while she turned her hand-mill,’ are those of Klearchos. Neither the imperf. ἄλει nor the word βασιλεύων suits the time of Plutarch’s story. How long before Klearchos the poem was composed, is uncertain ; probably it was long after the time of Pittakos. The story about Pittakos and the mill cannot be traced beyond Klearchos (apud Diog. Laert. 1. 81), who recounted that the Lesbian statesman was accustomed to take his exercise by grinding corn, an anecdote that reappears in Clement of Alex. Paid. 3. 10, p. 284 and Aelian V. H. 7. 4. Whether there is any historical founda- tion for the story cannot be discovered. But it is not impossible that it was the result of the attacks made upon Pittakos’ lowly birth by the aristocrats of Lesbos (Alk. xviii.). It was not difficult to invent stories about the Thrakian whom Alkaios held up to ridicule with his ‘ flat-foot,’ ‘fat- paunch,’ and ‘braggart.’ This source of the poem is at least more probable than that which sees in it a confession that FOLK-SONGS. XXV. XXVI. 511 the aisymnetes of Mytilene did not disdain a humble occupa- tion. In ἄλει in 1. 2. there is doubtless a double entendre. Strict Aiolic would be d\n, Πίττακος, and Μυτιλήνας. The poem is too early for the accentual scansion which is found in it by Reisig, Ritschl, Hermann, and Christ Metrik 374, who brings as a parallel the (misquoted) Attic inscription C. 1. G. 521=C. 1. A. 3. 398: ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων τοὺς πυλῶνας τῇ πόλει, Which, however, dates from the end of the second or beginning of the third century A.D., when accentual scansion was beginning to appear. Flach regards the metre as logaoedic. I have followed Wilamowitz in accepting ionics, but v. 1 is difficult and perhaps incomplete. μύλα as vocative may have ἅ, as Δίκα Sa. xxix., but the a of the nom. may be retained, as in Sa. xl. In the first case we may read m0)’, as Ψάπφ᾽ Sa. i. 20. XXV. Plut. Amator. 17 (761 a). Sung by the Chalkidians of Euboia in commemoration of the Pharsalian Kleomachos who lost his life as their ally against the Eretrians after having given proof of his affection for a beautiful youth. The pederasty of Chalkis was notorious. It was imported by Tonia from Lydia in the first half of the sixth century.— 2. ἀγαθοῖσιν : the εὐγενεῖς, bonz. ὁμιλεῖν : the infinitive is epexegetical to μὴ . .. ἀγαθοῖσιν.---Θ. σύν with an abstract noun as in Bacch. i. 5, ii. 52, etc., not elsewhere in minor melic poetry. λυσιμελής : cf. Sa. xvi. θάλλει: Terp. vi.— Metre: dact.-epitrite as used by Stesichoros of Himera, the metropolis of which was Chalkis. Fick would adopt Ionic ἡ throughout. SXVI. Plut. Vita Lys. 18, who says that Lysander was the first among the Greeks to whom the cities erected altars as to a god and offered sacrifices, and that he was the first man in whose honour a paian was composed, In Samos, where this song was sung (Athen. 15. 696 £: ἄδεσθαι imperf. inf.), the apotheosis of the victor at Aigospotamoi and the conqueror of Athens found expression in the substitution of the Avodydpeca for the ‘Hpata. At the end of the Pelo- ponnesian war the muse trafficked in songs with ‘silvered faces.’ The poet Antilochos took money from Lysander, Choirilos sold himself to the conqueror, and Antimachos, the admiration of Plato’s youth, vied with Nikeratos in a poetical contest the subject of which was the glory of Lysander. Crusius suggests that Aristonoos, a kitharoede of the time of Lysander, may be the same Aristonoos as the author of the Delphic paian (though this was probably in- scribed between 235 and 210) and the composer of this paian With regard to the Delphic paian, at least, this conjecture is 512 FOLK-SONGS. XXVI, XXVII. ill-supported by the fact that the inscription speaks of him only as a poet, not as a kitharoede. For like profanation of the religious lyric see the Introduction under Paian. The dialect of the fragment is the mixed poetical language of the time.—2. εὐρυχόρου : of Lakedaimon in Homer, o 1. The refrain may have been injie Παιάν, which gives the desired catalectic close (Si+~--~ LY Lt! &!). See on Timo- theos viii. This song is an imitation of the older songs in prosodiacs all of which have been lost. XVII. Athen. 6. 253c ff. Ithyphallic Song to Demetrios Poliorketes. ‘The Athenians received Dem. on his return from Leukadia and Kerkyra, not only with frankincense, and crowns, and libations of wine, but they went so far as to go out to meet him with processional choruses and ithy- phalloi, and dancing and singing, and stood in front of him in dense crowds, dancing and singing, and saying that he was the only true god, etc. And they addressed supplica- tions and prayed to him.’ This comes from the history of Demochares, the cousin of Demosthenes. On the extravagant honours paid to Demetrios see Plutarch’s Life; and Grote, chap. 96. The date of the poem is uncertain. According to Droysen (Hellenismus® 2. 190), Dem. returned to Athens in April 302 B.C. and in the same month was initiated into the Lesser and the Greater Mysteries, though the first were regularly cele- brated in February, the latter in September. This violation of the sacred law, which enjoined that a year must elapse between the two initiations, was effected by a decree that revolutionized the calendar: Munichion was first called Anthesterion, then Boedromion. The muster against Kas- sander was begun, according to Droysen, in the summer of 302 B.c. Grote placed the return from Leukas in September 302 B.c. at the time of the celebration of the Greater Mysteries, and referred the double initiation to April 301 B.c., when the start was made against Kassander. So Kriiger in Clinton’s Fasti p. 188. Bergk would bring the date of the poem down to 290 B.c. because of the mention of the Aitolians, whose possession of the passes leading to Delphi had prevented the celebration of the Pythian games. He placed the return of Dem. in September, and the Pythian festival (at Athens) in October, 290 B.c. The expedition against the Aitolians took place, according to Bergk, in the spring of 289. Of the poem Athen. says: ταῦτ᾽ ἧδον of Μαραθωνομάχαι οὐ δημοσίᾳ μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ κατ᾽ οἰκίαν, οἱ τὸν προσκυνήσαντα τὸν Περσῶν βασιλέα ἀποκτείναντες, οἱ τὰς ἀναρίθμους μυριάδας τῶν βαρβάρων φονεύσαντες. Like the paian, the ithyphallic hymn is now made to do honour FOLK-SONGS. XX VII. 513 to men. Neither this poem nor No. xxvi. is ‘genuine’ folk- song. No. xxvii. is by Hermokles of Kyzikos.—1. Perhaps two verses have dropped out. Bergk suggested dvdyere πάν- τες, ἀνάγετ᾽, εὐρυχωρίαν | τοῖς θεοῖς ποιεῖτε (cf. No. vi.). This is better than to read ὥς, or to suppose that some such word as νῦν has been displaced. Demetrios and his father Antigonos were called Tutelar Divinities and Deliverers. Dem. was deified at Sikyon as wellas at Athens. Apotheosis did not become common until after Alexander (‘ whereas Alexander desires to be a god, let him be a god’ ran the Spartan decree); his successors, the kings of Egypt and Syria, were called θεοί. The Persians prostrated themselves before their monarchs, who were treated as δαίμονες. Isokrates voices the popular phraseology in his Letter to Philip (3. 5) οὐδὲν yap ἔσται λοιπὸν ἔτι πλὴν θεὸν γενέσθαι, though he was far from deifying that monarch.—2. Demetrios’ arrival is a veritable epiphany.— 6. ποιήσῃ (— ——); ef. Il. 21, 34, skol. vii. 4.—7. Athen. says that Dem. was affable because of his natural courtesy to all men. His ἱλαρότης ran into frivolity no doubt and assisted his vicious propensities. In 1. 14 he is called the child of Aphrodite because of his beauty. Plutarch says that ‘his countenance was of such singular beauty and expression, that no painter or sculptor ever produced a good likeness of him. It combined grace and strength, dignity with boyish bloom, and in the midst of youthful heat and passion, what was hardest of all to represent was a certain heroic look and air of kingly majesty.’ Cf. 1. 9.—9. φίλοι: in honour of these satellites of Dem. altars were erected and poems sung by the Athenians (τῶν κολάκων κόλακες) Even Dem. was astonished by the grossness of the flattery shown him and declared that in his time there was not a single Athenian who was great and vigorous in mind. Cf. Hor. Sat. 1. 7. 24 solem Asiae Brutum appellat, stellasque salubres appellat comites.—18. παῖ Ilocedavos: Dem. had captured the chief naval city of Greece with his fleet of 250 ships, and made expeditions against Kypros, Egypt, and Rhodes.—15. Cf. 1 Kings 18, 27 «“And it came to pass at noon, that Elijah mocked them, and said, Cry aloud: for he is a god; either he is talking, or he is pursuing, or he is in a journey, or peradventure he sleepeth, and must be awaked.”—18. Cf. praesens deus Ter. Phorm. 2. 2. 31, praesens divus habebitur Augustus Hor. 3. 5, 2, Caesar, ades voto, maxime dive, meo Ovid Trist. 3. 1. 78; Cic. Tusc. 1. 12. 28.—19. The pun (λίθινον, ἀληθινόν) is not to be adduced as evidence of the itacistic pronunciation of 7.— 24. περϊκρατοῦσαν : see on Ibyk. ix.—25. The Athenians had cause to know the prowess of the ‘rock-dwelling’ 2K 514 FOLK-SONGS. XXVITI.-XXX. Aitolians. In 426 B.c. they had suffered a crushing defeat during the expedition of Demosthenes. The Aitolian League (τὸ κοινὸν τῶν Αἰτωλῶν) is first heard of in 312 8.6. Generally it was opposed to Demetrios, but at this time, according to Droysen, was on friendly terms with him. Doubtless bands of Aitolian marauders had menaced Attica itself, and the Athenians were sunk so low as publicly to proclaim themselves incapable of self-defence. Droysen thought that the ‘ Aitolian sphinx’ was _ Polysperchon. Brandstiter found in Pantauchos, the general of Demetrios, the Oidipus of 1. 32. All this is quite uncertain.—34. σπίλον i.e. πέτραν, a word used by Aristotle. Ion (Trag. Frag. 19) has σπίλον Παρνασσίαν. σπίνον Schweighiuser, supposing that there was a legend of the Sphinx having been transformed into a finch.—Metre: iambic trimeter with ithy- phallics as epode (cf. vi.). The frequent tribrachs are to be noted, the dactyl (anapaest) inl. 17, and the inelegant close of the same verse. XXVIII. Athen. 10. 455 p, Eust. Od. 1558. 8. Apollo was born in Delos (ἐν ¢avepa=év Δήλῳ; see on Pind. vi. 4); his mother Leto was the daughter of Kotos (Κοιογενής Pind. vi. 6) and in Makedonian κοῖος = dp.0ués.—Metre: elegiac distich. XXIX,. Athen. 10. 453 Β. Time.—Metre: iambic tri- meter. XX. Plut. Quo modo αὐτί. 9. A parasite.—Metre as xxix, APPENDIX. I. SKOLIA ATTRIBUTED TO THE SAGES. SOLON. Πεφυλαγμένος ἄνδρα ἕκαστον ὅρα, μὴ κρυπτὸν ἔγχος ἔχων κραδίῃ φαιδρῷ σε προσενέπῃ προσώπῳ, γλῶσσα δέ οἱ διχόμυθος ἐκ μελαίνης φρενὸς γεγωνῇ. PITTAKOS. Ἔχοντα χρὴ τόξον τε καὶ ἰοδόκον φαρέτραν στείχειν ποτὶ φῶτα κακόν" A A > A nn A @ πιστὸν γὰρ οὐδὲν γλῶσσα διὰ στόματος λαλεῖ διχόθυμον ἔχσυσα καρδίᾳ νόημα. BIAS. ᾿Αστοῖσιν ἄρεσκε πᾶσιν, ἐν πόλει αἴ κε μένῃς" πλείσταν γὰρ ἔχει χάριν" αὐθάδης δὲ τρόπος πολλάκι δὴ βλαβερὰν ἐξέλαμψεν ἄταν. CHILON. Ἔν λιθίναις ἀκόναις ὁ χρυσὸς ἐξετάζεται διδοὺς βάσανον φανεράν᾽ ἐν δὲ χρυσῷ ἀνδρῶν ἀγαθῶν τε κακῶν τε νοῦς ἔδωκ᾽ ἔλεγχον. THALES. Οὔτι τὰ πολλὰ ἔπη φρονίμην ἀπεφήνατο δόξαν" ἕν τι μάτευε σοφόν, ἕν τι κεδνὸν αἱροῦ" παύσεις γὰρ ἀνδρῶν κωτίλων γλώσσας ἀπεραντολόγους. 515 s 516 ἯΙ 10 APPENDIX. KLEOBULOS. ᾿Αμουσία τὸ πλέον μέρος ἐν βροτοῖσιν λόγων τε πλῆθος" ἀλλ᾽ ὁ καιρὸς ἀρκέσει φρονεῖν τι κεδνόν᾽ μὴ μάταιος a χάρις γενέσθω. A SELECTION FROM THE ANAKREONTEIA. I. (6). Λέγουσιν ai γυναῖκες" “᾿Ανάκρεον, γέρων εἴ" λαβὼν ἔσοπτρον ἄθρει κόμας μὲν οὐκέτ᾽ οὔσας, 7 ψιλὸν δέ σευ μέτωπον. ἑγὼ δὲ τὰς κόμας μέν, ΤΠ 7): Οὔ μοι μέλει τὰ Γύγεω, τοῦ Σαρδίων ἄνακτος" οὐδ᾽ eihé rw με ζῆλος, οὐδὲ φθονῶ τυράννοις. ἐμοὶ μέλει μύροισιν καταβρέχειν ὑπήνην" ἐμοὶ μέλει ῥόδοισιν καταστέφειν κάρηνα. III. (8). “Ades με, τοὺς θεούς σοι, πιεῖν πιεῖν ἀμυστί" θέλω θέλω μανῆναι. ἐμαίνετ᾽ ᾿Αλκμαίων τε xw λευκόπους ᾿Ορέστης, τὰς μητέρας κτανόντες" ἐγὼ δὲ μηδένα κτάς, πιὼν δ᾽ ἐρυθρὸν οἶνον θέλω θέλω μανῆναι. ἐμαίνεθ᾽ Ἡρακλῆς πρὶν ΕΙΣ ΕΑΥ͂ΤΟΝ. εἴτ᾽ εἰσίν, εἴτ᾽ ἀπῆλθον, οὐκ olda* τοῦτο δ᾽ olda, ὡς τῷ γέροντι μᾶλλον πρέπει τὸ τερπνὰ παίζειν, IO ὅσῳ πέλας τὰ Μοίρης. EIS ΤῸ ΑΦΘΟΝΩῺΣ ΖΗΝ. τὸ σήμερον μέλει μοι, τὸ δ᾽ αὔριον τίς οἷδεν ; ὡς οὖν ἔτ᾽ εὔδι᾽ ἔστιν, καὶ πῖνε καὶ κύβευε καὶ σπένδε τῷ Λυαίῳ, μὴ νοῦσος, ἤν τις ἔλθῃ, λέγῃ" ““σὲ μὴ δεῖ πίνειν. ΕἸΣ EATTON ΜΕΜΕΘΥΣΜΈΝΟΝ. δεινὴν κλονῶν φαρέτρην καὶ τόξον ᾿Ιφίτειον. ἐμαίνετο πρὶν Αἴας μετ᾽ ἀσπίδος κραδαίνων τὴν Ἕκτορος μάχαιραν. ἐγὼ δ᾽ ἔχων κύπελλον καὶ στέμμα τοῦτο χαίταις, οὐ τόξον, οὐ μάχαιραν, θέλω θέλω μανῆναι. 10 15 15 10 APPENDIX. IV. (9). Ti σοι θέλεις ποιήσω, τί σοι, λάλη χελιδών ; τὰ ταρσά σεὺ τὰ κοῦφα θέλεις λαθὼν ψαλίξω ; ἢ μᾶλλον ἔνδοθέν σευ V. (10). " , 4 Ἔρωτα κήρινον τις νεηνίης ἐπώλει" ἐγὼ δέ οἱ παραστάς, «“ς πόσου θέλεις," ἔφην, “co τὸ τυχθὲν ἐκπρίωμαι 5” ὁ δ᾽ εἶπε δωριάζων, “ἐλάβ᾽ αὐτὸν ὁππόσου λῆς" ὅπως δ᾽ ἂν ἐκμάθῃς πᾶν, WAI (11). Οἱ μὲν καλὴν Κυβήβην τὸν ἡμίθηλυν Αττιν ἐν οὔρεσιν βοῶντα λέγουσιν ἐκμανῆναι. οἱ δὲ Κλάρου παρ᾽ ὄχθαις δαφνηφόροιο Φοίβου VII. (12). Θέλω θέλω φιλῆσαι. ἔπειθ᾽ "Ἔρως φιλεῖν με, ἐγὼ δ᾽ ἔχων νόημα ἄβουλον οὐκ ἐπείσθην. ὁ δ᾽ εὐθὺ τόξον ἄρας καὶ χρυσέην φαρέτρην μάχῃ με προὐκαλεῖτο. κἀγὼ λαβὼν ἐπ᾽ ὥμων θώρηχ᾽, ὅπως ᾿Αχιλλεύς, καὶ δοῦρα καὶ βοείην ᾿ tb ΕἸΣ ΕΙΣ ΕΙΣ ΧΕΛΙΔΟΝΑ. τὴν γλῶσσαν, ὡς ὁ Τηρεὺς ἐκεῖνος, ἐκθερίξω 5 τί μευ καλῶν ὀνείρων ὑπορθρίαισι φωναῖς ἀφήρπασας Βάθυλλον ; ΕΙΣ EPQTA KHPINON. οὐκ εἰμὶ καροτέχνης" ἀλλ᾽ οὐ θέλω συνοικεῖν Ἔρωτι παντορέκτᾳ.᾽" “© δὸς οὖν, δὸς αὐτὸν ἡμῖν δραχμῆς, καλὸν σύνευνον. Ἔρως, σὺ δ᾽ εὐθέως με πύρωσον᾽" εἰ δὲ μή, σὺ κατὰ φλογὸς τακήσῃ." ATTIN. λάλον πιόντες ὕδωρ μεμηνότες βοῶσιν. ς ἐγὼ δὲ τοῦ Λναίου καὶ τοῦ μύρου κορεσθεὶς καὶ τῆς ἐμῆς ἑταίρης θέλω θέλω μανῆναι. ΕΡΩΤΑ. ἐμαρνάμην "Ἐίρωτι. ἔβαλλ᾽, ἐγὼ δ᾽ ἔφευγον" ὡς δ᾽ οὐκ ἔτ᾽ εἶχ᾽ ὀιστούς, ἤσχαλλεν᾽ εἶθ᾽ ἑαυτὸν ἀφῆκεν εἰς βέλεμνον, μέσος δὲ καρδίης μεὺ ἔδυνε, καί μ᾽ ἔλυσεν" μάτην δ᾽ ἔχω βοείην᾽" τί γὰρ βάλω μιν ἔξω, μάχης ἔσω μ᾽ ἐχούσης ; 517 ΙΟ Io 15 10 15 20 518 Io 10 15 APPENDIX. VIII. (13): Ei φύλλα πάντα δένδρων ἐπίστασαι κατειπεῖν, el κύματ᾽ oldas εὑρεῖν τὰ τῆς ὅλης θαλάσσης, σὲ τῶν ἐμῶν ἐρώτων μόνον ποῶ λογιστήν. πρῶτον μὲν ἐξ ᾿Αθηνῶν ἔρωτας εἴκοσιν θές, καὶ πεντεκαίδεκ᾽ ἄλλους. ἔπειτα δ᾽ ἐκ ἹΚορίνθου θὲς ὁρμαθοὺς ἐρώτων" ᾿Αχαΐης γάρ ἐστιν, ὅπου καλαὶ γυναῖκες. τίθει δὲ Λεσβίους μοι IX. (14). ’Epaculn πέλεια, πόθεν πόθεν πέτασσαι ; πόθεν μύρων τοσούτων ἐπ᾽ ἠέρος θέουσα πνέεις τε καὶ ψεκάξεις ; τίς ἐστί σοι μεληδών ; ‘© Avakpéwy μ᾽ ἔπεμψεν πρὸς παῖδα, πρὸς Βάθυλλον, τὸν ἄρτι τῶν ἁπάντων κρατοῦντα καὶ τύραννον. πέπρακέ μ᾽ ἡ ἹΚυθήρη λαβοῦσα μικρὸν ὕμνον" ἐγὼ δ᾽ ᾿Ανακρέοντι διακονῷῶ τοσαῦτα. καὶ νῦν, ὁρᾷς, ἐκείνου ἐπιστολὰς κομίζω. καί φησιν εὐθέως με ἐλευθέρην ποιήσειν. ἐγὼ δέ, κὴν ἀφῇ με, ΕἸΣ ΕΡΩΤΑΣ. καὶ μέχρι τῶν ᾿Ιώνων καὶ Kapins Ρόδου τε δισχιλίους ἔρωτας. τί φῇς ; ἐκηριώθης ; οὔπω Σύρους ἔλεξα, οὔπω πόθους Κανώβου, οὐ τῆς ἅπαντ᾽ ἐχούσης Κρήτης, ὅπου πόλεσσιν Ἔρως ἐποργιάζει. τί σοι θέλεις ἀριθμῶ καὶ τοὺς Ἰ'αδείρων ἐκτός, τῶν Βακτρίων τε κἰνδῶν ψυχῆς ἐμῆς ἔρωτας ; ΕΙΣ ILEPIZTHPAN. δούλη μενῶ παρ᾽ αὐτῷ" τί γάρ με δεῖ πέτασθαι ὄρη τε καὶ κατ᾽ ἀγρούς, καὶ δένδρεσιν καθίζειν φαγοῦσαν ἄγριόν τι ; τὰ νῦν ἔδω μὲν ἄρτον ἀφαρπάσασα χειρῶν ᾿Ανακρέοντος αὐτοῦ" πιεῖν δέ μοι δίδωσιν τὸν οἶνον, ὃν προπίνει" πιοῦσα δ᾽ αὖ χορεύω, καὶ δεσπότην κρέκοντα πτεροῖσι συσκιάζω. κοιμωμένη δ᾽ ἐπ᾿ αὐτῷ τῷ βαρβίτῳ καθεύδω. ἔχεις ἅπαντ᾽" ἄπελθε" λαλιστέραν μ᾽ ἔθηκας, ἄνθρωπε, καὶ κορώνης.᾽" 15 20 25 20 25 30 15 15 APPENDIX. 519 Χ. (15). “Aye ζωγράφων ἄριστε, γράφε, ζωγράφων ἄριστε, ἹῬοδίης κοίρανε τέχνης, ἀπεοῦσαν, ὡς ἂν εἴπω, γράφε τὴν ἐμὴν ἑταίρην. γράφε μοι τρίχας τὸ πρῶτον ἁπαλάς τε καὶ μελαίνας" ὁ δὲ κηρὸς ἂν δύνηται, γράφε καὶ μύρου πνεούσας. γράφε δ᾽ ἐξ ὅλης παρειῆς ὑπὸ πορφυραῖσι χαίταις ἐλεφάντινον μέτωπον. τὸ μεσόφρυον δὲ μή μοι διάκοπτε μήτε μίσγε" ἐχέτω δ᾽, ὅπως ἐκείνη, τὸ λεληθότως σύνοφρυ, βλεφάρων ἴτυν κελαινήν. ΕΙΣ ΚΟΡΗΝ. τὸ δὲ βλέμμα νῦν ἀληθῶς ἀπὸ τοῦ πυρὸς ποίησον, ἅμα γλαυκόν, ὡς ᾿Αθήνης, 20 ἅμα δ᾽ ὑγρόν, ὡς Ἱζυθήρης. γράφε ῥῖνα καὶ παρειάς, ῥόδα τῷ γάλακτι μίξας. γράφε χεῖλος, οἷα ἸΠειθοῦς, προκαλούμενον φίλημα. 25 τρυφεροῦ δ᾽ ἔσω γενείου περὶ λυγδίνῳ τραχήλῳ Χάριτες πέτοιντο πᾶσαι. στόλισον τὸ λοιπὸν αὐτὴν ὑποπορφύροισι πέπλοις 30 διαφαινέτω δὲ σαρκῶν ὀλίγον, τὸ σῶμ᾽ ἐλέγχον. ἀπέχει" βλέπω γὰρ αὐτήν. τάχα, κηρέ, καὶ λαλήσεις. ΧΙ. (16). ΕἸΣ ΝΕΏΤΕΡΟΝ BAOTAAON. Τράφε μοι Ῥάθυλλον οὕτω τὸν ἑταῖρον, ὡς διδάσκω. λιπαρὰς κόμας ποίησον, τὰ μὲν ἔνδοθεν μελαίνας, τὰ δ᾽ ἐς ἄκρον ἡλιώσας, ἕλικας δ᾽ ἐλευθέρους μοι πλοκάμων ἄτακτα συνθεὶς ἄφες, ὡς θέλωσι, κεῖσθαι. ἁπαλὸν δὲ καὶ δροσῶδες στεφέτω μέτωπον ὀφρὺς κυανωτέρη δρακόντων. μέλαν ὄμμα γοργὸν ἔστω, κεκερασμένον γαλήνῃ, τὸ μὲν €&”Apnos ἕλκον, τὸ δὲ τῆς καλῆς Κυθήρης, ἵνα τις τὸ μὲν φοβῆται, τὸ δ᾽ ἀπ᾽ ἐλπίδος κρεμᾶται" χνοΐην δ᾽ ὁποῖα μῆλον ῥοδέην ποίει παρειήν" ἐρύθημα δ᾽, ὡς ἂν Αἰδοῦς, 20 δύνασαι γάρ, ἐμποίησον. τὸ δὲ χεῖλος οὐκέτ᾽ οἷδα τίνι μοι τρόπῳ ποιήσεις" ἁπαλὸν γέμον τε [ΤΠ ειθοῦς" τὸ δὲ πᾶν ὁ κηρὸς αὐτὸὸ 25 ἐχέτω λαλῶν σιωπῇ. μετὰ δὲ πρόσωπον ἔστω τὸν ᾿Αδώνιδος παρελθὼν ἐλεφάντινος τράχηλος. μεταμάζιον δὲ ποίει 30 διδύμας τε χεῖρας Ἑρμοῦ, ἸΤολυδεύκεος δὲ μηρούς, 520 35 APPENDIX. Διονυσίην δὲ νηδύν. ἁπαλῶν δ᾽ ὕπερθε μηρῶν, μηρῶν τὸ πῦρ ἐχόντων, ἀφελῆ ποίησον αἰδῶ, Παφίην θέλουσαν ἤδη. φθονερὴν ἔχεις δὲ τέχνην, ὅτι μὴ τὰ νῶτα δεῖξαι ΧΤῚ {10.218} Δότε μοι, δότ᾽ ὦ γυναῖκες, Βρομίου πιεῖν ἀμυστί" ὑπὸ καύματος γὰρ ἤδη προδοθεὶς ἀναστενάζω. δότε δ᾽ ἀνθέων ἐκείνου στεφάνους, δόθ᾽, ὡς πυκάζω" τὰ μέτωπά που "πικαίει" τὸ δὲ καῦμα τῶν ᾿Ερώτων, κραδίη, τίνι σκεπάζω; XIII. (19). At Μοῦσαι τὸν "Ἔρωτα δήσασαι στεφάνοισιν τῷ Κάλλει παρέδωκαν. καὶ νῦν ἡ Κυθέρεια ζητεῖ λύτρα φέρουσα XIV. (20). Ἡδυμελὴς ᾿Ανακρέων, ἡδυμελὴς δὲ Dargis: Πινδαρικὸν δέ μοι μέλος συγκεράσας τις ἐγχέοι. XY. (21). ‘A γῆ μέλαινα πίνει, πίνει δὲ δένδρε᾽ αὐτήν. πίνει θάλασσ᾽ ἀναύρους, ὁ δ᾽ ἥλιος θάλασσαν. δύνασαι" τὰ δ᾽ ἣν ἀμείνω. 40 τί με δεῖ πόδας διδάσκειν ; λάβε μισθὸν ὅσσον εἴπῃς" τὸν ᾿Απόλλωνα δὲ τοῦτον καθελὼν ποίει Βαθυλλον. ἢν δ᾽ ἐς Σάμον ποτ᾽ ἔλθῃς, 45 γράφε Φοῖβον ἐκ Βαθύλλο EPQTIKON QIAAPION. παρὰ τὴν σκιὴν Βαθύλλου τὸ καθίσω" καλὸν τὸ δένδρον" ἁπαλὰς δ᾽ ἔσεισε χαίτας μαλακωτάτῳ κλαδίσκῳ. παρὰ δ᾽ αὐτὸν ἐρεθίζει πηγὴ ῥέουσα πειθοῦς" 15 τίς ἂν οὖν ὁρῶν παρέλθοι καταγώγιον τοιοῦτο ; ΕΙΣ EPQOTA. λύσασθαι τὸν Ἔρωτα. κἂν λύσῃ δέ τις αὐτόν, οὐκ ἔξεισι, μένει δέ" δουλεύειν δεδίδακται. ΑΛΛΟ. τὰ τρία ταῦτά μοι δοκὶ 5 καὶ Διόνυσος ἐλθών, Kai Παφίη λιπαρόχροος, καὐτὸς "Hpws ἂν ἐκπιεῖν. ΑΛΛΟ. τὸν δ᾽ ἥλιον σελήνη. 5 τί μοι μάχεσθ᾽, ἑταῖροι, καὐτῷ θέλοντι πίνειν ; Io APPENDIX. XVI. (21). Ἢ Ταντάλου ποτ᾽ ἔστη λίθος Φρυγῶν ἐν ὄχθαις, καὶ παῖς ποτ᾽ ὄρνις ἔπτη Πανδίονος χελιδών. ἐγὼ δ᾽ ἔσοπτρον εἴην, ὅπως ἀεὶ βλέπῃς με" ἐγὼ χιτὼν γενοίμην, ὅπως ἀεὶ φορῇς με. XVII. (22). Θέλω λέγειν ᾿Ατρείδας, θέλω δὲ Κάδμον ἄδειν" ἁ βάρβιτος δὲ χορδαῖς ἔρωτα μοῦνον ἠχεῖ. ἤμειψα νεῦρα πρώην καὶ τὴν λύρην ἅπασαν" XVIII. (24). Φύσις κέρατα ταύροις, ὁπλὰς δ᾽ ἔδωκεν ἵπποις, ποδωκίην λαγωοῖς, λέουσι χάσμ᾽ ὀδόντων, τοῖς ἰχθύσιν τὸ νηκτόν, τοῖς ὀρνέοις πέτασθαι, τοῖς ἀνδράσιν φρόνημα. XIX. (25). Σὺ μὲν φίλη χελιδὼν ἐτησίη μολοῦσα θέρει πλέκεις καλιήν" χειμῶνι δ᾽ εἷς ἄφαντος ἢ Νεῖλον 7) ᾽πὶ Μέμφιν. Ἔρως δ᾽ ἀεὶ πλέκει μεὺ ἐν καρδίῃ καλιήν. Πόθος δ᾽ ὁ μὲν πτεροῦται, ὁ δ᾽ ὠόν ἐστιν ἀκμήν, ὁ δ᾽ ἡμίλεπτος ἤδη. ΕἸΣ ΚΟΡΗΝ. ὕδωρ θέλω γενέσθαι, ὅπως σε χρῶτα λούσω᾽ μύρον, γύναι, γενοίμην, ὅπως ἐγώ σ᾽ ἀλείψω. καὶ ταινίη δὲ μαστῶν, καὶ μάργαρον τραχήλῳ, καὶ σάνδαλον γενοίμην" μόνον ποσὶν πάτει με. ΕΙΣ ΚΙΘΑΡΑΝ. κἀγὼ μὲν ἧδον ἄθλους Ἡρακλέους" λύρη δὲ ἔρωτας ἀντεφώνει. χαίροιτε λοιπὸν ἡμῖν ἥρωες" ἡ λύρη γὰρ μόνους ἔρωτας ade. EPQTIKON. v9. γυναιξὶν οὔτ᾽ ἔτ᾽ εἶχεν. τί οὖν ; δίδωσι κάλλος ἀντ᾽ ἀσπίδων ἁπασᾶν, ἀντ᾽ ἐγχέων ἁπάντων. νικᾷ δὲ καὶ σίδηρον καὶ πῦρ καλή τις οὖσα. XEATAONA. Boi, δὲ yiver’ αἰεὶ κεχηνότων νεοσσῶν. ᾿Ἐρωτιδεῖς δὲ μικρούς οἱ μείζονες τρέφουσιν. οἱ δὲ τραφέντες εὐθὺς πάλιν κύουσιν ἄλλους. τί μῆχος οὖν γένηται ; οὐ γάρ σθένω τοσούτους Ἔρωτας ἐκβοῆσαι. 521] 10 15 10 το 15 522 _ APPENDIX. XX. (27 a). ΕἸΣ TA ΤΟΥ EPOQTOS BEAH. Ὁ ἀνὴρ 6 τῆς Κυθήρης παρὰ Λημνίαις καμίνοις τὰ βέλη τὰ τῶν ᾿Βρώτων ἐπόει λαβὼν σίδηρον. 5 ἀκίδας δ᾽ ἔβαπτε Κύπρις μέλι τὸ γλυκὺ λαβοῦσα" ὁ δ᾽ Ἔρως χολὴν ἔμισγεν. ὁ δ᾽ ΓΑρης mor’ ἐξ ἀυτῆς στιβαρὸν δόρυ κραδαίνων βέλος nites’ "Ἔρωτος" 10 ὁ δ᾽ "Epws, ““ τόδ᾽ ἐστίν," εἶπεν, “Bap πειράσας νοήσεις. ἔλαβεν βέλεμνον “Apns* ὑπεμειδίασε Κύπρις. ὁ δ᾽ "Apns ἀναστενάξας, 15 « βαρύ," φησίν" “pov αὐτό." ὁ δ᾽ "Epus, ““ἔχ᾽ αὐτό," φησίν. ΧΧΙ. (27 8). Χαλεπὸν τὸ μὴ φιλῆσαι" χαλεπὸν δὲ καὶ φιλῆσαι" χαλεπώτερον δὲ πάντων ἀποτυγχάνειν. φιλοῦντα. XXII. (27 c). Tévos οὐδὲν εἰς “Epwra* σοφίη, τρόπος πατεῖται" ΝΜ , μόνον ἄργυρον βλέπουσιν. ἀπόλοιτο πρῶτος αὐτὸς 5 ὁ τὸν ἄργυρον φιλήσας. διὰ τοῦτον οὐκ ἀδελφός, διὰ τοῦτον οὐ τοκῆες" πόλεμοι, φόνοι δι᾽ αὐτόν. τὸ δὲ χεῖρον, ὀλλύμεσθα διὰ τοῦτον οἱ φιλοῦντες. 10 XXIII. (80). EPOQTIKON QIAAPION. Ἐπὶ μυρσίναις τερείναις ἐπὶ λωτίναις τε ποίαις στορέσας θέλω προπίνειν" ὁ δ᾽ [Ἔρως χιτῶνα δήσας 5 ὑπὲρ αὐχένος παπύρῳ μέθυ μοι διακονείτω. τροχὸς ἅρματος γὰρ οἷα βίοτος τρέχει κυλισθείς" ὀλίγη δὲ κεισόμεσθα κόνις ὀστέων λυθέντων. 10 τί σε δεῖ λίθον μυρίζειν ; τί δὲ γῇ χέειν μάταια; ἐμὲ μᾶλλον, ὡς ἔτι ζῶ, μύρισον, ῥόδοις δὲ κρᾶτα πύκασον, κάλει δ᾽ ἑταίρην. 15 πρίν, Ἔρως, ἐκεῖ μ᾽ ἀπελθεῖν ὑπὸ νερτέρων χορείας, σκεδάσαι θέλω μερίμνας. 10 15 APPENDIX. 523 XXIV. (31). Μεσονυκτίοις ποθ᾽ ὥραις, στρέφετ᾽ ἦμος ΓΑρκτος ἤδη κατὰ χεῖρα τὴν Βοώτου, μερόπων δὲ φῦλα πάντα κέαται κόπῳ δαμέντα, τότ᾽ "Ἔρως ἐπισταθείς μευ θυρέων ἔκοπτ᾽ ὀχῆας. ris,” ἔφην, ““θύρας ἀράσσει ; κατά μευ σχίζεις ὀνείρους." ὁ δ᾽ "Epws, “ἄνοιγε, φησίν" ** βρέφος εἰμί, μὴ φόβησαι" βρέχομαι δὲ κἀσέληνον κατὰ νύκτα πεπλάνημαι." ἐλέησα ταῦτ᾽ ἀκούσας, ἀνὰ δ᾽ εὐθὺ λύχνον ἅψας ἀνέῳξα, καὶ βρέφος μὲν XXV. (32). Μακαρίζομέν σε, τέττιξ, oe , : δον ὅτε δενδρέων ἐπ᾽ ἄκρων 3 f ‘ ὀλίγην δρόσον πεπωκὼς βασιλεὺς ὅπως ἀείδεις" σὰ γάρ ἐστι κεῖνα πάντα, . , , ᾿ 3 ~ ὁπόσα βλέπεις ἐν ἀγροῖς, ὁπόσα τρέφουσιν ὗλαι. \ 3 4 , x σὺ δ᾽ ὁμιλία γεωργῶν, ἀπὸ μηδενός τι βλάπτων" XXVI. (38). "Epws mor’ ἐν ῥόδοισιν κοιμωμένην μέλιτταν οὐκ εἶδεν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐτρώθη τὸν δάκτυλον" παταχθεὶς τὰς χεῖρας ὠλόλυξεν᾽ δραμὼν δὲ καὶ πετασθεὶς πρὸς τὴν καλὴν Κυθήρην “ὄλωλα, μᾶτερ, εἶπεν, ΕΙΣ ΑΛΛΟ. ἐσορῶ φέροντα τόξον πτέρυγάς τε καὶ φαρέτρην. παρὰ δ᾽ ἱστίην καθῖσα, παλάμαις τε χεῖρας αὐτοῦ 20 ἀνέθαλπον, ἐκ δὲ χαίτης ἀπέθλιβον ὑγρὸν ὕδωρ. ὁ δ᾽, ἐπεὶ κρύος μεθῆκεν, “ἐφέρε," φησί, ““πειράσωμεν τόδε τόξον, εἴ τι μοι νῦν 25 βλάβεται βραχεῖσα vevpy.” τανύει δὲ καί με τύπτει μέσον ἧπαρ, ὥσπερ οἵἷστρος" ἀνὰ δ᾽ ἅλλεται καχάζων, “ἐ ξένε 6,” εἶπε, ““συγχάρηθι" κέρας ἀβλαβὲς μὲν ἡμῖν, 31 σὺ δὲ καρδίαν πονήσεις.᾽" TETTITA. σὺ δὲ τίμιος βροτοῖσιν, 10 θέρεος γλυκὺς προφήτης" φιλέουσι μέν σε Μοῦσαι, φιλέει δὲ Φοῖβος αὐτός, λιγυρὴν δ᾽ ἔδωκεν οἴμην. τὸ δὲ γῆρας οὔ σε τείρει, 15 σοφέ, γηγενής, φίλυμνε" ἀπαθὴς δ᾽, ἀναιμόσαρκε, σχεδὸν εἶ θεοῖς ὅμοιος. ΕΙΣ ἘΡΩΤΑ. * ὅλωλα κἀποθνήσκω" ὄφις μ᾽ ἔτυψε μικρὸς 10 πτερωτός, ὃν καλοῦσιν μέλιτταν οἱ γεωργοί." a δ᾽ εἶπεν" ““εἰ τὸ κέντρον πονεῖ τὸ τᾶς μελίττας, πόσον δοκεῖς πονοῦσιν, 15 "Epws, ὅσους σὺ βάλλεις ;” 524 APPENDIX. XXVII. (34). Ὁ πλοῦτος εἴ ye χρυσοῦ τὸ ζῆν παρεῖχε θνητοῖς, ἐκαρτέρουν φυλάττων, ἵν᾽, ἂν θανεῖν ἐπέλθῃ, λάβῃ τι καὶ παρέλθῃ. εἰ δ᾽ οὖν τὸ μὴ πρίασθαι τὸ ζῆν ἔνεστι θνητοῖς, τί χρυσὸς ὠφελεῖ με; ΕἸΣ ΦΙΛΑΡΓΥ͂ΡΟΝ. θανεῖν γὰρ εἰ πέπρωται, τί καὶ μάτην στενάζω ; τί καὶ γόους προπέμπω; ἐμοὶ γένοιτο πίνειν, πιόντι δ᾽ οἶνον ἡδὺν ἐμοῖς φίλοις συνεῖναι, ἐν δ᾽ ἁπαλαῖσι κοίταις τελεῖν τὰν ᾿Αφροδίταν. XXVIII. (37). Φιλῶ γέροντα τερπνόν, φιλῶ νέον χορευτάν" ἂν δ᾽ ὁ γέρων χορεύῃ, ΕἸΣ EATTON ΠΡΕΣΒΥΤΉΝ. τρίχας γέρων μέν ἐστιν, τὰς δὲ φρένας νεάζει. XXIX. (38). EIS EAYTON. Ἐπειδὴ βροτὸς ἐτύχθην βιότου τρίβον ὁδεύειν, χρόνον ἔγνων, ὃν παρῆλθον" ὃν δ᾽ ἔχω δραμεῖν, οὐκ οἶδα. μηδέν μοι καὶ ὑμῖν ἔστω. πρὶν ἐμὲ φθάσῃ τὸ τέλος, παίξω, γελάσω, χορεύσω μετὰ τοῦ καλοῦ Λυαίου. 5 μέθετέ με φροντίδες" ΠῚ. DELPHIC PAIAN ΤῸ DIONYSOS.1 [Acip’, ἄνα Δ]ιθύραμβε Bary’ ε[ὔιε, θυρσῆ]ρες, Bpat- τά, βρόμι(ε), ἠρινα[ῖς ἱκοῦ] [ταϊσδ(ε)] ἱεραῖς ἐν ὥραις : 5 Εὐοῖ ὦ ἰὸ [Βάκχ᾽ ὦ ἰὲ ἸΤαιά]ν᾿ ὃν Θήβαις πότ᾽ ἐν εὐίαις Ζηϊνὶ γείνατο] καλλίπαις Θυώνα" πάντες δ᾽ [ἀστέρες ἀγχ)]όρευ- σαν, πάντες δὲ βροτοὶ χ[άρη-] 10 [σαν cats,] Baxxue, γένναις. ᾿Ιὲ Παιάν, ἴθι σωτήρ, 1B. C. H. 19 (1895) 393 fi. 15 20 30 55 60 APPENDIX. [εὔφρων τάνδε] πόλιν φύλασσ᾽ εὐαίωνι σὺν [ὄλβῳ.] Ἤν, τότε βακχίαζε μὲν χθὼ[ν μεγαλώνυμός] τε Κά- ὅμου Μινυᾶν τε κόλπος Αὔ-] [γε]ιά τε καλλίκαρπος : Εὐοῖ ὦ ἰὸ Β[ἀκχ᾽ ὦ ἰὲ] Παιάν" πᾶσα δ᾽ ὑμνοβρύης χόρευ- εἶν Δελφῶ]ν ἱερὰ μάκαιρα χώρα" αὐτὸς δ᾽ ἄστε[ϊ σὸν δ]έμας φαίνων Δελφίσιν σὺν κόραις [Παρν]ασσοῦ πτύχας ἔστας. "Té Παιάν κ.τ.λ. [ΟἰνοθαἸλὲς δὲ χειρὶ πάλ- λων δ[έπ]ας ἐνθέοις [σὺν οἴσ-] τροις ἔμολες μυχοὺς [᾿Ελε]υ- σῖνος av’ [ἀνθεμώ]δεις" Εὐοὶ ὦ id Βάκχ᾽ ὦ {ὲ ἸΠαι]άν" [ἔθνος ἔνθ᾽] ἅπαν Ἑλλάδος γᾶς ἀ[μφ(ὶ) ἐ]νναέταις [φίλιον] ἐπ[ ὀπῆταις ὀργίων ὁσ[ίων “Ta]x- xov [κλείει σ]ε᾽ βροτοῖς πόνων wté[as δ᾽ ὅρ]μον [ἄλυπον :] ᾿Ιὲ Παιάν κ.τ.λ. ["E]y[ev ἐ]π’ ὀλβίας χθονὸς Ged[Ewdas] ἔκελσας, ἃ στῆσε μένος τ(ε) ᾽᾿Ολυμπί[ας]} [ἐξορ]ίαν τε κλειτάν : Hvot ὦ id Βάκχ᾽ [ὦ ἰὲ ἸΤαι]άν" Μοῦσαι [δ᾽] αὐτίκα παρθένοι κ[ισσῷ] στε[ψ]άμεναι κύκλῳ σε πᾶσαι μ[έλψαν] ἀθάνα[τον ἐς ἀεὶ Παιᾶν᾽ εὐκλέα τ᾽ ὀπὶ κλέο]υ- σαι" [κα]τᾶρξε δ᾽ ᾿Απόλλων, ᾿Ιὲ Παιάν x,7.X. 526 105 IIo 115 135 140 145 APPENDIX. ᾿ῬἘκτελέσαι δὲ πρᾶξιν ᾿Αμ- Cie φικτύονας θ[ εὸς] κελεύ- ει τάχος, ὧ[ς ἐπ]άβολος μὴν ἱκέ[τας] κατάσχῃ : Hvot ὦ [ἰὸ Β]άκχ᾽ ὦ ἰὲ Παιάν" δε[ξαι] δ᾽ ἐν ξενίοις ἐτεί- . os θεῶν ἱερῷ γένει συναίμῳ τόνδ᾽ ὕμνον, θυσίαν τε φαί- νει[ν] σὺν Ελλάδος ὀλβίαις πα[νδ])ήμοις ἱκετείαις. ᾿ὲ Παιάν κ.τ.λ. Πυθιάσιν δὲ πενθετή- κ- ροισίι τ]ροπαῖς ἔταξε Βάκ- χου θυσίαν χορῶν τε πο[λ- [λῶν] κυκλίαν ἅμιλλαν: Εὐοὶ ὦ ἰὲ Βάκχ᾽ [ὦ ἰὲ Παι]άν : τεύχειν" ἁλιοφεγγέσιν δ᾽ dpxolvoas] ἴσον ἁβρὸν ἄγαλμα Βάκχου ἐν... χρυσέων λεόν- των στῆσαι ζαθέῳ τε τ εῦ-] ξαι θεῷ πρέπον ἄντρον. ᾿Ιὲ Παιάν κ.τ.λ. ᾿Αλλἀά δέχεσθε βακχ[ ειώ-] ν΄. [τα]ὴν Διόνυσ[ζον, ἐν δ᾽ ἀγυι-} ais ἅμα σὺν [xopoto |e κ[ι-} [κλήσκετε] κισσ[οχ]αίταις : Elvot ὦ Πὸ Βάκχ᾽ ὦ ἰὲ [Παιάν.] (Hight fragmentary or missing verses.) APPENDIX. 527 IV. PAIAN OF ARISTONOOS.! Δελφοὶ ἔδωκαν ᾿Αριστονόῳ, ἐπεὶ τοὺς ὕμνους τοῖς θεοῖς ἐποίησεν, αὐτῷ καὶ ἐκγόνοις προξενίαν εὐεργεσίαν προμαντείαν προεδρίαν προ- δικίαν ἀσυλίαν πολέμου ἢ εἰρήνης, ἀτέλειαν πάντων καὶ ἐπιτιμίαν καθάπερ Δελφοῖς, ἄρχοντος Δαμοχάρεος, βουλευόντων ᾿Αντάνδρου, ᾿Ἐρασίππου, Εὐαρχίδα. ᾿Αριστόνοος Νικοσθένους Κορίνθιος ᾿Απόλλωνι Πυθίῳ τὸν ὕμνον. 20 26 Πυθίαν ἱερόκτιτον ναίων Δελφίδ᾽ ἀμφὶ πέτραν ἀεί θεσπιόμαντιν ἕ- δραν, ἰὴ ἰὲ Παιάν, ἔνθ᾽ ἀπὸ τριπόδων θεο- κτήτων χλωρότομον δάφναν σείων μαντοσύναν ἐποι- χνεῖς, iy ἰὲ Παιάν, ἁγνισθεὶς ἐνὶ Τέμπεσιν βουλαῖς Znvos ὑπειρόχου, ἐπεὶ Παλλὰς ἔπεμψε Πυ- θῶδε, in ἰὲ Παιάν, ὅθεν Τριτογενῆ Ipovat- αν ἐν μαντείαις ἁγίοις σέβων ἀθανάτοις ἀμοι- Bats, ἰὴ ἰὲ ἸΤαιάν, δωροῦνται δέ σ᾽ ἀθάνατοι Ποσειδῶν ἁγνοῖς δαπέδοις, Νύμφαι Κωρυκίοισιν ἄν- τροις, i ἰὲ ἸΠαιάν, ἀλλ᾽ ὦ Παρνασσοῦ γυάλων εὐδρόσοισι Κασταλίας νασμοῖς σὸν δέμας ἐξαβρύ- νων, in ἰὲ Παιάν, ἤΛπολλον, Κοίου τε κόρας β'. Λατοῦς, σέμνον ἄγαλμα καὶ Ζηνὸς ὑψίστου, μακάρων 7 βουλαῖς, ὦ ἰὲ ἸΤαιάν, φρικώεντος ἐξ ἀδύτου δ΄. μελλόντων θέμιν εὐσεβῆ χρησμοῖς εὐφθόγγου τε λύρας αὐδαῖς, ὦ ἰὲ ἸΤαιάν. 16 πείσας Γαῖαν ἀνθοτρόφον ζ΄. Θέμιν 7’ εὐπλόκαμον θεὰν αἰὲν εὐλιβάνους ἕδρας ἔχεις, ὦ ἰὲ Παιάν" χάριν παλαιᾶν χαρίτων θ'. τοῖς τότε ἀιδίοις ἔχων 30 μνήμας ὑψίστας ἐφέπεις τιμαῖς, ὦ ἰὲ ἸΤαιάν. τριέτεσιν φαναῖς Βρόμιος" x’. ΕΥ̓ 3» > σεμνὰ δ᾽ Apres εὐπόνοις κυνῶν ἐν φυλακαῖς ἔχει τόπους, ὦ ἰὲ ἸΤαιάν. 40 χαρεὶς ὕμνοις ἡμετέροις μ΄. ὄλβον ἐξ ὁσίων διδοὺς 46 ἀεὶ καὶ σῴζων ἐφέποις ἡμᾶς, ὦ ἰὲ ἸΠαιάν, 1B. C. H. 17 (1893) 561 ff., Philo?. 53 (1894) appendix. 528 15 20 25 APPENDIX. PAIAN OF ISYLLOS OF EPIDAUROS.! ἹἹεπαιᾶνα θεὸν deloare λαοί, ζαθέας ἐνναέται τᾶἂσδ᾽ ᾿Επιδαύρου. ὧδε γὰρ φάτις ἐνέπουσ᾽ ἤλυθ᾽ ἐς ἀκοὰς προγόνων ἀμετέρων, ὦ Φοῖβ᾽ ᾿Απόλλων. ᾿Ἑρατὼ Μοῦσαν πατὴρ Ζεὺς λέγεται Μά- λῳ δόμεν παράκοιτιν ὁσίοισι γάμοις. Φλεγύας δ᾽, ὃς πατρίδ᾽ ᾿Επίδαυρον ἔναιεν, θυγατέρα Μάλου γαμεῖ, τὰν ᾿Βρατὼ γεί- vato μάτηρ, Κλεοφήμα δ᾽ ὀνομάσθη. ἐκ δὲ Φλεγύα γένετο, Αἴγλα δ᾽ ὀνομάσθη" τόδ᾽ ἐπώνυμον" τὸ κάλλος δὲ Κορωνὶς ἐπεκλήθη. κατιδὼν δὲ ὁ χρυσότοξος Φοῖβος ἐν Μά- λου δόμοις παρθενίαν ὥραν ἔλυσε, λεχέων δ᾽ ἱμεροέντων ἐπέβας, Λα- τῷε κόρε χρυσοκόμα. σέβομαί σε" ἐν δὲ θυώδει τεμένει τέκε- το ἵνιν Αἴγλα, γονίμαν δ᾽ ἔλυσεν ὠδῖ- να Διὸς παῖς μετὰ Μοιρᾶν Λάχεσίς τε μαῖα ἀγαυά. ἐπίκλησιν δέ νιν Αὔγλας ματρὸς ᾿Ασκλα- πιὸν ὠνόμαξε ᾿Απόλλων, τὸν νόσων παύ- στορα, δωτῆρ᾽ ὑγιείας, μέγα δώρημα βροτοῖς. ἱ ἽἹεπαιάν, ἱεπαιάν, χαῖρε ᾿Ασκλα- πιέ, τὰν σὰν ᾿πίδαυρον ματρόπολιν αὖ- —s fov, ἐναργῆ δ᾽ ὑγίειαν ἐπιπέμποις φρεσὶ καὶ σώμασιν ἀμοῖς, ἱεπαιάν, ἱεπαιάν. + Wilamowitz Isy/los von Hpidauros, p. 1s. HYMN TO APOLLO ({(i.).2 I (0) M M Κέ-κλυθ᾽, Ἕ-λι - κῶ-Ἴ7να βα-θυ - δέν - δρον αἵ Θ Θ I ὅν 1 ΄ , ὦ - Ne - νοι,] μό-λε- τε συν-όμ - αἱ - pow ἵ - να MC 2. ΔΝ ἈΝ M F see --- Wie ΡΤ τ i ——— SEs πε. ὦ τ ἘΞ eal tea ass 8 τε Ξ δ΄ + @ooi-Bov ᾧ - δαεῖ- ot μέλ - Yq - τε χρυ- € ce-o- κό- μαν, ὃς ἀἁ - νὰ δι- κό - ρὺυν - [β]α Παρ- 1 Philol. 53 (1595), App. 154; cf. B. 6. H. 18 (1394) 359. From the Treasury of the Athenians at Delphi. 2% 529 530 APPENDIX. Mey Ἔ ΞΘ ΤῈ = geese == SS νασ-σί - δος ταᾶσ-δε πε-τέ - pas ἕ- eee. ἅμ᾽ ὙΠ =M ag hai Ό aoe SSS =a ee a-] γα-κλυ-ταιεῖς Aced - φί - cur Ka - ora-N-dos Ὁ ἃ = = ΞΞ = Pee == =n eae == ΞΞΕ Ξ = ——be— ε-οὐ- ὑ - Spov νά - par é-m - vl σε - ται, I © lM ΉΞΞΞΕΞΕΞΕΕΞΕΕΕΣΕΕΕΙ Δελ-φὸν d- va [πρ]ωῶνα μααν - τειεῖ - ον ἐ - Oo Δ4σ ΞΘ ee ee Se Ss fees 29 ace we ἘΞ muy πά - γον. [Ἢν] κλυ - τὰ με- γα-λό-πο - λις a5 Soe Sea - χαιε[τ- aa pe- pd - πλοι-ο val- Φ i Un tf Onc τὶ Λ I in © a 2S Ἐεωθθ σα Tpr-Tww - vi - dos δά -[πε-Ἶδον ἄ- APPENDIX. 531 Se Sate == θραυ-στον, ἁ-γί - - μοιοῖ - ow “A A M Sa ae φΊ]αι-στος αἰεἴ - Oelc] vé - ων μῆ - pa ταού- fo) KS RS aj Ὁ 1 © Nees Nee —b os —6-—6 -- |{—— ee - - .......ὄ-. ---- --------- - δ Φ - NG fs es λυμ-πον da - va - ν[α- i ται λι- γὺ δὲ λω- A M f=. ita Hae ! ΞΞ τοὸς be pov de - 6 - λοιοις [ue-]Ne- σιν ᾧ- ἜΤ ἋΣ ἈΝ 12) K M Soh =S> [222 Sere —— sae 8 “Kel, χρὺ - σέ - a δ᾽ ἁ - δύ - θρουΐς etcsnees = κί-Ἴθα - pis ὕ - μνοι-σιν d- va - μέλ - πε - Tal, 532 APPENDIX. ὴ: δὲ [τε - χνι - τ]ωῶν mpd-mas € - σμὸς *AO- A Ό ἜἘΞΞΞΙ θί- da λα-χών .... HYMN TO APOLLO (1 pS SS ἴτ᾽ ἐ - πὶ Tn - λέ - σκο - Tov radv - [δ]ε Παί[ρ- Ξ Ἵ κλείει - τύν, ὕ - μνωὼων κ[ατ-αάρ- χίε-τε δ᾽ ἐ - μῶν, Πι-ε - pi - δες, al δ eae - λοὺς τὸ ete - Tpas 1B. Ο. H. 18 (1894) pl. xix.; from the Treasury of the Athenians at Delphi. APPENDIX. ἢ 533 ν Ὁ [ἜΞΕΞΕΕΞΞ — ναί - εθ᾽ [Ἕ - λι-"] κω - vi - δας]. Μέλ - πε - ΟΣ ἘΠῚ. οἱ ΕΞ peta ppb oes es ὦ reese a sees νι -----.- = φ[ι-- --οοοὦὁΠ es: — Πύ - @ - ον [xpu-]oe-o - χαί - ταν, ἕ - [κα - τΊον, O πὰ 9 ul — === 2 -ρ' ---ἃ--- 23s 5: ee Θ΄ σ - ΄- Ὁ | ae ἐξ a Ξ εὖ - AU - ραν ol - βον, ὃν ἔ Te - kre Aa- < Ξ . Tee) er eee ee eel a —— SS ἔΞΞΞέξΞΞΕΕΞΙ - pa παρὰ λί - μνᾳ] κλυ - τᾷ, ν = ν « ee ΞΕΞ oe χερ - ai yAav-kads ἑ = Nal - as θι - γουοῦ[ σ᾽ —— a coon a 6 - ὧν ἐν a - yw - vl - Pa ἐ - pu - θα - [λῆ. ΓῚ ἘΞ Ἢ lf ἘΞ ἘΞ Ve ee eS ee pa aero a = SS == == SS ΞΞΕΞΈΞΡῚ Παί[ᾶς δὲ γ]ά - θη - σε πό-λος οὐ - ρά-νι - οἷς ΠΑ : APPENDIX, ——— S05 ἦν . vb peed, ἡ yi» ἠδ, ΜῈ ve - ous ee Sees se wyev Hh « Onip ἡ © [er hw Ti YeWe 4 | ν a Bee tt) (pig ee ἢ εἶν [Aphe| pou, δὴ - be be fla. phe βῥὺ . pow (ea = SSS Sa Νη [ἡ - μέ = we fas pees ofl . ἣἢμ' ἡ - δὲ μέ. yas rr eS Sess | Weo th » whe, Be we pik ἡ[αἣν be ypaels δ ἘΞ iegte aber Ay] wd = hae ahpwe bs yer Bhewe Mee σχὼν Port tip ἘΣ ΙΕΞΈΞΞΕΞΙ uw © Ole av val» wow med - fla He» ble APPENDIX, Bas ΞΞΈΞΞ eee πρὸ - [Ῥόϊ καρ - πὸν κλὺ: τὰν TAP - [δ] δ᾽ eo πὲ γα(α.) Mb de πρωῶ =r] Tre - row - wl» [8)os* Pirie ysis er Ὁ ΕΞ με « Ls πρὸ ον δὲ M-Bus αὐ - δὰν yé - ofp ἴω. edt des ἐ . pers] men [d-] δειεῖ- ἂν 8+ πὰ gr Te Rt feet = γνύτμε - vos alee - ὁ - Now κι - Cape - ὃς Ὁ «ὦ qt rarer pita te p= 9 = pte] μέ. Δλϑισιν ἅ.} μα δ᾽ ἵ . ἃ - yer py fests Sapa] ky - roo ἃ + χίὼ Tees ἂν bee ΙἸΤΠαι- ἄν" 536 APPENDIX. ieee ee ANE “ ὁ] δὲ γέ - ya? ὅ - τι νό -ῳᾧ δε - eee a vos = a bo ae 4 — os Φ ee (Saas == ——— αἀμ - Bpd-ravy Δίι-ὸς ἐπ-ἔ - γνω φρέ]ν᾽" ἀνθ᾽ Moke Ko. Ae a - Ἐπ La ee way é - kel - vas ἀπ’ ἜΧΟΙ Παι - ή- < i |B) -Φ-- - Το .σρ- -- ρ ee 0 - va κι - κλῇ - σκ[ο-μεν & - Tas λ]α - ὃς α[ύ- Ε Wi kk ae as eee δ ——— β στα a = se eae εξ Sa = T0o-] x06 - νων - δὲ Βαάκ - χου μέ - yas bs < πὰ ἜΞΕΞΕ === - - i ee ee eg eget = 9 θυρ - oo - πλὴϊξ ἑ - opdsi-Je - pds τε - χνι- - [- ἤν τῷ τι A [-- — jee 7 ieee Reise τὶς [= ΞΡ —— aoe == =S= τωῶν ἔν - οὐ - Koos πό-λει Ke - κρο-πί-α. APPENDIX. 537 "ATA - Aad χρηὴ - σμῳ - δὸν ὃς ἔ - χειεις τρί - πο - δα, lie ΕΞ u ee τ Ὁ reese > S2ee ΞΞΞΞΙΞΞΞ Baty? ἐ - πὶ θε - o - στιβ[ἐ-α τάν - de TI Jap- τι Ὁ ie u = SS eS 2 a “δ ΚΦ. == —- -— ——— valac-] ol - αν dec - ρά- δα qu - λέν - Ge - ον. Gc =< Vv Va 2) =? Lee) Se es Stare ere ba ππ- - = Ὁ, τ - - a oe oe ?Au- pi πλό-κ[α - μον σὺ δ᾽ οἱ] - νω[ῶ - πα] dag O O ee == ΞΘ . == ae 2 aS ΓΞ = So =r | -- τ vas κλά - δον πλεξ -ά-με- νος ad - πίλέ-τουους θε- pe - NE - ous τ᾽ ]αάμ-βρό-τᾳ χει - ρὶ σύ- = al Se πε - τ - ρων, ἄ - ναξ, T[@s πε - λώ - pw πε-ρι - πιτ- 538 APPENDIX. en, ἢ vr ᾿Ξ ε τὺ. Ἵ ey τῆν Seen τῷ as = ee | ἘΞ ee Se vets] κό - pa. "AN - Aad Aaa - τοῦς € - ρα - το- Vv γ[λέτφα - pe παῖ, μεῖ - vasa-vu - πό - στα - Toy mat - da Τα-[ἂς] 7 rs ες 9) CES nose I. GREEK INDEX. The fragments are cited by Arabic numerals ; Roman numerals indicate the pages of the Introduction. guished from.’ ἀβακής Sa. 27. ἀβακίζω An. 26. ἁβροβάτης B. 1. 48. ἁβρόβιος B. 10. 2. ἁβρός St. 10; An. 25; B. 10. 2. ἀγαθός Sim. 15. 4; F. 8. 25. ἄγε Alkm. 18; St. 12; An. Daw ΘΗ. ἢ: ἀγέλη B. 10. 10. ἀγκύλαι Alk. 4. 9. ἀγλαΐζω F. 8. 7. 1. ἀγλαόθρονοι B. 9. 124. ἀγλαός B. 9. 2. ἀγρέτης Alkm. 4. 8. aypéw Sa. 2. 14. ἄγριος An. 1. 7; 5. 3. ἀγροῖκος Alkm. 5. 1. aypotépa B. 5. 37; Sk. 3. 3. ἄγω Sa. 1.9; Pr. 1. 5. ἀδεισιβόας B. 5. 61. ἀδίαντος Sim. 13.3; B. 9. 122. Sone aes Alkm. 4. 48; Ib. nk ἀείρω Alkm. 4. 62. ἀέλιος P. 10. 1. )( =‘as distin- ἀελλόπους Sim. 3. ἀεροφοίτης Ion 2. ἀερσίνοος Ion 1. ἀζαλέος Ib. 1. 8. ἀήτα Sim. 17; B. 9. 91. ἀθαμβής B. 8. 22. ᾿Αθάνα Sk. 1. ᾿Αθανάα Alk. 2. 1. ᾿Αθηνᾶ Sk. 1. ἄθυρμα Β. 10. 57. αἱ B. 9. 64. at An. 1. 4; Sim. 8; Β.9. 92; 9.109. Mele ΤῸ ΒΕ ones Αἴας Alk. 26; Sk. 20. αἰδώς Lykoph. 1. ane steele Tea Bas tlre 3. αἰόλος. B. 8. 21; Tel. 1. 12; Ὁ BR Κ΄ Ish 7: ὩΣ -atos Sim. 4. ἀίτας Alk. 20. 2. αἰχμή Terp. 6. alm Alkm. 4. 95; Sa. 1. 6. ἀκάμας Arist. 5. ἄκλαυστος Alkm. 4. 39. 539 δ40 GREEK INDEX. ἀκοναί Sa. 2. 12. ἀνδρεῖα Alkm. 28. 2. ἀκούω B. 9. 67; M. A. 8. ἀνεψιά Alkm. 4. 52. ἀλάθεα Alk. 32. ἀνήρ Alkm. 11. 4; Sa. 33; 35; | B: 10. 7: ἀλέγω Alkm. 4.2; Sim. 13. 10. ἁλιπόρφυρος Alkm. 7. 4; Arion ἄνητον Alk. 14. 18. ἄνθος Alkm. 7. 3; B. 13. 2. ἀλκυών Alkm. 7. 3. ἀνιάω Sa. 1. 3; 42. 7. ἀλλά Alkm. 4. 2; 4. 82; Sa. ἄντα Alkm. 12. ΤΡ: donee ἀντιπέρας St. 1. ἀλλά cum inf. P. 9. 5. -ανω, -atvw Alk. 19. 5. γάρ Alkmn. 10. 7; Β. 2. 162. | ἀοιδή B. 10. 4. ἄλλος Sa. 2. 16. ἀπάλαμνος Alk. 25; Sim. 2. 18. ἄλοξ Arion 15. ἀπαρθένευτος F. 8. 7. 3. ἅμα Alkm. 7. 3; B. 1. 91. ἀπό )( ἐξ Sim. 12. Gpaptéw B. 10. 46. )( παρά An. 21. ἀμβολογήρα F. 5. 3. ) ὑπὸ Sim, 2. 4. ἀμβροσία Sa. 18. ἀποπνέω ψυχήν Sim. 20. ἀμετρόδικος B. 5. 68. ἀποπομπέω F. S. 20. ἁμός Alki. 4. 81; B. 13. 11. ἀποτρέπω ἘΣ Ὁ ἀμύνω Alkm. 4. 65. ἄπρακτος Sim. 15. 1. ἀμύσσω B. 10. 11. Grupos Alkm. 10. 3; Sk. 23. ἄμυστιν An, 24. 2. ἄρα with imperf. Pytherm.; — ἀμφί B. 9. 105. Timokr. 3. 1. ἀμφιανακτίζω Terp. 2. ἀραρεῖν Sim. 17. ἁμώς Alki. 4. 45. ἀργηστής B. 2. 67. ἄν B. 5. 30; ‘omitted’ Sa. 2. | ἀργύριον Timokr. 1. 8. 2; 2.7; Sim. 2. 9; 2.15; | ἀργυρόριζος St. 1. ΡΟ δ: 1. 9. 6: ἀργύφεος Alkm. 11. 7. aes ἄρδω Ib. 1. 2. κῶς SITs a ἀρέταιχμος B. 9. 47. iil da soe ἀριστόκαρπος B. 1. 1. ΡΟ Ἐν 5. 6. ἀριστοπάτρα B. 5. 106. ἀναδέω Sim. 5. ἄρκος Alk. 24. 4. ἀναιδομάχης B. 2. 105. ἄρμενα Alkm. 31. ἀνακάμπτω B. 9. 82. ἄρρητος B. 14. ἀναξίμολπος B. 3. 10. ἀρχή Terp. 1. ἄνασσα Sk. 1. ἄρχω Alkm. 18; St. 12; Β, 8. ἀνασταλύζω An. 16. 4. 11: GREEK INDEX. ἄσαμαι Alk. 10. 2. ἄσμα xix. ἄσμενοι Alkm. 31. ἀστραγάλαι An. 18. ἄστρον Alkm. 4. 63; Alk. 19. ΤΡ 6. 43.10: 2: ἀσυνέτημι Alk. 4. 1. ἀτάλλω P. 29. 2. ἀτάρβακτος B, 2. 139. ἅτε Alkm. 4. 62. ἄτρυφος Alkm. 11. 6. αὐδάεις P. 26. 3; Β. 8. 8. ἀνειρομέναι Alkm. 4. 63. aiita Alk. 20. 2. αὐλοί xciv. αὔξω Ib. 1. 5. αὐτάρ Alk. 9. 5. aired Alkm. 4. 79. αὕτως An. 1]. 12. ἄχαρις Sa. 12. ἄχολος Alk. 18. ἄωρος Sk. 1. 4. ἀωτεύω B. 4. 13. ἀωτέω Sim. 18. 5. βαθυ- Β. 1. 82. βαθύς B. 1. 85. Βάκχιος Timoth. 2. Bade Alkm. 7. 2. βάλλω B. 1. 98. βαρύβρομος Lasos; B. 9. 76. βαρύγδουπος Ion 1. βασσαρέω An. 24. 6. βερβέριον An. 11. 1. Bia Sim. 4. Blos An. 11. 6. βλάσται M. A: 6. βλέπω An. 4. 541 βλέφαρον B. 2. 157; see γλέ- dapov. BAnxpds P. 16. 9; B. 5. 65. βόσκομαι An. 27. 5. βοῶπις B. 5. 99. βράγχιοι Arion 4. βρίθω B. 13. 12. Βρόμιος Prat. 1. 3; Sk. 4. 2. Bpoxéws Sa. 2. 7. βρνάζω Timoth. 2. βρύω B. 1. 16; 3. 9. γαιάοχος Arion 3. γαλαθηνός An. 21; Sim. 13. 6. γαμβρός Sa. 33. γαμέω )( -οῦμαι An. 29. γάρ Alkm. 10. 6; B. 2. 162; B.S. 19. γε μέν B. 1. 63. γελανόω B. 2. 80. γέννα P. 6. 10. γένος Alkm, 21. 4. γεροιά Kor, 4. γεύομαι Β. 4. 46. γλοαυκέων Ib. 5. 1. γλέπω Alkm. 4. 75. γλέφαρον Alkm. 4. 21; 4. 69. γλυκυ- B. 2. 4. γλυκύπικρος Sa. 16. γλῶσσα B. 2. 196. γλωσσάω Alkm. 6. 2. γνόφαλλον Alk. 9. 6. γόος Sim. 1. 3. Sa8odpos B. 20. ϑαῆναι B. 2. 64. -δαιδαλος P. 4. 6; B. 9. 88. -δαιδαλτος B. 1. 18. δαΐζω B. 6. 23. 542 GREEK INDEX. -δαΐκτης B. 4. 6. διώκω Sim. 8. δαίμων Diag. 2. Διώνυσος P. 1. 5. δαΐφρων B. 2. 122. δοιάζω B. 5. 87. ϑάκνω P. 15. 8. δολιχός B. 10. 16. : δάκτυλος Alk. 20. 1. δολοπλόκος Sa. 1. 2. Ἢ Δᾶλος P. 6. 4. δόμος Β. 1. 49; Arist. 12. 4 Sapadns An. 2. 1. Sovéw Sa. 16. Ἢ ϑάμνημι Sa. 32. 3. δόρυ An. 11. 7; Sim. 18. 7: ϑασπλής Sim. 14. B. 9. 90. 3 δαῦτε Alkm. 13. — δρέπομαι P. 15. 1. δέ apodotic Timokr. 1. 2; Β. δύναμις Arist. 11. Ἷ 8, 95; 17. 3. δυσπαίπαλος Β. 2, 26, 5 begins a verse B. 9. 13. € semivowel Prax. 1. . continuative Alkm. 4. 58. éavés Alkm. 4. 69. Sé te Sa. 95; B. 6. 26; 184 de ἔασσα Alkm. 39, δέμας B. 2. 147. ἐγκλαίω Β. 2. 149, δένδριον Alk. 22. ἐγρεκύδοιμος Lampr. δεξίστρατος B. 8. 7. ἐθέλω B. 2. 14. Δεύνυσος An. 2. 11. εἴ An. 6. 1; B. 1. 3. Seite Sa. 22; An. 24. 7. εἰ καί B. 9. 29. δεῦτε Alkm. 13. εἴαρος Alkm. 7. 4. δέχομαι P. 8. 4; 18. 2, εἴδωλον P. 17. 3. δή An. 23. εἴκω Sa. 2.8; 40. δῆλος Alk. 4. 7. εἶναι ‘live’ Sk. 8. 2. Δῆλος P. 6. 4. elpev B. 9. 20. δήμωμα St. 10. εἰρήνη B. 13.1; M. A. 3. ϑηῦτε An. 24. 6. εἷς with superl. Timokr. 1. 4. δία Tel. 1. 2. eis, és B. 8. 7. διακρινής B. 4. 28. εἰσάνταν B. 2. 110. διανεκῶς Kor. 2. ἑκατηβόλος Terp. 2. διαπλέκω Alkm. 4. 38. ἕκατι Alkm. 12; P. 15. 8. διθύραμβος xliv. ἔκλεκτος Ib. 10. 2. ᾿ Δίκα Sa. 29. 1. ἐλελίζω Sim. 8. δινάω Β. 9. 18. ἔλεος Sim. 1. 8. δίνημι Sa. 1. 11; Β, 9. 107. ἔλλαθι Β. ὅ. 8. διοσκέω An. 3, ἔλλω Sa. 42. 14. διχόμηνις B. 4. 29, ἔλπομαι Ῥ, 3. 1. GREEK INDEX. ἐμβαίνω cum gen. Alk. 5. 3. ἐμπρέπω B. 4. 27. ἐν of musical acoompaniment An. 24 11 Ῥ 4 20: [0]: Serle cum accus. P. 4. 1; 11. 2. ’"Evapoddpos Alkm. 4. 3. ἐνδυκέως B. 2. 112. Ἔνετικός Alkm. 4. 51. ἐνθοίσα Alkm. 4. 73. ἐνιαυτός F. 5. 22. 3. ἕννυμι active B. 5. 120. ἐξ Sa. 1. 13. )( ἀπό Sim. 12. ἐξεναρίζω B. 2. 146. ἐξέχω F.S. 17. eo short Telesilla. éés B. 15. 5. éraxovw An. 2. 8. ἐπεί B. 9. 43. ἐπεί τε An. 14. ἐπέλπομαι Tel. 1. ἐπί of purpose P. 9. 2. with πέμπω B. 2. 90. émBatvw Alkm.4.91; Alk. 5.3. ἐπιδεύαο Alk. 2. 2. ἐπιϑεύω Sa. 2. 15. ἐπιρρόμβημι Sa. 2. 11. ἐπισκήπτω Β. 2. 42. ἐπιστέφω Alkm. 26. ἐπισχόμενος St. 2. ἐπιτάρροθος Terp. 6. ἕπομαι és B. 5. 115. ἔπος Alkm. 6. 1. ἑπτάτονος Terp. 5. ἐραννός Β. 9. 42. ἐρατώνυμος St. 12; B. 9. 31. 543 ἐράω Alkm. 10. 5. ἐρείπω Sim. 13. 3; B. 5. 68. ἐρεμνός B. 9. 116. ἐρεύθω B.. 6. 49. ἐρέω ‘love’ An. 3. 1. ἐρέω ‘say’ P. 2. 2. ἐρκυς Ariph. 5. ἔρνος B. 2. 87. ἑρπετά Alkm. 21. 3. ἕρπω Alkm. 12; Diag. 1. 3. ἔρωτες P. 15. 1. és P. 18. 2; B. 8. 7. -ες for -εἰς Sa. 36. -er@w plur. An. 15. ἔστι Sim. 28. ἐστί omitted Alk. 9. 2; Th i Mes (Op sis 74 B. 4. 4. éraipa Sa. 6. εὖ ἔρδω Β. 2. 36. εὖ πράσσω Sim. 2.7; Β. 1. 94. εὕδω Sim. 13. 15; 199. εὐθύς Sk. 14. 3. εὐπατρίδες Sk. 11. 8, ἐύπυργος B. 2. 184. εὑρίσκω Alkm. 6. 2. An. 21 . ? eipuayuia, Terp. 6. eipuBias B. 5. 52. εὐφροσύνη B. 1. 57; 5. 12. εὔφρων Alkm. 4. 37. -evw, -εὦ Alkm. 10. 8. ἐφοράω P. 6. 10. ἔχω Alk. 30; Ib. 8. ἔχων ‘with’ Alkm. 7. 4. F Terp. 2; 5; 6; Alkm. 4. 41; 4. 63; 21. 2; Alk. 24. 5; iy, OOP σὸν 9. 129; 9. 131; 10. 46. δ44 ζάδηλος Alk. 4. 7. Ζεύς Alk. 9. 1. ἢ Β. 2. 9. ἤ repeated P. 1; B. 10. 5. ἤθεος B. 9. 43. ἥμερος An. 1.7; B. 5. 39. ἡμίθεοι Sim. 12. 2; B. 4. 10. ἡνιοχεύω An. 4. 4. ἦρα B. 2. 165. ἦρα-- χάριν B. 5. 21, ἥρω voc. F.S. 5. 1. ἧς Alkm. 5. 1. ἦτορ Sim. 13. 6. θαλασσαῖος Sim. 22. 4. -θαλης B. 4. 5. θαλίαι Sa. 5. θάλλω Terp. 6; Alkm. 27. 4; F. S. 25. θάλος Ib. 5. 1; Philox. θάλπω B. 13. 11. θαμά 8. 6. 70. θάνατοι Sk. 1. 4. θελημός B. 9. 85. θέλω B. 2. 14. θέμις B. 1. 88; 8. 19. θεός repeated Diag. 1; B. 1. 21. θεράπων B. 2. 14. θερσιεπής B. 6. 76. θήρ Arion 5. θιγγάνω cum gen. B. 9. 12. cum accus. Alkm. 15. 2, θιειδής Alkm. 4. 71. Bods Sim. 23. 3. Θρηΐκιος Ib. 1. 8. θριαμβοδιθύραμβε Prat. 1. 16. θυιάς Timoth. 1. GREEK /NDEX. Oipevos Prat. 1. 4. θυμός Alk. 1; Ib. 4; P. 15. 1. θυρωρός Sa. 37. θύω P. 6.6; B. 6.21; F.S. 5.5. t elided An. 8. 4; B. 10. 10; ΠῚ ΤΌΣ Say foe Ils ΤῈ ἰαίνω Alkm. 13; P. 15. 10; B95 132. Ἰάλυσος Timokr. 1. 7. ἰάτωρ Alkm. 4. 89. ἰδέ B. 7. 5. ἱδρώς Sa. 2. 13. ié Timoth. 8. ἵεμαν FS. 1. ἱερόδακρυς Mel. 1. 5. ἱερός St. 3.2; P. 4.. 5; 15.9; BS TO: -tfm An. 23. 4. iW Xxxvi; exxiii; Timokr. 8. ἵἴημι : ἵει (Ὁ) F. S. 1. ποτ cum accus, St. 7; Sim. 14. ἴκταρ Alkm. 4. 80. ἱμεράμπυξ Β. 9. 9. ἱμεράφωνος Alkm. 7. 1. ἵνα B. 10. 42. ἷξον Β. 6. 46. ἰόπλοικος Alk. 13; B. 9. 37. Yov Alk. 13. ἰός B. 2. 75. ἰοστέφανος B. 1. 2. ἴουλος F. S. 1. ὕππιος B. 9. 99. ἱπποδίνητος B. 2. 2. ἵπποι fem. P. 1.8; Β. 1. 3. ἰσοδαίμων Ariph. 4; Likym. 5. GREEK INDEX. 545 ἰσόνομος Sk. 7. 4. κατάρχω Alkm. 28; F. δ. 7. 5. ἵστημι : σταθείς middle B. 9. 84. ,καταστείβω Sa. 35. ἵσταμαι -- αἱροῦμαι Alk. 18. 3. | καταχραίνω B. 2. 44. ἴσχω B. 9. 88. κατέχω B. 5. 11. ἰώ Sk. 4. 1. κεῖνος Sa. 2. 1. ἱώνη Kor. 3. κελαδέω Sa. 4. 2. ἰωνοκάμπτης Timoth. 6. 3. κελέβη An. 24. 2. κέλευθος B. 2. 31; 2. 196. καβαίνων Alkm. 15. κέρναμι ΑἸΚ. 9.4; 20. 4. κάββαλλε Alk. 9. 3. κεφαλή = pronoun B. 2. 91. καθοράω Sk. 13. 1. κῆ Sa. 18. 1. καί οὗ reciproc. relat. Sa. 14. 2. Kav Sa. 94. 3. introd. myth = 1. 28. κηρύλος Alkm. 7. 2. crasis Sa. 24. 3; B. 10. 50. κιθαριστής Alkm. 24. k(at) τ 7. 2. κιθαρῳδός lxii; Alkm., 24. kal μήν B. 6. 59. κινεῖν ἀφ᾽ ἱερᾶς Alk. 17. καί τε P. 18. 4; ἐπ Α. ra ΡΟ Ή καιρός P. 15. 1; 7. κλεεννός B. 2) 182. Sk. 4.1, ἢ ᾿ ὩΣ Ἢ +. Sim, 2. 4 -κλεης P. 4. 6; Timokr. 1. 4. καίτοι with part. Sim, 2. 4. ἔλοδι Alene yo! ee ταν Ὁ, κλείζω -- κλείω Lampr. Rea s fue Hes κλεινός St. 1; B. 2. 182. κακός Sim. 15. 5. Behan Shwe: unoos αὐλὸς Sim. 19. 9. ee rie ore eas eee pas By Gi 500 5s Δ By G15: Eaperre. Mies κλυτός Ib. 7; Sim. 34; P. 4. 2. κλύω Sa. 1. 6; B. 9. 67. Ἐπ τιν. Pimoth. 6. 5. κνημίς. Alk. 20. 2; 24. 4. καμπύλος Sim. 8. κνίζω B. 9. 8. καναχά Alkm. 4. 48. ear 8 13 ᾿ κνώϑαλον Alkm. 21. κατά of physical scrutiny Sk. on πὶ Έ 2 {ΠῚ ῚΞ ἸΚοιογενής Ρ. 6. 6. cum gen. Alkm. 31. 2; B. 9. koios Ε΄. 8. 28. 94. Ld 15. Ties Bt. κόρη B. 1. 2. in Aiolic. Sa. 4. 4; 35. 2. κορώνη B. 2. 73. καταθύμιος Kum. κορωνίς St. 6. 3. καταναίω B. 5. 41. κόσμος Sim. 1. 9; Timoth. 3. 2m 546 GREEK INDEX. κούιλος Alk. 24. 5, λοξός An. 27. 1. κούρα B. 1. 2; 2. 104. Aoicos B. 5. 96. κρέουσα B. 1. 1. λυρικός xvii. κρήδεμνον B. 17. 6. λυσιμελής Sa. 16; F. S. 25. 3. κρηπίς P. 26. 1. λύχνον Alk. 20. 1. pois ot Poseidon Β. 9. 77; waXticcceynrae caer eae κρόταφος Β. 9. 30. μαλερός Arist. 5. κυάνεος Ib. 2. 1. μαλίστᾳ Alkm. 4. 87. κυανόπρῳρα Β. 9. 1. μανίαν Anakr. 18; B. 5. 109. κυβαλικός Timokr. 1. 6. μαρύομαι FS. 16. 2. κυπαίρισκος Alkm. 15, 2. ματέω Sa. 21. 3. κύπαιρος Alkm. 3. μαχαιτής Alk. 16. 5. κυπάσσιδες Alk. 24. 6. μεγαλοῦχος B. 9. 23. κύτος Alkm. 10. 1. ee Alkm, 32.1; B. κωμάζω F. S$. 12. κῶμος Lexy. μεδέω Alk. 1. 1. μείγνυμι Β. 17. 4. λαισήϊον Sk. 25, 2. μέλαθρον Sa. 33. 1. λάμπω Sa. 33; Ariph. 8; M. μελαμφαρής B. 1. 13. A, 12. 5. μέλας of the earth Alkm, 21.3; AavOdvw: λελάθοιτε Μ΄. A. 13. Sa. 1. 10. 10. of the eyes B. 9. 17. λάρναξ Sim. 13. 1. of the heart P. 15. 4. λάσκω : λέληκα Alkm. 4. 86. μελίγηρυς Alkm. 7. 1. λείριος B. 9. 95. μελίγλωσσος B. 13. 2. λεπτόθριξ B. 2. 28. μελιστής St. 13. λεπτόπρυμνος B. 9. 119. μελίφρων B. 13. 10. λεύκιππος Ib. 9. 1. μελλιχόμειδος Alk. 13. Aevkorrépvé Ton 2. μέλλω B. 1. 30. λευκός B. 9. 13. μέλομαι cum inf. An. 25. 1. «Λευτυχίδης Timokr. 1. 2. μέλος xviii; Alkm. 6. 1. λιγύς Terp. 6. pero P. 23. 3. λίθος Sim. 22. 5. μέν B. 1. λιπαρός Ῥ. 5. 1. μὲν... δέ Alkm. 4. 58; B. 1. λίσσομαι Alk. 34; Sa, 1. 2; 16; 17. 6. lebtsh oF μὲν οὖν P. 2. 3. λόγος )( μῦθος Sim. 23. 1, pev... te P. 4. 14; 16. 1. GREEK INDEX. μέριμνα B. 17. 5. μέροπες M. A. 12. 1. pera Sa. 24.4; B. 2. 30; 5. 128; Ariph. 1; Tel. 1. 12. μεταιβολία Sim. 13. 17. μή μοι Alkm, 15. 2; Sim. 19. 2 μηλίς )( μῆλον Ib. 1. 2, μινύθω B. 1. 90. μίνυνθα Β. 2. 151. μίτρα Alkm. 4. 68; An. 25. 2; B. 6. 73. Μνάμα Terp. 3. pvola Sk. 25. 5. povapxéw cum dat. B. 17. 7. μορφή Arist. 3. μῦθος )( λόγος Sim. 23. 1. μωμέομαι Sim. 2. 20. μῶμος B. 6. 79. Macapyxos Terp. 3. vats: va Alkm. 4. 95; νᾶα B. 9. 119. νέμω Sim. 2. 3. vedKpotos Β. 2. 48. νεόκτιτος B. 9. 126. νέφος B. 19. 3. νεώτερος P. 10. 6. νηδεής Alkm. 7. 4. vopos lviii ; Alkm. 25. νόσφι Sim. 13. 19. νύκτες Sa. 19. 3. νυκτιλαμπής Sim. 13. 8. νύμφη Prax. 3. ξουθός B. 2. 17. dapos Ariph. 8. ὅδε Prat, 1. 1. 547 ὁδός P. 10. 4; B. 9. 89; 15. 1. ot Sim.].4; B. 18.2; Sk. 5.1; 7. 4: F.. 83 ἃ 213-2) Ge 27. 34. ou elided Sa. 1. 20; 2. 13. οἷά te Alkm. 11.4; An. 21.1; Ῥναῦλ 1. δ: se Ook οἶδα An. 27. 2; Sim. 2. 18; ἘΣ ΤΟΣ οἰκτίρω St. 4. οἶκτος cxxii; Sim. 1. 3. οἰνανθίς Ib. 1. 4. οἷον οὐ Alkm. 4. 2. οἷος Alkm. 4. 99; B. 9. 120. ὄλβιος Alkm. 4. 37 ; Sa. 38.1; Sim. 1]. 2; P: 19. ὄλβοι B. 1. 22. ὀλολύζω B. 9. 127. Ὀλύμπιος Sk. 2. 1. ὀμφή P. 4. 20; B. 2. 191. ὀπηδός Sk. 4. 2. ὁπότε P. 4. 16; 6.6; B. 6. 7. ὀπώρα Alkm. 27. 2. ὁρᾶν Alkm. 4. 50. δρᾶν és P. 4.1; 15. 9, ὄργυια Sa. 37. ὄρθιος 167 ; 170. ὀρθόω Sk. 1. 2. ὀρίνομαι Β. 6. 9. ὄρνυ(σο) B. 9. 76. ὄρπηξ Sa. 39. ὅσιος B. 9. 21. ὅσσον with inf. Sa. 14. ὅστε Alkm. 7. 3; An. 21. 2; B. 10. 39. ὅστις Sa. 2. 2; Sim. 2. 15. ov yap B. 2. 162. οὐδὲ... οὐδέ Alkm. 5, 548 οὐ ὦ «-ἔτι Adkkm, ἢ. οὐκ ἔσθ᾽ ὅπως P. 3. 3. οὐ μή Sim. 2. 19. οὔ τί που Sk. 8. 1. οὔλιος Β. 10. 53. οὗὖὗλος Ε΄, 5.1; B. 9. 113. οὖς Alkm. 16; Sim. 13. 14. οὗτος B. 10. 39. ὀφείλω Timokr. 4. ὄφρα St. 3.2; B. 10. 42. ὄχημα P. 9. 6. πάις An. 8. 3. παλαιστή Alk. 16. 6. παλάμη Sk. 13. 2. παμφάγος Alk. 10. 4. πανδαμάτωρ Sim. 1. 5. παρά of descent Sim. 12. cum gen. with passive An. 21; Sim. 2. 4. cum dat. Alkm. 5. 2; Ib. cum accus. B. 1. 6; 2. 38. παράπληκτος Mel. 3. 4. παραπλήξ B. 5. 45. πάρεδρος B. 5. 51. παρθενική Alkm. 7. 1; 32. 2; 1358 1 παρθένος Prax. 3. πάροιθεν Alk. 2. 3. πᾶς Ξε ὅλος Sa. 2. 14. παταγέω An. 5. 4. meda Alkm, 10.5; Sa. 24. 4. πείθω : ἔπιθον B. 5. 107. πελειάδες Alkm. 4. 60; Sim. 7. πέλομαι Kum.; Sa. 29. 3. πέμπω Terp. 1. 3. πεπρωμένη B. 1, 25; 9. 26. GREEK INDEX. πέρα St. 1. πέργαμα St. 7. περί--ὑπέρ Alk. 4.6; 31; Sa. 1. 10; B. 10. 51; Arist. 3. cum dat. P. 15. 6. περιφόρητος An. 1]. πέταλον B. 2. 186. πέτομαι Tel. 1. 9. πλείσταρχος B. 1. 12 πλεύμων Alk. 19. 1. πλημύρω B. 2. 107. πλήξιππος B. 4. 20. πλουτοδότης Ε', S. 4. ἀπο τις 2. 177; wolw F. §S, 16. ποικιλόθρονος Sa. 1. 1. ποικίλος B. 5. 33. ποιμαίνω An. 1. 8. | πολεμαδόκος Alk. 2; Lampr. πολέμαιγις B. 9. 7. πόλις Sim. 25. πολύζηλος B. 5. 63. πολυμμελής Alkm. 1. πολύμοχθος Arist. 1. πολύπλαγκτος Β. ὅ. 35. πολύς fem. B. 2. 100. πολύφανος Alkm. 11. 2. πολύχορδος Sim. 19. πολύχρυσος B. 5. 4. πονάω Sa. 37. πόντος )( πέλαγος P. 10. 13; B. 9. 94. ΠΟορθανίδα B. 2. 70. πόρος M: A. 12. 7. πόρρω F. 5. 12. πορφύρεος { Alkan. 21, 55 Avion -twoppupos | 3 ; Phryn. GREEK INDEX. Ποσιδηϊών An. 5. 1. mort cum dat. St. 15; Ib. 2.5; P#28; ποῦ B. 1. 39. πούς St. 3.6; F. 5. 5. 5. πράσσω neuter P. 17. 4 εὖ Sim. 2. 7; B. 1. 94. πρίν B. 5. 72. πρό-- ἀντί Sim. 1. 3. προάστιον P. 16. 2. πρόβλημα Sk. 25, 2 προκόπτω Alk, 10. 2. προκυκλέω FF. S. 22. 6. πρός cum gen.w.passive P. 18.5. cum dat. B. 5. 23. cum accus. Β. 2. 45. πρὸς βίαν Alk. 6. πρότερος B. 2. 49. προφανής B. 1. 51. προφερέστατος M. A. 12. 8. προφήτης P. 8.5; B. 4. 3 πρύτανις Ion 1. 4. πρώξων Alkm. 21, 2. πτάΐζω Alk. 8. πταίω P. 28. πτηνός P. 10. 4. cow B. 6. 14; πεπτηῶτες Sk. 25. 8. πτοέω Sa. 2. 6. πύλαι B. 14. πυλεών Alkm. 8. πύργος Alk. 15. πυργόω B. 1. 13. πυρσοχαίτης B. 10. 51. πῶλος Alkm. 4. 47; An. 27.1; 15 BEY ἸΠωλυδεύκης Alkm. 4. 1. 549 πώλυπος Alkm, 4. 1. πώνω Alk. 6. πῶρος Alkm. 4. 10. p confused with F Alkm. 4. 41. ῥάκος Sa. 26. ῥέπω B. 9. 25. ῥυπτέω St. 6. ῥ ίπτω St. 6; 18. ω Sa. 4. puopds An, 26. 2 tpupay Arion σακεσφόρος B. 6. 1. σάμβαλον Kum. ; Sa. 37; An. 7:9. σατίνη An. 11. 10. σείρια Ib. 3; see Sirius. σεληναίη Prax. 2. σηκός )( ναός Sim. 1. 3. σκαιός Alkm. 5. 2 σκολιός xcv; Sk. 14. 4 σκότος Erin. 2; P. 2. 5. σκύφιον St. 2. σκύφος Alkm., 11. 3. σοέω Β. 9. 90. σοφία B. 16. σοφός Alkm. 5. 2; B. 6. 78 σός Arist. 12. σπίλος F. 5. 27. 34. στεφανηφόρος Sk. 2. 2; 16. στεφανοῦμαι B, 5, 29. στρατηγός B. 2. 2. στρίγξ F. 8. 20. στρουθός Sa. 1. 10. σύ with imper. B. 9. 76; F.S. 22. 6. 550 σύν of musical accomp. P. 4. temporal B. 5. 23; 5. 125. with abstract nouns AIk. ΘΟ ΤΗΣ ol eames IS 8967s) “lela leans OES. Bi: personifies Alk. 4. 4; Sim. 16. 3. σύν μοι Sk. 16. συνεχέως B. 2. 113. -συνη Sa. 24. 1. συνηβᾶν An. 12; Sk. 16. σύνθεσις P. 28, σύνοικος Sa. Ariph. 2. Συράκουσ(σ)αι B. 2. 184. σφέτερος ‘his’ B. 1. 36. σῶμα B. 9. 62. 305 Ba 8. 90; takepds Ib. 2. 1. Tadaiovidys Β. 4. 19. ταμίας F.S. 10. τανυπτέρυξ Alkm. 21. 7; Sim. Vale τανύσφυρος B. 1. 60. ταχύς Sa. 1. 10. τε of permanent characteristic Alkm. 7. 3; 11.4; Sa. 35. 2; An. 2]. 1; Sim. 2. 22: Prat. 1.53 Β. Ὁ: 85: position P. 22. 1. after μέν P. 4. 14; 16. 1. TE sc Oe De τε... καί ATKIN. le eleva 6.33 155 ΒΗΒ.,5; ΒΒ te... te B. 9. 50; 13.8; Mel. PRS τειχίζω P. 26. 2. GREEK INDEX, τέλεος B. 5. 92. τέλος B. 5. 6. τέμνω Arion 16; B. 2. 17. τετράγωνος Sim. 2. 2. τέτρατος Alkm. 27. 3. τέττιξ Alk. 19. 3. τήκομαι Ῥ, 15, 9. -τὴν for -rov Sk. 10. -TP, -THS, -Twp as fem. 4. 89; Sim. 1. 6. τηρέω Alkm. 4. 77. -rnpia Alkm. 4. 81. tl=8ri P. 23012 τίθημι factitive, P. 10. 3; B. 1. =Toew (Po 10. Σ Bias 118. τίκτω Sk, 3. 1. wis Sa. 27; 1: ἘΠΊ ΤΡ ΒΒ Zon τιτύσκω B. 2. 49. τὸ πάλαι B. 14. τὸ παρ᾽ ἦμαρ B. 15. 4. τὸ Tap χειρός B. 7. 10. τὸ πρίν Mel. 3. τόθεν B. 2. 197. τοι Alkm. 10. 1; 23; 30; Sim. 2, 22. τοῖος B. 2. 160; Arist. 6. τόξα Διωνύσου P. 30. 5. -tos verbals in, B. 2. 2. τόσσος --ὅσσος Alkm, 21. 3. -τριαινα Arion 2. Τροζηνία -B. 9. 58. τροπή Alkm. 10. 5. τύχη Sim, 1. 2; Diag. 2; M. A. 12, τῶ B. 9. 39. Alkm. GREEK INDEX. 551 ὑγίεια Sim. 30; Sk. 6; see φοίνη Alkm. 28, 1. Hygieia. φοινίκασπις "Ὁ. 4. 10. typos B. 9. 108. φόνοι B. 1. 52. ὕλη An. 21. 2. φρενοάρης B. 9. 118. Ὑμήναος Sa. 33. φρήν Terp. 2. ὕμνος xxvil. = φρύνιος Prat. 1. 10. ὑπαί B. 6. 36. φῦλον Alkm, 21. 7. ὑπακούω Sa. 2. 4. φυτεύω B. 9. 59. ὑπερήφανος B. 9. 49. φῶς Alkm. 4. 40. ὑπέροπλος B. 4. 13. ὑπέχειν otas Sim, 18. 14. χαλκο-, χαλκεο- B. 2. 34. ὑπό of musical accomp. An. 10; χαλκοκώδων B. 10. 3. P. 4. 20. χαλκότυπος B. 7. 16. cum gen. Ib. 1. 7; B. 9. 17. χάος B. 2. 27. cum dat. B. 1. 17. χαρά Sa. 42. 6. cum accus. B. 9. 30. χάρις Alkm. 18; Sim. 30; ὑποπετρίδιος Alkm. 4. 49. ὑποπίνω An. 24. 11. ὑπόρχημα Lxix. ὑφαίνω xvvii. π. 1; B. 2. 9; 9. 51. ὑψηλός Tel. 3. ὑψιϑαίδαλτος Β. 1. 18, φαεσίμβροτος B. 6. 25. φαίνω )( φαίνομαι Sa. 20. -bavtos and -φατος P. 6. 4. φᾶρος Alkm. 4. 61. φέρε An. 23. 1. φερεκυδής B. 6. 59. Φερσεφόνη P. 16. 1; Sk. 2. 3. φέρω cum accus. B.9.97; ἤνεικα Alk. 10. 4. φήρ Tel. 1. 5. -pu Ib. 2. 6; Sim. 18. 19. φλέγω Ib. 1. 7; B. 13. 12. φόβη P. 4. 19. Ariph. 3; see Charites. χέλει χελώνη F. 5. 16. 1. x¢o An. 15 ; 24. 3; B. 2. 15; Lykoph. 2. 3. χηρόω Arist. 13. χθόνιος An. 26.2; M. A. 13. 6. xAwpatxnv Sim. 33; B. 2. 172. χορανός Alkm. 4. 44; 24. χορεία Prat. 1. 17. χρῆν P. 15. 1. χρόνος B. 10. 45; χρόνῳ B. 5. 120. χρύσεος P. 1.1; Alkm. 11.3; B. 2. 174; 9. 36. χρυσηλάκατος P. 1.1; B.4.1; 5. 38. χρυσο-, χρυσεο- Arion2; B. 2. 34. χρυσοκόμας Sk. 3. 2. | χρυσοτρίαινε Arion 2, 552 GREEK INDEX. χρυσοφόρος Lykoph. 1. 2. dq xix. we Ῥ, 18. 5. ψάλλω An. 8. 3. Geov Ib. 9. 4. ψαλμός Tel. 8. 4. ὠκύς )( Gods Sa. 1. 10. Ψάπφοι Sa. 1. 20. ὥρα Alkm. 27; F. 5. 22. 2. Ψαυκρός Sa. 7. ὥρα Timokr. 1. 12. ψαύω cum dat. P. 14. 3. ὡραϊος Sk. 13. ψυχή P. 17. 3. ὡς -- ὅταν Sk. 13. ὥστε Alkm, 8; An. 91]. 1. ᾿Ὡαρίων Kor. 1. ὧτε Alkm. 4. 41; B. 9. 105. IL. accentual poetry Εἰ. S. 24. accusative: -ἂς lst decl. Alkm. 10: 5; St. 1; F. 8. 22. 2. of exclamation Sa. 33. 2. cognate, with verbs of motion PPOs δ... 10:0: terminal St. 7; Sim. 14; P. 4,6; B. 4. 40; 9. 97. of space traversed An. 27. 5. w. ἐράω Alkm. 10. 5. w. θιγγάνω Alkm. 15. 2. Acheron P. 22. 3; Likym. 2. Achilles Prax. 1; B. 6. 7; Sk. 20; 21. active καταχραίνω B. 2. τιτύσκω B. 2. 49. 44; for middle ἀποτρέπω B.5.27; ἕννυμι B. 5. 120; ἐπιστέφω Alkm. 26; εὑρίσκω Alkmn. 6. 2; κοινόω B. 8. 18; xnpow Arist. 13. adjective in -a:os Sim. 22. 4. in -δαΐκτης B. 4. 6. in -εθειρα An. 28. in -e.os, -tos of descent Β. 2. Ws 5. 19: in -κλεης P. 4. 6. in -rptawa Arion 2. stem in 2nd member of com- pound Arion 2. INDEX OF SUBJECTS. adjective, simple, of two gen- ders Sim. 22. 6; Prat. 1. 17: Pe 10S Ὁ ΒΕ 5.9 116; Arist. 13. compound, of two genders Alk. 18. compound, of three genders Alk, 10: 2. :-:ὉὉ 6 1 5.0 58. two, with one substantive Ξ oo Jee le Vi, neut. sing. =ady. An. 4. 1. neut. pl. =adv. Ib. 2.1; An, 21. ὅ. Admetos B. 1. 77; Sk. 15. Adonis Sa. 23 ; Prax. 2. Adonis-songs lxviii. Adrastos xlvii. Aeneas St. 4. Aesop Sk. 5. age of race-horses 275; 398. Agido B. 4. 40. Aglaia P. 27; B. 1. 6. agora at Athens P. 4. 6. Aias Alk. 26; B. 6. 1 ff; Sk. 20; 21. Aigeus B. 10. Aigina B. 6. 59. Aiolian mode Ixiii; xciv; cxli; exviii; Lasos; Prat. 2; N64 553 554 Aisa M. A. 18. 4. Aitolians F. §. 27. 25. Akrisios B. 5. 66. Aletheia P. 28. ἀλῆτις 495. Alexander P. 14. Alexidamos B. 5. Alkaios 210; and Sappho Sa. 8. Alkibiades 460. Alkman 170; Alkm. 2. allegory Alk. 4; 5. alliteration Alk. 5 Ὄς Ge Alpheios Teles.; B. 2. 38. Althaia B. 2. 120. Amaltheia An. 6. Amazons B. 4. 44. Amphitrite B. 9. ἀναβολή liv; Sim. 19. 2 ἀνάγκη Sim. 2. 16. Anakreon 280. anaphora, see Repetition. δπῖς eve Sa. 36. 2; B. 10. ‘figure’ of, . 2; B. 4.20; ; 454. Andromeda Sa. 26. Ankaios B. 2. 117. Antenor B. 8. Antimenides Alk. 16. aorist gnomic Alkm. Th. 2. 6; Sa. 2. 6. Ww. πολλάκι Alkm. 1]. 1. of δοιάζω B. 5. 87. Aotis Alkm. 4. 87. Aphares B. 2. 129, Aphrodite Alkm. 42; St.5; An. 2.3; F.S. 3. 10. 5; 15; Sa. 1; INDEX OF SUBJECTS. | apocope B. 5. 100. Apollo Terp. 2; 3; Alkm. 29; St. 13; B. 1. 58; 6. 45; SE. 3. ἀπορία P. 1. 1. apotheosis xxxviii ; F. 8. 26; apple of love Ib. 1. 2 ;-An. 7. 2. apples, Kydonian St. 6. 1; Tbe Ls: 1: apposition: pl. with sing. An. 1ψ᾽»" partitive Β. 5. 71. Archemoros Sim. 20; B. 4. 12. Ares Alk. 242 1; Ber 19) ἢ; Timoth. 5, Areta Sim. 23;- B. 6. 53; Arist. 1. Arganthonios An. 6. Argive shields P. 5; B. 4. 10. Arianthes Diag. 1. Arion 205. Ariphron 456. Aristodemos Alk. 25. Aristogeiton Sk. 7 ff. Aristonoos F. 8. 26; 527. Aristotle 468 ; on Sappho Sa.8. arms as trophies Alk. 24. 3. Artemis An. 1; Teles.; B. 5; Timoth. 1; Sk. 3; F.S. 23. Aotis Alkm. 4. 87. Aphaia P. 7. Orthia Alkm. 4. 61. Artemon An. 1]. article in Aiolic Sa. 2. 13. in Doric Sk. 18. avoidance of 465. deictic B. 1. 17; Sk: ἘΠῚ INDEX OF SUBJECTS. 555 article demonstr. St. 3. δ᾽; B.| Centaur St. 2. 8. 21. in adv. phrases B. 7. 15. 4. in crasis w. ἐκ Arist. 9. repeated An, 14. w. proper names of places B. 10. 1. Asopos B. 4. 39. assimilation of mood Alk, 25; Sk.;5. ik. Astylos Sim. 5. asyndeton Prat. 1.17; Ρ. 4.7; 90d; Baas 18i5.9) θυ: 17. 3) uy, 0: Athena Alk.2; Lampr.; Phryn.; ΡΣ Ket eyed Ye) ied [ae Sk. 1. Athens P. 4; 5; B: 10:1; 10. 60. 10; Atthis: Sa. Tis 125 10. Attic skolia cili. augment in Bacch. B. 2. Automedes B. 4. 152. Bacchylides 381. basis cvii; An. 6; Sk. 6. 1. βαυκαλήματα 491. blindman’s buff F. 5. 15. Boedromion F. §. 22. Boiotian cups B. 18. 2. Bottiaians F. 8. 18. Bromios Prat. 1.3; P. 4. 12; Sk. 4. 9. bull, Dionysos as, F. 5. 5. canon of melic poets. xx. Catullus Sa. 2; 34-36. celery Ixxxii ; An. 22 ;B. 4.23. Chalkidian ‘figure’ P. 23. 3. Chalkis An. 24.6; F. 5. 25. Charaxes Sa. 42. Charites Alkm. 4. 20; Al Sa. 22. St. 10) PB: B. 4. 1; Ariph: 8; δ. δ. chelidonisma I’, 8. 22. chlamys B. 10. 54. choragos Alkm. 4. 44. choral melic xxii. cicada Alk. 19. 3. clip-words Terp. 6. 2; Sa, 29. IWS) Ning AIEEE 15% 03), ile conditions, general, Sim. 2. 15; Pe Ὁ ΒΗ δῆς congruence: neut. pl. subj. w. pl. verb Alkm. 21. 6; Alk. 19. 2. comp. subj. w. sing. verb Pe 15, «10... 163) MA Wit Ph δύο w. pl. adj. B. 10. 46. constructio ad sensum OF. “ἐν DHS Lar) . k. 8. 3 F. Sim. ἀπὸ κοινοῦ Alkm. 25; Sim. rd, sie ἘΣ 5:5. whole and part Sa. 1. 4; B. 5. 85. crasis τὰ ἄλλα Pytherm.; ὁ ἐκ Arist. 9. w. καί Sa. 24. 3; B. 10. 50. Crete Sa. 21; Sim. 10; Sk. 25; 463. crowns at Olympia 460. cyclic choruses 1; Sk. 22 ; 207. Danae Sim. 1. 3. !Danaids Mel. 1. 556 dance songs 495. daphnephorika cxxxii. dative -o Kor. 5. 4. ταις, -οις Alkm. 28; Alk. 16. 3; Sa. 6; 24. 3; An. 12. 195: -εσσι An. 12. 1; B. 2. 18. of instrum. P. 3.1; w. parts of the body St. 3. 6; F. 8. 5. 5. of interest Sa. 29.4; =‘in honour of’ Alk. 24. 1, . diw Alkm. 4. 95. . δέχομαι P. 18. 2. . ἐπὶ ΒΥ 9! 2 = ΒΒ. 2) 90: . μοναρχέω B. 17. 7. . wept P. 15. 6. . worl P, 28. . τρέχω Alkm. 4. 59. w. ψαύω P. 14. 8. death An. 16; 20; St. 14; 15; 4343444 Ib. 12; Sim. 14; 15; M. A. 5. See Hades. Delos Eum.; P. 6; F. S. 28. Demeter Alkm. 32; Lasos; Sk Ἢ ale Demetrios Poliorketes F. S. 27. démi-gods Sim. 12. dental sounds, heaping of, Prat, Ue 1 dew Alkm. 19. Diagoras 345. dice, heroes at, P. 16. 4. Dike B. 8. 18; M. A. 13.-9. Diomedes Sk. 8. 4. Dionysia P. 4. Dionysos Alkm. 11. 5; An. 2; 22; P.4. 11; Mel. 4; Ion ae; WE ToS ΠΣ INDEX OF SUBJECTS. Dioskuroi Terp. 4; Alkm. 2; B. 18; 176: distracted verbs Ib. 3. dithyramb xliii; 299+ 321 ; 347 ; 383; 453; 461, 462. does, horned, An. 21; Sim. 9. 3 dogs, hunting, P, 9, 1. dolphin Arion 5, 8. Dorian mode xxxii; xxxiv; xli; lv; xiii ; Lxxi ; lxxix; xciv ; cxii; cxxv; cxxxi; Tel. 2; 166. Dotion plain Sim. 9. draughts Alk. 17. dual Alkm. 2; B. 10. 46; Sk. 10. 3. eagle Β, 2. 19. ear-rings An. 11. 10. earthquakes P. 6. eclipses P. 10; 21. Eibenos Alkm. 4. 59. Hirene B. 13. 1; M. A. 3; 13. 10. Eiresione 494, Eleian song F. S. 5. Eleusinian mysteries P, 19, ἔλινος 492, elision in οι(ο) B. 2. 62. οι Ste 15s An. (8. 9. of a Sa. 29. 1; Sim. 13. 15; 5Κ. 7.2: of a Sa. 1. 20. ell Alk. 16. 6. Elysium P. 16; 18. ἐνδόσιμον FS. 4. Endymion Likym. 3. Enetikoi Alkm. 4. 37. enkomion lxxv; Sim. 1. INDEX OF SUBJECTS. 557 enthronismoi 352. epanaphora : see Repetition. Epeios St. 4. Epicharmos Sk. 6. epikedeion cxxiii. ἐπιλήνιος 492. ἐπιμύλιος 492, epinikion Ixxx. epithalamium exii. epode 187. ἐρετικά 492. Eriboas P. 4. 12. Eriboia B. 9. 14. Erinna 254, Eriphanis F. 8S. 19. Eros Alkm. 13; Alk. 3; Ib. 2. Ame Def = 1 Dis) Sie) 23; 25. Erotikon evii. Erysiche Alkm. 5. 4. Erytheia 260. etymological playon names Β. 3. 1; 8. 27; Likym. 2. Kukleia B. 6. 60. Kuktika cxxxiv. Kumelos 163. Eunomia Alkm. 22; B. 6. 63; 8.19; M. A. 13. 9. Euripides 460. Euryalos Ib. 5. Eurylochos 1xxviii. Eurytion 260. eye, seat of love Likym. 3. seat of shame Sa. 8. 3. fables Timokr. 3; Sk. 5; 14. feminine αἰθήρ Sa. 1. 11; B. 2. ΤΣ ΈΜΩΣ feminine ἀστραγάλη An. 18. immo. P. 1. 8; B. 1. 3. πολύς B. 2. 100. -Tnp, -Tns, -Twp Alkm. 4. 89; Sim. 1. 6. ὑάκινθος Sa. 35. 1. flower song F. S. 14. flute xxxiv; An. 10; Sim. 10; 10. Lele MPS Tee gk Yi) Mel. 2; Tel. 1; 164. folk-songs 488. future of anticipation B. of present intention 13. 5. 24, ἘΣ ἘΝ future life cxxvi; P. 16; 18; Mel. 4; Sk. 8. 2. | Galateia 461. games, national, lxxxii. genealogies, fanciful, Alkm. 22; Alk. 29; P. 10. 1. genitive -οιο Alk. 28; B. 2. 62. absolute P. 16. 17; 17. 4; 135 pees explanatory M. A. 13. 2. partitive Alkm. 14. w. ἄρδω Ib. 1. 2. w. βρίθω B. 18. 12. w. βρύω B. 1. 16. W. δρέπομαι Ῥ, 15. 1. w. ἐμβαίνω Alk. 5. 8. . θιγγάνω B. 9. 12. . παρά and pass. Sim. 2. 4, . περί ‘over’ Sa. 1. 10. w. πρός and pass. Ib. 11; P. 18. 5. Ww. mporepéw Sa. 29. 4. w. ὑπέχω οὖας Sim. 13. 14, Geryon P. 25. 5; 260, 4243 δῦ8 giants, stature of, Alk. 16. 6. Giants B. 8. 27. Glaukos Sim. 4. goats of Skyros P. 9. 8. gods: dialect of, P. 6. 4. felicity of, P. 22. beguile men Sim. 18. gifts of, Sim. 25; P. 20. gold P. 32. Hades Erin. 2; St. 13; P. 16; M. A. 4; 16. Hagesichora Alkm. 4. 53. halycon Alkm. 7; Sim. 6. hands in prayer B. 1. 36 ; 9. 72. Harmodios Sk. 7-10. health Sim. 30; Sk. 6. Hygieia. Hekabe M. A. 8. Hekate B. 20. Helen St. 5-7 ; 176. Helios St. 3; Ε. 16; Timoth. SiS 9: ahve Hellanodikoi B. 5. 27. Hera Alkm. 3; M. A. 9. Herakles St. 1-3; B. 2. heralds at games F. S. 10; 11. Hermes Alk. 1; Sa. 18. 2. Hesiod Alk. 19; B. 2. 191. Hesychia P. 12. hiatus Alkm. 10. 6; An. 24. Deewims ἘΠΕ ΣΤ ΠΣ: 23: 6); ταύ: ae B a, 64; 9. 131; Sk. 18. 3. Hieron P. 9; B. 1; 2. Hippokoon 176. Hippothos Alkm. 4. 5. Homer Sim. 21. Horai M. A. 13. 9. See INDEX OF SUBJECTS. horses, age of, 275; 398. colour of, Ib. 9. 1. Hyacinth song 497. Hybrias 487. Hygieia Ariph. ; Likym. Health. hymenaios cxii, hymns xxvii; 256. apopemptic xxxii. kletic xxxii. παιδικοί cxi; Β. 13. 12. hyperbaton Sim. 2.1; P. 8. 1. Hyperionides St. 3. 1. hyphaeresis P. 4. 6. Hypnos Likym. 3. hyporcheme lxix.: Hyria Kor. 1. See ialemos cxxiii; 496. iambics in processionals F. 8. 7, Ibykos 268; ‘figure’ of, Ib. 7; δος lagen ἱμαῖος 492, imperative after dye Alkm. 1; An. 24, 1. repeated Sim. 13. 15. strengthened by σύ B. 9. 76; F. S. 22. 6. tenses in, F. S. 22. 19. imperfect w. dpa Pytherm. ; Timokr. 3. 1. of τίκτω Sk. 3. 1. w. negative B. 4. 16. indicative in general conditions ee ay indirect discourse B. 10. 47. infinitive -wev Sim. 9. 4. την Alkm. 4. 43. INDEX. OF SUBJECTS. infinitive, articular, Alkm. 12; Alk. 7; Sim. 36. 559 Kleio B. 1. 3. | Kleis Sta. 31. =imperative Sa. 29. 1; An. | Kleobulos Sim. 22. 2 Sis Po) 232963 Fas! Dap dese Dee epexegetical F. 5. 24. 2. w. verbs of motion P. 4. 13. w. μέλομαι An. 25. 2. w. ὅσσον Sa. 14. w. τίθημι B. 1. 7. w. τίκτω B. 13. 3. intransitive Erin. 2; alpw Alkm. 4. 63; ἐρεύθω B. 6. 49; pérw B. 9. 25; xnpdw Arist. 13. iobacchos lxix. Ton 459. Kleoptolemos B. 7. klepsiamboi xxvi; 203. Kleubulos An. 3. Klymenos 300. Klytaimnestra St. 11. Kolaxais Alkm. 4. 59. Koralios Alk. 2. 4. Kore 300; B. 1. 2; Sk. 2. 3. Korinna 337. Korinth B. 11. Koroneia Alk. 2. 2. κορώνισμα 494, | Kreusa B. 10. 15. Ionian mode lv; lxiii; cvi;} Kroisos Β, 1. 24. Prat. 2. Ionians B. 9. 3; 10. 2. ἴουλος F. S. 1. Tris Alk. 3. Islands of the Blest P. 16; Sk. Sie: ithyphallic song F. S. 6; 27. ivory Alkm. 32; Alk. 16. 1; Sk. 22. ivy P. 4. 11. Kalliope Alkm. 18. Kassandra Ib. 8. Kedon Sk. 12. Keos B. 3. 5. Kerkyon B. 10. 26. Kirke Alkm. 16. kithara Ix; Terp. 5; Sk. 22; 164; 165. kitharistic 201. kitharoedes 165. Kronides, of Poseidon B. 9, 77; 10. 21. Kybele Tel. 3. 2. Kydias 347. Kydides 340; 347. Kyklopes P. 25. 6; B. 5. 77. Kyklops Timoth. 2. labials, heaping of, Alk. 5. 2; B. 4. 20; 5. 51. Lachon B. 3. Lakonian dance songs Εἰ, 8S. 15; 15. hounds P. 9. 1. purple Alkm. 4. 64. Lamprokles 340. Lasos 299. Leipsydrion Sk. 11; 19. Lemnian fire B. 10. 55. lengthening, metrical Alkm. 4. ls 4. 513° 7. 4: 171. Alk: 4: ἸΚΟΥ Ie 560 INDEX OF Leonidas Sim. 1. 7. Leto P. 6. 6; Timokr. 1. 4. Leukadian cliff An. 9; 227. libations xxxix; F. S. 8. Likymnios 458. Linos F. 8. 2; 497. logaoedics xeviii. Lokris cx; 257; F. S, 21. love songs cvii. Loxias, with Apollo B. 6. 45. Lucifer Ion 2. Lusos B. 5. 96. Lydian mode luiii; Ixxix; Χοῖν; ΟΧΙΙ ; CXVill; οχχν ; οχχχὶ; An. 1; Tel. 2; 165; 230. touchstone B. 16. work Alkm. 4. 68. Lykophronides 467. Lysander F. S. 26. Lytaios B. 10. 21. Mainads Alkm. 11. mares P. 1. 8; B. 1. 3. Marsyas Mel. 2; Tel. 1. 5. Megalostrata Alkm. 14. Megistes An. 14; 26. 3. Melampus 417. Melanippides 453. Meleager Sim. 21; B. 2. Melia, “Pi it 1: Meliboia 300. Menalkas F. 8S. 19. Menandros B. 6. 68. mendicants’ songs 493. Menelaos B. 8. μεταβολή Ixvii; F. Κ΄, 13. metonymy Ib. 2. 1; Prat. 1. 17, SUBJECTS. metronymics B, 2. 71. middle: to have one do some- thing Alk. 10. 4. ὀρίνομαι B. 6. 9. σταθείς B. 9. 84. φαίνομαι Sa. 20. Milesian wool F. S. 16. 2. milky way P. 1. 10. mill-stone song F. Κ΄. 24, Minos B. 9. Mnama Terp. 3. Moirai P. 1. 9; M. A. 13. Moliones Ib. 9. Molossian flute Sim. 10. monodic song xxi. mules Sim. 3. [ Muses Terp. 3; Alkm. 1 3 18; Pps Imes eh AN. TL. musical contests 163; 165; 337. Myrsilos Alk. 6. Myrtis Kor. 5. myrtle cvi; Sk. 7. Naiads Prat. 1. 4. hames, play on, Likym. 2. Nausikaa Alkm. 8 ; 9. Nemea P. 4. 15; B. 4 12; 4, 29, Nereids Arion 10; Sa. 42; B. 9. 38. new songs Alkm. 1; Sim. 35; Timoth. 7; F. S: 723. night Alkm. 20; B. 20; M. A. 13: 5. nightingale Sa. 15. Nike B. 5. 1. Nikodoros Diag. 2. Bacoe oles INDEX OF Nile B. 4. 41. Niobe M. A. 6. nome lviii ; 165-168; 462. nominative for voc. Sk. 10. 2. number 5, 10 ete. inflected Alk. 10: ἡ: πάντες, ὅς Sim. 23. 5. ἄνθρωπον, ὅσοι Sim. 2. 12. Nymphs Sa. 4; Ib. 1. 3; An. 2. 2; Timoth. 2; Sk. 4, 2. ὀλοφυρμός CXxil; 496. Olympos P. 1. 10. omphalos at Athens P. 4. 4. optative, potential without ἄν P. 23. 3. in impossible wishes Sk. 22; orchestra at Athens P. 4. 6. order of words Alkm. 4.6; 4. 4: 7. ὁ... δ: Al enon: ὉΠ. Ἀπ Ὁ Orie limokr ΠΕ tons ete a) Cero tg 1: Seo 10: Ὁ 26. τ 2: 16; 2. 101; 5.28; 10. 80; 19. Orpheus Sim. 16; 17. Orphicism P. 16. Orion Kor, 1. Orthia Alkm. 4. 61. orthian iambics Terp. 3; 4. Ortygia Ib. 10. oschophorika cxxxiii. oxymoron Sim. 13.8; P. 15.5; a 7 A! paian xxxvi; xcix ; 457 ; 465; Pan Sk. 4. Paris Alkm. 16. SUBJECTS. 561 parody Ixvii; Timokr. 4; Sk. 18. paroinion ci. partheneion exxviii. participle after εἶδον B. 5. 23. partridge Alkm. 6. 3. patronymics St. 3. 1. double B. 4. 19. in -evos, -ἰος B. 3. 12. pectis An. 8; Tel. 3. Peitho Alkm. 22; Sa. 1. 183 Tb. 5. pentathlon B. 4. 32. perfect -aov Alk. 9. 2. periphrasis Terp. 6; Alkm. 4. AUS ἘΠῚ. 2h Persephone P. 18. 1; Sk. 2. 3. Perseus Sim. 13. personal pron. for reflex pron. Mel. 2 repeated Ib. 2. 3. personification Alkm. 4. 15; 99: Alk. 4. 43 29; Sim. 19. 15; 19: dG so eee ere Bag. ὅθι... 15. Is Aristelis Hs) LO: persons compared w. horses Alkm. 4. 47. stars Alkm. 4. 62; Sa. 33 Bad) 28! w. sun Alkm. 4. 41. Petraios B. 7. 20. phallophoroi F. 8. 7. Philelias F. 5: 17. Philoxenos 460. Phleius B. 4. 39. Pholos St. 2. phorminx Terp. 5; B. 7. 13. Phrygian mode xxxii; lv; Ixia; Leleon 168; WwW. 2N 502 Phrynichos 845. Phrynis lxvi; Tim. 6. Pieria Sa..24. 3. Pindar 349; enmity with Bacch. 388; ‘tigure’ of, P. 4.18. pitch, high, Terp. 6, Pittakos Alk. 18; 30; F. S. 24 ;-211; 212, play, songs of, 495. Pleiads Alkm. 4. 60; Sa. 19; Sim. 7. Pleisthenes St. 11. pleonasm (πρῶτος ἄρχειν) B. 8. lal plural after sing. An. 2. 7. allusive P. 4. 13. neuf. generic Alkm. 11]. 4. of separate moments of sen- sation An. 18; P. 15. 1; B. 5. 12; 5. 109. of verbal adj. St. 14. δόμοι Arist. 12; θάνατοι Sk. 1.4; νύκτες Sa. 19. 3. Plutos Timokr. 4; Sk. 9, 1. ποιμενικά 492, Polydeukes Alkm. 2; 4. 1. Polypemon B. 10, 28. poppy Alkm. 26. Poros Alkm. 4. 14. Poseidon Arion; B. 7. 20; 9. 96; 9: 71; 10/21. Pratinas 341. Praxilla 347; Sk. 15; 17. praxilleum Sa. 20; 348. present, historical B. 2. 48. Ww. gnomic aorist Alkm. 10. 5. proastion P. 16. 2. Proitos B. 5. INDEX OF SUBJECTS. Prokoptes B. 10. 28. Prometheia Alkm. 22. /prooimia xxvii; Terp. 2; 168. prosodiac xxxiv; B. 15; F, S. 26. prosodiac paian xxxiii. prosodion xxxiii; 163. πτισικά 492. purple, Lakonian Alkm. 4. 64, of the sea Arion 18. Pytheas B. 6. Pythermos 280. quantitative variation Alkin, ByAR a ish lig 2, By question, double, B. 10. 31. quotation in the lyric poets Alk. 25; Sim. 22; B. 2.191. refrain xl; cxi; Sa. 33; F.S. θυ ihe relative pron. introd. myth B. 4.39; 5. 40; not repeated Sim. 23. 6. repetition Alkm. 21.6; 21. 7; 32); ἌΠΕ 9.5 ΠΡ ΨΩ 34; 36; 38; 40; An. 3; Sim. 2. 4; 13. 16; 23. 3; Prat 1 ΡΥ eel oe 4:20); Bel lb eases 2: 121; ΙΕ δ: 4 25, 7: 95. OF 2H. S22 ΤΟΣ, Ὁ ΩΣΙ 2; 23:4; 240 1. Rhadina St. 12. Rhipai Alkm. 20. Rhodian dialect Timokr. 4; BS: 22) Rhodopis Sa. 42. riddles 493; F. S. 28-30. rime Eum. ; Sk. 16. river-gods Β. 4. 46. INDEX OF SUBJECTS. Samos St. 12; An. 8; 14. san lvi; 300. Sappho 226 ; 288. Sardis Alkm. 5. 5. satiric songs 495. scorpion Sk. 17. scyphus Alkm. 11.3; St. 2.1; BE 18.42; seasons, number of, Alkm. 27. sesame Alkm. 26. shields of Argos P. 9. 5; B. 4. 10. ship of state Alk. 4; 5. sibilants Alkm. 32. 1; 300. Sicilian sea Arion 13. Sicily Ps 050; B. 121. FS: 23. Εἰ 5. age eae to sound B. 13. silence Sim. 28. of nature Alkm. 21. in Hades Erin. 2. sillos xxv. Simonides 301 ; 477. singular for pl. Eum. See Con- gruence. Sinis B. 10. 20. Sirius Alkm. 4. 62; AK. 19. 1.19.7 Skiron B. 10. 25. skolion xcy; 308; 311; 333; 468. Skopas Sim. 2; 11; 14, Skyros P. 9. 3. Skythians An. 24. 9. sleep of nature Alkm. 21. soul during, P. 17. sparrow S. 1. 10. I; Be 563 Sparta Terp. 6; Alkm. 12; P. 27. spondees, greater, Terp. 1. 4. | spring Alk. 28; Sa. 15; St. 10; Sim. 34; F. S. 22. Stesichoros 254; triad of, 187. strix F. 5. 20. strophe 259. Styx B. 5. 9. subjunctive with short modal vowel P. 1. 6: 18. 2. dubitative Sa. 39. 1; F. 8. Q2. 14. generic B. 9. 118. of prohibition in rel. clause Alkm. 15. 2. see under ἄν. sun-shade An. 11. 11. superstition, songs of, 498. swallow St. 9; F. S. 22. swans, singing, Prat. 1. 5. synecdoche Sim. 13. 7. synizesis eo Teles. 1, εἰ- ac 239; w B. 9. 39; ὠ- αι Alk. 31; Sa. 1. 11; w+o B. J. 22: tagelied F. S. 21. Tantalos Alkm. 31; Alk. 31. Tartessos St. 1; An. 6. Telamon Sk. 21. Telesilla 301. Telestes 465. Terpander lxiv; 164. Thaletas 165. Theban chariots P. 9. 5. Thebes P. 26. Themis, Pe. 7: BS 8. 19: Themistokles Timokr. 1-3. Theoxenos Ρ, 15. 601 Thermopylai Sim. 1. Theseus B. 9; 10. Thespia Kor. 6. Thessalians Alkm. 5. 3; Sim. 9; B.7 3° 321. Thrakians An. 27. 1. threnoi cxx ; 382, thrones Sa. 1. 1; B. 9. 124; M. A. 13. 9. thymele Prat. 1. 2. Timokreon 332. Timotheos 462. Tiryns B. 5. 57. tmesis Alkm. 18; Alk. 9. 3; 9. 4; Sa. 35.2; An. 20; 94, 6; Sim. 16; P. 4 2; B. 4. 38. tortoise game F. S. 16. τραγικὰ δράματα lids 352; 440. τραγικὸς τρόπος xliv ; 207. trainers B. 6. 68. transitive ixvéoua St. 7; Sim. 14. ce φλέγω Ib. 1. 7. “΄ ve - tripods Alkm. 10. 1. INDEX OF SUBJECTS. Tritogeneia Sk. 1. 1. trochaics, semanto- 167-169. Tyche Alkm. 22; M. A. 12. verbal adj. St. 14. in -ros B. 2. 2. Virtus Arist. 1. vocative in hymns Alk. 2. 1. 2 after 2nd pers. P. 23. 2; B. 4. 45; Timoth. 8. w. nom. Sk. 10. 2. wealth Sa. 30; B. 1. 13; Sk. 6. willow An. 14. wine Alk. 11; Sim. 35; P. 30; B. 17; Mel. 3; Ion 1. word-play B. 3. 1; 8. Likym. 2. 27 ; Zephyros Alk. 3. zeugma Sa. 2.5; B. 13. 12n.; ΜᾺ 1159: Zeus Terp.1; Alk. 9.1; M. A. 15. GLASGOW ! PRINTED AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS BY ROBERT ΜΑΟΡΕΗΟΒΕ AND CO, ἘΦ ' 7 ΑΚ ΡΟΣ ἡ Ὁ vi ae ᾿ ᾿ ' ow DOV a ten Smyth, Herbert Weir (ed.) 3443 Greek melic poets PLEASE DO NOT REMOVE CARDS OR SLIPS FROM THIS POCKET UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO LIBRARY